Who is Iran's New Supreme Leader and What Does He Believe?
84m 34s
The podcast episode examines the rise of Mujtaba Khamenei as the new Supreme Leader of Iran, noting the contradiction with his father Ali Khamenei's earlier stance against monarchy. It traces Mujtaba's background: born in 1969 in Mashhad, he was immersed in Shia millenarian culture, fought in the Iran-Iraq war, and pursued religious studies, reaching the rank of Hujjat al-Islam. Operating from his father's office, he became a key gatekeeper, cultivating networks with Iran's security apparatus, political factions, and proxy groups abroad. He supported hardline policies, allegedly aided in suppressing the 2009 Green Movement, and was involved in Syria's civil war to bolster Iranian influence. Financially, he oversaw vast illicit networks, including managing al-Khums religious funds estimated at $75 billion annually, used to fund Iran's regional activities. The discussion underscores his consolidation of power through institutional control, security alliances, and financial patronage, positioning him as a pivotal, albeit controversial, leader shaping Iran's future.
Hello dear listeners, welcome back to Conflicted. I'm here with Aiman. Aiman, hello. Hi everyone, do you agree the Oracle of Arabia is safe and sound and continuing to forecast the doom of Arabia from here? Aiman, who do you think said this around about 1975? Islam proclaims monarchy and hereditary succession wrong and invalid when Islam first appeared in Iran, the Byzantine Empire, Egypt and Yemen, the entire institution of monarchy was abolished. Who do you think wrote that? Ali Hamane. What makes that ironic, my dear friend? That his son became his successor? Just this morning, it was announced officially that members, hard-line members within the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran have anointed Mujtaba Hamane, the second son of the now deceased former Supreme Leader Ali Hamane, Supreme Leader. So Aiman, it seems, despite its revolutionary foundations, that Iran is becoming a hereditary monarchy once again. Exactly, it's becoming another Syria, more importantly, another North Korea, all of these revolutionary kind of ideals always descend into monarchy, into nepotism, into self-serving leadership. Well, in this episode of conflicted dear listeners, we are going to talk all about Mujtaba Hamane. In the first half, we are going to tell you who he is, and in the second half, we are going to explain who he believes himself to be, and this will require us to go on a deep dive into all those eschatological beliefs that swirl around this war on the Shia side, on the Sunni side, and on the Christian side. It's a real tour de force episode of conflicted, I know it, dear listeners, this is why you come to Aiman, and to some extent me to explain what's really going on. Let's get right into it. Aiman, Aiman, Mujtaba, Hamane. You know, someone that I think three months ago, four months ago, literally no one except top experts on the Iran file would have known about, and yet now he is the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. Can you believe it in 2009? I wrote a paper on him. Oh, really? What did you say then? At that time, I was saying that he is the power behind the throne, and that was only 16 years ago, can you believe it? And so I was talking about the fact that he just became 40, and he is indeed the head of his father's office. He holds within it all the files, the sensitive files of the IRGC, of the judiciary, of the diplomacy, of the nuclear file, like he is the gatekeeper of his daddies' empire. Aiman, you truly are the oracle of Arabia. You know, I feel sorry for non-experts because they already found it hard enough to distinguish between Homanee and his successor, Hamane. Everyone was hoping, I think, that the supreme leader of Iran would have a name that didn't sound like Homanee or Hamane, but sadly, it's now Hamane once again. Everyone, remember, Homanee, Hamane, they're different names. Exactly. Although we do refer to him, as analysts, in our intelligence company, we refer to him as MK now, in a more easy because there is AKN MK, so Mujtaba and Ali. So basically, his father is Ali Hamane, so AKN we refer to him as MK, when we are texting each other, what MK is saying, what MK is doing, where is he hiding? So yeah, MK. Okay, well MK was born in 1969 in Mushed Iran. As I said, he was the second eldest son of Ali Hamane. As we know, Mushed, one of the holiest cities in Shia Islam, the shrine of the Imam Reza, the eighth Imam in 12 Shiasm is there. It's a major clerical and pilgrimage center. I did visit indeed that shrine. It's the largest Shia shrine in the entire world. It's really big. It's almost like, I mean, the third largest places of worship in Islam, like after Makhmedina. And by the way, when I visited, it was around in 1997, beginning of 1998, I just went there illegally from Harat in Afghanistan, and just like in my way to Mushed pretending to be an Afghan refugee. I was only, you know, barely 20 at the time. And guess what? What an amazing place. But not many people know that it is a weird place. Mushed, while it is the holiest city in all of Iran, by the way, because it's the only Imam, whoever, like, basically lived and died there. Within the borders of Iran today, it's the only place where one of the imams was lived and died. Yeah. And it is so far in the east, it's near the Afghan border, like in a near Harat. Well, you know, foreshadowing will have a lot to talk about that part of eastern Iran in the central, central Asia called Hora-san in the old maps. Yeah. Exactly. Which is extremely significant. We'll talk about it later in the episode. But so when I went there into the shrine, this to notice that like in the basically that Imam Riza, the eighth Imam is there, but also next to him is who? Harun Rashid. So the, yeah, the tomb of Harun Rashid. The great Abbasid, Kalef, the one who sent an elephant to Charlemagne. Exactly. So looking at both shrines next to each other and thinking, okay, yeah, Harun Rashid is not so revered by the Shi'a at all. You know, next to him is one someone who's so revered. And that's why, like, I mean, it was always, you know, amazing that when I, and the thing that I was told when I was there by our guide, he said, guys, just remember that Meshhad is the most important city here because everyone who becomes the great servant of the shrine of Meshhad will one day become either the president of the Republic or even, or even there a mom of the country himself, which means they supreme leader. Well, there you go. That is the city in which M.K. Moujtaba Khamanay grew up. And so, you know, it's already a sign of the kind of environment he was saturated with. He was luxuriating in a very religious environment, very, very millenarian apocalyptic in its style. And so, when the revolution broke out in 1979, he was only 10 years old. And the first 10 years of that revolution, as he came of age, the years of the Iran-Iraq war, the years of the establishment of the IRGC, the years in which his father Ali Khamanay rose slowly up the ranks. And eventually, in 1989, became supreme leader, those would have been formative years for the young M.K. He, as a young man, M.K. did participate in the Iran-Iraq war. Indeed, actually, he was part of the newly established, you know, division of the young Fidahiyin of the IRGC. And in fact, he participated in the Marsha's conflict, roughly around 1987, 1988. And he was only 17 years old. Because as far as Khamanay was concerned, he was saying to everyone, "Look, guys, I'm not sending your kids to die while my kids are having good time. My kids are going to like in a fight and might even die too." So, he exposed his own son to danger, to real danger. For the purpose of saying, "We are all in it together." Many elite sons did participate in the war helping to garnish their own revolutionary credentials. But the fact that Ali Khamanay sent his son there is a sign that Ali Khamanay was a true believer in the revolution. He was an austere man, he was an idealist and an ideal log. He wasn't a faker. And I don't think his son M.K. is entirely a faker either, although he's very different from his father, as we'll see. In the 90s, Mujtaba pursued religious education. He went to the seminarian calm, the intellectual center of Shia clerical learning in Iran, and eventually achieved the rank of Hujjital Islam, a kind of mid-level clerical rank. Which is just below the level of Aytullah. So, you start as Mullah, M.K. and then you achieve the level of shaykh. But then after that, once you receive Hujjital Islam, Hujjital Islam is the equivalent of a master degree. The Aytullah is like the ultimate PhD. And then, of course, beyond Aytullah, there's the grand Aytullah. Oh, yeah. The professor kind of like a Nadine. So it will be controversial today in some Shia circles, both inside Iran and outside Iran, that the man that the IRGC has basically forced or whatever scheme to be made supreme leader of Iran is only a Hujjital Islam, not an Aytullah, certainly not a grand Aytullah, at least not formally. Not formally, but he did receive the title from the 88 members of the assembly.
just this morning. Oh, I see. He is a grand diet all as of today. Yeah. He's been, he skipped two, you know, promotions in order to be made, you know, grand diet all talk about goodness, like, basically, like, what you call mature cries? Or maybe in the current context, we should call it a ballistic rise, but it's a very quick rise through the ranks. Now, listen, in the 90s, in the nauties, unlike a lot of political figures inside Iran, Mujtaba never held a major public office. He never was, he never sat in the cabinet. He never pursued any electoral positions in the, in the parliament, nothing like that. He operated squarely inside the office of his father, the supreme leader. He became something like a power broker inside the court of the supreme leader, a kind of gatekeeper. Now, controlling access to some extent as he did to the supreme leader. And, you know, in authoritarian hierarchical systems, this is entirely unusual in Saudi Arabia, MBS, the crown prince, established a similar role for himself in the court of his father, now King Salman. This is normal kind of way politics works in such systems. Mujtaba, Hamaneh became the gatekeeper to his father, but what would that have achieved for him, Aiman? What kind of network built up around him as a result of that access? Oh, he became, you know, the arbitrator between different centers of power, whether it is the bazaaris, the reformists, the conservatives, the religious establishment in KOM, or, of course, the IRGC, and separately, the armed forces. And even beyond that, the Kudz force and all the proxies outside, the extensions of the Islamic militant empire that his father was building, including Hizbullah, the Houthis, the Iraqi militias. And even, for example, figures like Nouril Malikid, the former Prime Minister of Iraq, Adil Abdul Mahdi, and other senior figures, Haider Abadi, all these Prime Minister of Iraq have to go and cause kiss the ring. But before they kiss the ring of Aytullah Hamaneh, they have to go through his son Mujtaba. And this is why he suddenly found himself to be the people who, because you see Aytullah Hamaneh has no time to spend hours and hours and hours being, you know, lobbied. So he somehow put his son forward to be chief lobbyist. Exactly. So he pushed his son forward to be his gatekeeper, to protect him from being lobbied and, you know, and being asked for favors. And therefore, no, my son will be my chief office minister. It was from around 2005 that he became increasingly visible. Inside the internal power struggles that Iran frequently witnessed inside the inner sanctum. It was alleged from that year onwards that he was a big supporter of President Ahmadinejad, a very hard line, IRGC linked person who was controversial, certainly outside Iran. But inside Iran too, a lot of people who were more on the reformist wing very much opposed Ahmadinejad's rise to the presidency in 2005. But Mujtaba became one of his supporters, a sign that he had placed himself firmly in the hardline faction of Iranian politics. Exactly. Because he believed passionately both ideologically and theologically, as we will see later, that the salvation of Iran and the protection of the Islamic Republic comes from within the projection of strength, not from within the borders of Iran, but from outside the borders of Iran. IE the proxies that the proxies are the extension, the natural extension of the Iranian eschatological, theological empire, his father built. But in the meantime, there was unrest inside Iran and Mujtaba played a role in suppressing that unrest in 2009 when the green movement broke out there. Now this is somewhat forgotten today, but back in 2009, and I suppose it was because of the green movement and those protests, Aiman, that you wrote that report about Mujtaba. Exactly. So back in 2009, everyone thought that the regime might fall because the movement seems to have a lot of unity, a lot of force behind it. Now, in the end, we know it was crushed. It inspired, to some extent, the Arab Spring. So the 2009 green movement in Iran is very important. And opposition figures that were leading that movement accused Mujtaba Khamenei of supporting the security crackdown on demonstrators in a big way. And so as the teens unfolded in Iran, his political identity became very much tied to the security apparatus of the regime, both inside and out. I mean, just to give you an idea that after Qasem Soleimani led the first battle, the first battle of the Syrian civil war in Baba Amr, in Homs in December of 2011, in a transitioning the uprising into a civil war. And that's what Qasem Soleimani himself did. Not a Syrian figure, as far as Qasem Soleimani of the Quds Force of the IRGC. When he returned after that to Iran, there was a video where he was greeted, of course, by Khamenei. But before he was greeted by Khamenei, Mujtaba was coming to greet Qasem Soleimani, and Mujtaba wanted to kiss the head of Qasem Soleimani, to show that his respect for what he did in Syria. But Qasem Soleimani refused that he was actually forcefully pushing Mujtaba from kissing his head and he was insisting on kissing Mujtaba's head. Oh wow, how interesting. Yes. Well, you know, the story of Mujtaba and the Syrian civil war doesn't end there. There are reports, amen, allegations really. And the evidence it has to be admitted remains, at least from what I could tell, somewhat fragmentary and unverified. But widespread reports say that at some point Mujtaba himself went to Syria during the civil war and worked the room a bit with Bashar al-Assad and Soleimani. He adopted a nom de gare during the conflict and there are various nomes de gare that are that people say he adopted. But you know, he was there working alongside IRGC Quds Force commanders. What do you know about these allegations, amen? Do you feel confident that we can say that Mujtaba Hamane did play some direct role in the Syrian civil war if only as a kind of onlooker from the ground? I am absolutely sure based on intel that we've received in 2013 and 2014 during the critical years of the fight against ISIS and the rise of ISIS that he was there in order to assure Bashar al-Assad that all of this will be overturned by 2015-2016 and that he should remain steadfast and that the Islamic Republic is working on co-opting the current occupant of the White House as they used to call him that time, the useful idiot President Obama into achieving the goals of the Islamic Republic within both Iraq and Syria by reversing the gains of ISIS and by also at the same time when you reverse the gains of ISIS, you reverse the gains of Sunnis in a basically like in a simultaneously the moderate Sunnis at same time in both countries and you know and solidifying that she accrescent from Beirut Damascus Baghdad all the way to Tahran. So you know if we can put ourselves in 2017-2018-2019 those key years when it did look like maybe Bashar al-Assad would survive long-term his regime would survive and the shea crescent would survive this is before the 7th of October happened and everything was unwound and all of the plans that the Iranian regime had had put in place the previous 20 years were largely undone but in those years we can say that Mujtaba Hamane had basically built up three pillars of power first inside the court of his father he was embedded inside the Supreme Leader's office he controlled access to patronage networks to communication flows as you say he was the chief lobbyist and gatekeeper second the the Islamic Republic's security networks he had deep ties with the IRGC including the Kutzforz deep ties with the besiege paramilitary structure which he had used to crack down on protests in 2009 and and afterwards so these the security networks that he built deep ties to really are the backbone of his power today and it's why the IRGC has backed him so hard and finally
I do think we need to talk about the third pillar, which is basically financial patronage, financial power. Munchtabachamene stands at the center of one of the Islamic Republic's networks of financial corruption, money laundering, drug dealing, and basically putting money in property in shell companies all around the world. Bloomberg, just a couple of weeks ago, released an incredible report. Now this is before they knew or anyone knew that he would become a supreme leader. An incredible report really detailing how Munchtabachamene has built up a financial empire for himself using an agent named Ali Ansari who is in fact now being prosecuted for breaking the sanctions against Iran in the UK and elsewhere. So tell us a bit, Aiman, since you know a lot about this dark money shadow finance world. Tell us a bit about Munchtabachamene's relationship to that world. From the beginning, Munchtabachamene was copying to some extent but then improving so much on it, you know, the idea of a resistance economy from countries such as North Korea and Syria. The idea is how do we you know diversify our illicit means, so it's called illicit diversification of you know means to generate wealth and financial means for the Islamic Republic and these need to be as clandestine as possible because whatever we generate, we will channel back into also clandestine operations, you know, proxies, terror networks, sleepers, cells all across the world, money laundering networks. So we need that and it's very clear that he used the IRGC considerable experience in setting up companies first inside Iran to do it outside of Iran and that has five pillars and I will explain the five pillars now very quickly. In a first, the use of charity is very important. Why? Because of something in Shia Islam called al-Khums which is the 20% Zakat religious tax that every Shia must pay and so the estimates that we had in 2012, 2013 that around the world, the people, the Shia Muslims who follow Ayatollah Khaminayy as their leader as opposed to Sistani who was a Najef, they contribute roughly about $74.5 billion, almost $75 billion a year, a year, I just like I mean I remind you, $75 billion a year in al-Khums. So they already have a cash cow. That cash cow was actually his own daddy, his own father because that Hums is paid to the Imam Mahdi they called it like Hums al Imam to the Imam Mahdi so his father is the deputy of the Mahdi while in the Mahdi is in his occultation. So the question is, is it a part like in the who pays the Hums and Sad Iran, that's up to them but the question is who pays the Hums and Sad Iraq, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, UAE, United States, anywhere outside Iran especially Latin America. So suddenly there is $75 billion of free money coming every year and so because you have 138 million Shia outside Iran and they are paying 65% of them are paying, 66% are paying. Question for you then, Aiman because you're going to talk about the four other pillars in a second but as we're talking about al-Khums now, you told us in a previous episode and I have no reason to disbelieve you that Ali Hamanei himself had a well-founded reputation for asceticism, moderation that he wasn't himself actually personally financially corrupt and yet $75 billion a year is flowing into him as the deputy of the Imam Mahdi etc. So where did Ali Hamanei think that money was going? Okay, both Ali Hamanei and his son never lived a life of luxury. Let's me put it this way, they are not collecting the money because basically they want to have their own personal fortune like in a basically in Beverly Hills, nice mansions and jacuzzi's and lots of girls. So this isn't like Gaddafi's sons or in the old days the sons of Gulf monarchs and stuff, it's a different sort of style. They are collecting the money in order to enable a vision, it's a collective vision, they are doing it for the cause not for themselves which is even more dangerous. I wish they were doing it for themselves. But anyway. So when Bloomberg says that like, you know, shell companies linked through his agents to Mujtaba Hamanei have put money into massive, expensive, 100 million-pound properties in North London for example. Again, this isn't because Mujtaba wants to live in luxury in these properties. He's just hiding his money, trying to hedge against, you know, whatever downturns in the economy. He's basically managing this money but the goal is the revolutionary aims. Exactly. At the end of the day it is either to sell, to rent, generate a wealth out of it like, I mean, and just to keep an asset that appreciates and value. So the whole idea is like, can you diversify your assets, whether it is gold, you know, properties, you know, shares and companies, you know, at the end of the day bonds like and whatever. So there is no reason to believe, you know, in any way, shape of form that they were personally benefiting from all of this. They were doing it on behalf of a rather, as we will see soon, like in basically a fanatical cause. So what are the four other pillars? The four other pillars basically is the companies, the business. So the business is very important, you know, so the second pillar is the business of oil. So oil and sanctioned busting, sanctioned busting business when it comes to oil, the shadow fleet as they used to call it. The tankers waiting in the middle of the sea, you know, a certain, you know, coordinates where you navigate towards them and then you empty your vessel into them or you basically fill your vessel from them, depending on if you are a buyer or a seller and, you know, and the brokerage that is billions of dollars of an industry. The third one is the business in narcotics, which generated billions of dollars of managing narcotics, especially Captegon, another things alongside Assad and Hassan Bollab. This has been exceptionally lucrative. Not only that, but they also did it in places like Latin America and other places. The fourth pillar is the business, but this time an export and import when it comes like you did the export and import of goods and services, you know, you know, whether they are luxury items, electronics, cars, you know, to all of the elites in Iran. So they were in a wild themselves were never driving Ferrari's or Lamborghini's. They were happy, happy to give the rich kids of Iran, you know, Ferrari's or Lamborghini's, but after they have been tax properly, you know, at customs, you know, which usually prohibit the import of such items, just for the sake of making more money for the IRGC and for the proxies. There's another dimension to that because, you know, in Iran as it functions in a way, people are allowed to get very rich on the condition that they don't pursue political power. Exactly. Exactly. Exactly. The strange country from that point of view, the people who are really in power, as you say, in fact, live more or less modestly, but there is a class of very rich people who are allowed to get very rich on condition that they leave those in power in power. Exactly. And the final pillar is finance itself because while they were moving these funds from one place to another, from one continent to another, from one bank to another, they themselves became extremely savvy. And people noticed presidents, you know, from Africa and Latin America came to them, Chavez, Maduro, you know, even Mogabi, you know, quite a few other leaders like, and I did want to mention them, you know, we're starting to come to them and to say, wow, guys, like, I mean, you're amazing. You could lunder, like, in the basically tens of billions of dollars a year and hardly anyone noticed. Can we join the club please? Like, and I mean, and so they made, you know, the money laundering they were involved in as a means of moving funds into a business in itself, the forex business, the forex, which is the foreign exchange and currency, they established clearing houses from Caracas to Beirut, to Mauritius, you know, to Muscat, unfortunately, also looking to create to Dubai before and the past before they crack down on it in 2021. That's by the way, one of the reasons why the Emirates is at the receiving end of more than 60% of the projectiles now because they're very interesting. Secretly crushed the whole empire, you know, between 2021 and 2024 and I was having a front seat of it. I saw the whole thing. One day I will make a whole episode out of it. Yeah, yeah, we look forward to that. So.
Turkey was also a forex part of it. Vietnam, Cambodia, we could go on and on about like in the basically the forex system they created and they made so much money out of it. Now we come back to the fact that these five pillars, all of them led or let's say five streams, all of them led to one pond and that pond was who. Mujtaba, Hamanei. Well you know it's funny then he is, he's a very symbolical figure and who knows how long he will remain supreme leader but his becoming the supreme leader really marks a watershed in the history of the Islamic revolution. So a change is happening but what has not changed is the hard line hard core absolute commitment to Shia, theological and eschatological beliefs and after this quick commercial break came and we'll come back and we will try our best objectively and in a balanced way to explain to the listeners the apocalypticism that still informs the Iranian regime, the Islamic revolution there and its new supreme leader Mujtaba, Hamanei. We'll be right back. We're back. We're talking about Mujtaba, Hamanei, the new supreme leader of Iran and we're going to do a deep dive now, amen, into the eschatological beliefs which really animates Mujtaba, Hamanei, more than people might think but before we go specifically into those Shia, 12, Shia, Homanist, 12 or Shia beliefs. I just want to do justice really to the whole question of apocalypticism, end of the world expectations that inform not just Shia Islam, not just Islam but all of the Abrahamic faiths as they're called Judaism, Christianity and Islam in all their various forms have apocalyptic beliefs and I think it's important to remember or to point out that the world that gave birth to Islam, the world that Islam came from, the early 7th century near Eastern world was totally saturated with expectations of the end of the world. On the Christian side for sure most people know that Christians have this idea that at the end of time Christ will return preceded by the anti-Christ there will be a big war maybe called Armageddon. I think most people are familiar with that. Fewer people will be familiar with the fact that Zoroastrianism, the traditional and historic religion of Iran and the Persianate world before the coming of Islam, Zoroastrianism also had very strong apocalyptic beliefs. Zoroastrianism is fascinating, it has this incredibly ornate and sort of complex cosmological timeline really. They believed the universe would last precisely 12,000 years that there were four cycles within that and that at the end of time, you know after good and evil had come all mixed up into chaos there would be a big sort of battle. Three savior figures would emerge to separate good from evil properly and there would be a final restoration at the end of time. So both of those pre-Islamic religions, Christianity and Zoroastrianism had apocalyptic beliefs and in the early seventh century when the Prophet Muhammad begins his mission, you know, to bring Islam to the world as Muslims understand it. The Eastern Roman Empire which was Christian and the Iranian Sasanian Empire which was Zoroastrian were totally embroiled in a cosmic war like a kind of world war of the age. The Sasanian successfully pushed the Romans almost entirely out of the Middle East, they conquered Jerusalem, they took the fragments of the true cross that had been kept there as great sacred relics. They took them back to their capital in Tessifon and this generated from within the Christian world this tremendous desire to get the true cross back. The Emperor Heraklius declared for the first time holy war promising that his soldiers would reach paradise if they thought valiantly on the battlefield to defend the cross of Christ in an incredible move. He sort of outflanked the entire Sasanian army and stabbed them from behind. The Sasanians had this huge reversal the true cross was captured back taken to Jerusalem in triumph. Now at the time everyone thought this was a sign of the end of the world and in fact the Quran itself has a memory of this time because the Romans in the Quran are invoked as being in the midst of a big war they had suffered a defeat but the Quran says don't worry soon they will triumph over their enemies and all of the believers will rejoice. So hard baked into Islam from the beginning is this eschatological apocalyptic environment and it saturates Islam both Shia and Sunni. And how ironic Thomas is that we are now having a another Roman slash Persian. The descendants of the Sasanians fighting against the descendants of the Romans at least like in this is the extremely idiotic simplistic way the IRGC operatives online who produce rather very poor AI videos in a try to portray the current conflict. I mean not just idiot IRGC operatives although there are a lot of those you know I see on the internet now from Christians as well a lot of Christians are seeing this war through the lens of apocalypticism there is a prominent trend within certain strands of Protestant especially evangelical Christianity sometimes known as Christian Zionism sometimes known as dispensationalism there are various forms of this but they believe that these are the end times they believe that the state of Israel the political entity the state of Israel plays some prophetic role in those end times and they believe that from the east, Gog and May Gog unholy pagan you know infidel disbelievers will attack that state at some point so it's Christians as well and Sunni's Sunni discourse is shot through with eschatological expectations as well including now I mean the Mahdi which we're going to talk about now the Mahdi this figure is a Sunni figure as well as a Shia figure indeed except like in a basically his role in Sunni Islam is extremely less significant as in Shia Islam like I mean it's way way way irrelevant in comparison if we really look at you know Mahdi's and Mahdi's and really starts really 50 years after the death of the prophet Muhammad you know so we're talking here about like in his six 70s in around that time and it really started with the you know battle of Karpala you know the death of Hussain you know who is the third Imam of the Shia and the idea that there has to be a revenge and all of that and then of course like I mean the supporters of Ali and his two sons Hassan and Hussain now that they are gone they are looking for a savior and this is where it's all started the word Mahdi started to be inserted into the general literature in of Islam at that time there was no Sunni Shia Islam at that time yeah because there was no Sunni in Shia Islam at the time this sense that a Mahdi a savior a guided one is just around the corner was growing throughout the Muslim community because they had experienced a couple of civil wars the sense of their unity of their prophetic destiny to unify the world under Islam was slightly shaken by these civil wars and some members of the early Muslim community were looking forward to this guided one Mahdi who would save them from this disunity exactly the word Mahdi means guided as you said but then really let's now focus on where the Mahdi really really started like I mean politically and eschatologically in a way that shook the entire Muslim world it really started around the year 730 to 730 AD during the abbastid uprising against the Umayyad dynasty so you have the abbastid dynasty they are Hashemites they are the cousins of Ali and Hassan and Hussain and they want to rest the caliphate from the Umayyad dynasty who they see as an anismat to Islam a hereditary rule that was not supposed to be in charge of Islam and so and guess where do they start they start from the province of Horasan yes they started from that far flung province at the very periphery of Islam it's in the in today today's masjid the city of masjid again and this is when they start to say there will be the black flags of Horasan rising up and they started let me put it this way
Thomas in my humble amateur theological, in your opinion, fabricating Hadith. Starting putting out the Hadith about a Mahdi rising up with the army of black flags, coming from Khora San of all places, wow, as if the prophet knew what Khora San is. And they are coming all the way, not only to conquer Damascus and Aleppo, but also to conquer Jerusalem and to raise the black flag over the mosque in Jerusalem, blah, blah, blah. OK, fine. So now we start to see, Mahdiism started there. But then, as soon as it abases by 750, completed their mission, and they have taken over the great cities of Iraq and Levant, they just completely forgot all about the Mahdi. And the Mahdi went into legend. And then it is picked up then. And this is where the tragedy is, Thomas. The tragedy here is that for both shayah and sunnis, is that the era of the writing of the Hadith just started there and then. Well, the writing down, the collecting of the Hadith, let's say, not necessarily the invention of all the Hadith, although some scholars say a lot of them were invented. I think most people today will agree that a lot of them were invented at this time, including these Hadith about figures like the Mahdi coming from Khurasan with his black flag. Exactly. I mean, if you look at Bukhari, Bukhari is about 4,000 in Bukhari, the second Bukh after Quran for the sunnis. It is 4,400 Hadith. And he said himself, Imam Bukhari, that he chosen those 4,400 Hadiths to be included out of 600,000. So he rejected 99 points, something out of them all. So really, really, the invention was just too much. The fabrication was just too much. So including those Hadiths about the Mahdi. So-- and this is why it was unfortunate that because the narration of these Hadiths started to circulate around, and when the Hadith collectors started to include them, it came across a scholar that you and I discussed that length in two episodes in the past, which is Ahmad bin Hambal and his Musnid. As you should go back, listeners, listen to our series on Ahmad bin Hambal in the fourth season. It's great. It really grounds you in that period, the Abbasid period, when a lot of what would be codified in Islam, both Shia and Sunni was codified. Exactly. So he collected all of these Hadiths, including the black flags and Khurasan and the Mahdi and all of that. So now, of course, like I'm basically-- by then, of course, the Shiaat Imamates continued. And just because Khurasan died in the Battle of Kharbala, that his offspring became the Imam's enough. So after Khurasan became his son Ali, Abbasid, they know Abidin. So basically, he became the Imam after his father Ali. I'm sure that most listeners know this, but let me just make sure that the singular thing that divides Sunni from Shia really, most generally, is that the Sunni do not believe in a divinely elected heritable Imamate. They believe that the community of, as a whole, the Muslim community, as a whole, comes together to decide who leads them based on that person's virtue and knowledge. The Shia, however, believe that God has foreordained that the leadership of the Muslim community should pass by blood from Muhammad to his heirs through his son and law Ali. And generation after generation after generation, one of those heirs led that part of the Islamic community that felt that the leadership must be an heir of Muhammad in that line until eventually the 11th Imam in that line died without seemingly having sired an heir. Exactly. And all of them lived in different places. For example, Al-Qa'am lived in Baghdad, al-Baghr lived in Medina, and Assad lived between Baghdad and Medina. But Eridah lived in a mashad and died in Mashad. We talked about it before, yeah. Exactly. It's important because for all of this, so he lived in Khurasan, and died in Khurasan. And his sister Fatima, known as Fatima Al-Mahsoma, it means basically the sacred Fatima. Her grave is in Kum. And that's why Kum is considered to be also holy because of the fact that the sister of Imam Riza in a basically is in Kum and buried in Kum. Yeah, Kum is not too far from Tehran really, and it is now like the spiritual center of Shia in Iran. And this name Riza, Riza, you know, it's a very important name in Shia Islam. The founder of the Pallavi dynasty, Shah Riza Pallavi was named Riza. His son was Muhammad Riza Pallavi. That's the name. Riza goes back to this Imam, Imam Riza in Mashad in Khurasan. Exactly. So, but then of course, the Imam went back to Baghdad from there to Samara when the Abbasid Caliphs built a administrative capital, 60 kilometers north of Baghdad is called Samara. It's on the Tigris River, just up the river from Baghdad. And there we have the Imam Al-Ascari, the son of Imam Al-Hadi. So he is the 11th Imam. He died at the age of 28. And there was a dispute whether there was a child or not. The Abbasid court documents showed that his will did not include a son. His brother and mother, his brother Jaffar and his mother inherited the entire state without the presence of any other in O'er. Suddenly, one of the friends of the last Imam, a man called, "Athman Ibn Said Al-Amari," he started the idea saying, "No, no, no, because he was one of those people who was tasked with collecting the Khums." You remember we talked about the Khums before in the first half of the episode, the 20% Zakat. So since he was tasked with collecting that, he said to the followers that used to give him the money on behalf of the Imam. "No, there is a child. "I swear to you, there is a child." His name, in a way, is Muhammad, son of Al-Hasan. Okay, so this is where I, as Thomas in this podcast, would like to state clearly, that at this stage, Sunni and Shia, Sunni and 12 Shia, deviate from each other profoundly. So what Aiman is going to narrate here is for 12 Shia part of their sacred history. They believe it is true, and they hold it very, very closely. This is whether they are chomeinist, hard-line Islamic revolutionaries, or just ordinary, pious, 12 Shias. Exactly. And so I do not want us to be mocking this belief. Exactly. God knows religion is full of beliefs which on the surface, and in terms of what history can determine, don't seem to be verifiable. So it is true, as you say, that the court documents at the time suggest that the 11th Imam died without a Sun. However, it is also true that one of his followers said, "No, no, no, he had a Sun. His name was Muhammad, Al-Mahdi, and he is young, and we are taking care of him secretly, hiding him from the authorities." Exactly. So this is where the first occultation happened. Like the first hiding, they call it, like, in a basically Al-Ghaba-Soghra, the first hiding, the first occultation, started from the age of five year old. And it lasted 69 years, and there were four ambassadors that deputized on his behalf. It started with that guy, in a basically with that man, as Manu Beseid Lo Amari, then his son after him, then two more ambassadors. And then the last ambassador said, "That's it, there is no more ambassadors, "you know, every jurist will be of the Shia, "will be an ambassador on his own, "but without being in touch with the Mehdi." So this is now where we enter from the minor occultation to the major occultation, according to the Shia at 12th or 5th. The idea is that one day he will come back. So this period introduced this idea in Shia discourse of deputizing on behalf of the Imam, who is hidden either in the minor occultation, the major occultation in general, because the Shia community believe that only the Imam can lead them. Once there was no sense perceptible Imam, maybe because there was none at all, or maybe because he was an occultation, it put the Shia movement in a kind of political and theological quandary. If we don't have this man to lead us, who does lead us? Well, initially it was his deputies. Now, we have to take into account here that the Abbasids also, who are Sunnis, did in fact give far more weight to this creed, to the creed that there is a hidden Imam. Why politics again? In North Africa and Egypt, there was a menace for the Abbasid dynasty. It's called the Fatimid dynasty. A dynasty came from the line of the seventh Imam, the other son, Ismail, rather than from Al-Qadim, and his descendants claimed over-lorship in North Africa and then Egypt, and then they started to call themselves the Mahdist. This is a split within Shia Islam itself. Ismailis charted the Imam it through one line, the 12ers through another line. Now, the 12-er line stopped and the twelfth imam entered occultation.
The Ismaili line has never stopped. And to this day, the Agha Khan is the Imam of the Ismaili Seveners, the Ismaili Shia. Exactly. So they call him Imam Hazar. It means the present Imam, as opposed to the absent Imam for the Shia at 12th. So in the early 10th century, the Faltamid Caliphate is growing in North Africa. This is an Ismaili Caliphate. And the Abbasids were very much threatened by this rival. Exactly. So in order to deviate people from the idea that really these people are the two representations of the Mahdi, they're talking about the Faltamids, of course. So as soon as this idea that there is a potentially hidden stun for the last Imam, the 11th Imam in hiding, they actually magnified and amplified this belief among Shiaats in Iraq in order to create that barrier between Baghdad and Cairo at that time and to put a buffer and to stop the idea that there is only one Mahdi and he is among the ranks of the Faltamids. So again, the Abbasids really like, I mean, had twice a big influence on the idea of a Mahdi. And so eventually, let's say around the year 1000, the Faltamid Caliphate is established with its capital in Cairo. The Abbasid Caliphate still exists with its capitals in Baghdad and Samara, although it's weak, it's much weaker than before. Real power is in the hands of Sultans across the Muslim world. And the less there it is, this idea amongst 12 Shias is more or less now hard-baked in. The Mahdi is the 12th Imam who is in occultation. He will one day return in glory to save the world before Jesus the Messiah returns. But then before the Mahdi returns, this idea had also grown up that three other figures, remember, hearken back to that Zoroastrian belief of three saviors at the end of the world. Three other figures would emerge appearing in the same year, someone known as the Yamani, someone known as the Sufiani, and someone known as the Chorassani. Now the Yamani, based on his name, would come from Yemen and would call people to the Mahdi. The Sufiani would emerge in Syria and would be the enemy of the Mahdi. And the Chorassani, the man from Chorassan, would emerge in Chorassan with black banners to support the Mahdi in his fight against the Sufiani. And just, you know, newsflash, dear listeners, it is quite clear, based on many insider reports from the Islamic Republic regime that Mujtaba-Hamanai, the new supreme leader, seriously believes that he is the Chorassani. Absolutely. When we started looking into his mindset from 2009, 10, 11, 12, it became very clear that his entire research and the papers he was actually studying and the books he was, you know, internally writing within the seminaries of Kham, focused a lot on putting together, not only like in the basic, an understanding of the three people who would pave the way for the Mahdi, you know, the two who are his followers and the one who is his enemy. But also the same time, like in the basically he started to craft for himself that image, even among the religious figures within the seminaries of Kham. Because many of the descriptions of the Chorassani seems to, you know, in his mind, fit him. He was born in Chorassani, he was born in Chorassani, in Meshhad of all places. You know, he will be like, I mean among those who would be fighting in the battles of Iraq. You know, he fought in the Iran-Iraq war. And then he will advance himself further into Iraq. So he did so during the battles against Daesh as he is visiting Syria, you know, undercover. He did visit Iraq, undercover along with Soleimani. Soleimani himself used to tell leaders of Hasbullah and the other militias from Afghanistan and Pakistan and Iraq that, you know, he believes Meshtaba is the Chorassani. And it also might explain why Meshtaba was in Syria during the Syrian Civil War. And it certainly explains why many 12-vershia in this line of thinking consider the new president of Syria, Ahmad Assharah, the Sufyanee. So the Chorassani is going to fight the Sufyanee. Exactly. As soon as Ahmad Assharah went into the Umayyid Mosque in the 8th of December, 2024, and he stood on that pulpit to declare the end of Bashar al-Assad and the reclamation of Syria for Sunnis, this is when the whole Shia world exploded, exploded with one name. Sofyanee, sofyanee, sofyanee, all of them said, "Dasha, sofyanee." And it never stopped because why? In their belief, sofyanee is a figure that would emerge out of Damascus and he will actually announce his role according to the texts within the Shia 12-versh books. He will declare his role from the pulpit of the Umayyid Mosque in Damascus. And suddenly, as Sufyanee, they call him Sufyanee, the Umayyid Sufyanee, the incarnation, the reincarnation of the Umayyid's, returned back. And he is going to oppose the emergence of the Mahdi. So now, there need to be the two figures, the Yamani and the Khurasani. So, the Yamani, the man from Yemen who calls people to the Mahdi, they say it is Abdul-Malik al-Houthi. Oh, there we go. Exactly. So, the Houthis, one of the things, when I was, you remember, I shared with you, Amani Script long time ago, Thomas, about the Al-Qaeda and the Jihad and the power of eschatology. Oh, yes, of course. You studied all of this a lot. I mean, it was 90,000 words, like, in the basically Manuscripts. Because, again, dear listeners, this Sunni-ji had his movement, has its own eschatological apocalyptic beliefs that are similarly kind of crazy. And yet, Exactly. And often, be interpreted along current events to be seen to becoming true. Exactly. So, if you remember, I actually, like, devoted the whole chapter there to actually compare, you know, Sunni-ji hadism with, you know, the eschatological apocalyptic vision of the Shi'at-Welvers, you know, and how they are fighting in all the same places. Iraq, Syria, you know, basically the Levant and Yemen. How Al-Qaeda established Iraq, Levant and Yemen? How ISIS did the same? And how the IRGC did the same? Because all of their prophetic eschatological maps aligned over each other. They overlap. And one thing, though, like, basically, I want to, you know, add here, which is absolutely like in a mind-voguling, is the fact that the name, the name, like, you know, basically mentioned for the Iraqi militias that they established, the Iranians, the IRGC established. In Iraq, was called Asaa-e-B-Ahlul-Hakq. Now, why this is important? It's because they wanted to establish an army in Iraq called Asaa-e-B-Ahlul-Hakq. Because in the text of the Shi'at-Welvers, they say that the Khurasani is going to be supported by Asaa-e-B-Ahlul-Hakq. Asaa-e-B-Ahlul-Hakq means the disparate battalions of Iraq. So that's what Asaa-e-B-Ahlul-Hakq means, disparate battalions. And you're coming together to join the Khurasani as soon as he advanced from Khurasan, which is Iran, into Iraq. So even everything is being pre-prepared, like, I mean, for this eventuality. So, listeners, if you, you know, maybe you're listening to this and you're getting shivers, because it is true that a lot of this very old, very ancient, prophetic material seems from one point of view to becoming true. Now, you might argue, and I'm sure Aiman will argue, that that's because, to some extent, people on the ground who believe in these prophecies are ensuring that they're coming true. They're making them come true. And yet, you know, you know, we all like a bit of spooky sort of paranormal stuff. You sometimes do wonder, are they coming true? Before we get back on the shia journey, because eventually we want to tell the story of how this, you know, eventually resolves into the Ayatollah Homani and his constitution for the new Islamic Republic and his ideology of the Wilayat-Tal-Fakhi. But I do want to be fair here and just say, as I said before, Christians, especially evangelical Christians, especially those in what's called the dispensationalist line, Christian Zionists, in the United States, mainly, but they're good missionaries, they've spread it everywhere. They also have views that, you know, non-believers would consider a little bit weird, and yet in their own eyes are coming true, prophecies that are coming true. On the 5th of March, so as of this recording, just four days ago, in the Oval Office itself, Donald Trump hosted a
gathering of around 20 evangelical Christian pastors and faith leaders, they gathered around him, they laid their hands on him, and they prayed for him in the context of this war. They asked God to give him wisdom from heaven, strength to lead our nation, to protect him. And all of this is informed, not just by American patriotism, not just by general Christian faith, but by a very clear understanding that the Iranian regime, because it threatens the state of Israel, is a servant of the devil. Because in their dispensationalist view, the foundation of the state of Israel in 1948 is a sign that Jesus Christ will soon return. Before he returns, faithful Christians, evangelical Christians, will be raptured out of this world and a tremendous chaotic kind of global war will break out as the Antichrist appears. And the state of Israel plays a role in all of that. So they are protecting the state of Israel so that it will be intact when the rapture occurs. So again, both sides are involved in this kind of eschatological apocalyptic thinking. The problem is, it's not just only involved Thomas, it's overlapping. How? Because from the point of view of the Shi'at-Walvers, is the fact that the Khurasani, the one who would actually pave the way for the Mahdi, would actually fix the black banner wear in Jerusalem. Oh, of course. Yes, it's going to be in Jerusalem. He would defeat a great host of Roman, Jewish, like, I mean, alliance or whatever. And he will just conquer and just vanquish all of these enemies and just go all the way to Jerusalem. So the whole, in the fact of the matter is that, I remember, like, when I was recruited into Al-Qaeda in 1997, the head of the Blood and Bodyguard, Hamza Al-Ghamdi, at that time, was actually using eschatology with me in order to recruit me, because eschatology is the narcotics of the mind among many young Muslims, whether Sunni Oshia. And he, and I asked him, I said to him, how do we know that we are living the age of the prophecies? And he said, well, we do have the trigger. And I said, what is the trigger? And he said the return of the Jews to the Holy Land. Their return to the Holy Land and the establishment of a state there is the trigger for the end of time's epic battles. This is exactly mirrored also in Shia 12 of Islam, as it is in Sunni Islam. Or at least, I would say in Sunni apocalyptic Islam, because this is now a new branch emerging, just like Protestant evangelical apocalypticism. It also mirrors what happened all those centuries ago when Islam was being born, because when the Persians back then conquered Jerusalem and forced the Romans out of the Levant, what did they do? But for a brief period, a few years, they invited the Jews of the Roman Empire, who had been forbidden from living in Jerusalem under its Christian rule. They invited them to come back to Jerusalem and inhabit it. So even then, all those centuries ago, Christians in Rome were saying the end times have arrived because the Jews have returned to Jerusalem. So this story, this story, I mean, again, it gives you shivers because it's just like, it's a, that repeats, you know, century after century after century. Okay, so when the 12th Imam disappears, and then there's that period of deputizing, and then the deputizing period ends and the great occultation begins. For several centuries, 12 of Islam embraced explicit quietism. It really did not get involved in politics at all. Now, in the 15th and 16th centuries, a new power arose from the Iranian lands, initially a Sunni Sufi power, what would, in time be known as the Savi'id dynasty. They eventually embraced 12th Shiism. They, their own rise to power, and their conflict with the Ottoman Empire was also infused by tremendous eschatological and apocalyptic expectations at the time. And during that time, the clerical class of that empire was empowered by the Shah a bit more. Especially judiciary, especially for the first time ever, they are recognized as official jurists of the state for the first time. Because the Safafids needed a clerical class to through whom they could exercise their rule, and so they empowered the Shi'a clarity. And where did they import them from? You will be surprised. From Lebanon. Yes. Exactly. Exactly. From Lebanon. They didn't have these, see, this is the irony is Iran at the time was a majority Sunni. The Safafids forced or imposed 12th Shiism on Iran. So they were lacking a Shi'a clerical class to, you know, to be the lawyers and the judges for their empire. So they imported them not only from southern Lebanon, but they did from southern Lebanon and from Iraq and from even Yemen, I think. Some of them came. Exactly. And they created this new reality where suddenly the Shi'a clerical class were participating in state craft. They had not done that before. They had been a kind of minority. They were usually far from power. And you will be surprised that there are many, for example, Assadir family came from Jabal Aamil in Lebanon. Iraq, they came from Najaf. Larigani also, they came from Najaf. It's amazing that many of the leaders now of Iran are people who trace their lineage back to the clerical classes that were imported from Iraq and from Lebanon from Jabal Aamil in southern Lebanon. As we've discussed before on previous episodes of conflicted, go back, find them. The Safafid Empire weakened the Qajar dynasty rose to power. It was weakened through its rivalry with the Russians and the British. It was the age of humiliation for the non-European powers of the world. European empires were so much more powerful and Iran felt that humiliation as well. During that time, ideas began to percolate amongst some Shi'a thinkers. Ideas that would grant even more power to the clerics and even to a single cleric to govern the Shi'a community in the name of the Imam. These were just ideas at the end of the 19th century, but in the 20th century. After the Pallavi dynasty had come to power, after Shah-Mahamad-Razat Pallavi had introduced modernity into Iran in a way that offended the sensibilities of a lot of the conservative clerics. These ideas from the 19th century were revived and a cleric named Rahulullah Homani adapted them and in 1970 announced his doctrine of Wiliat al-Fakhi, the guardianship of the jurist. Exactly because during his years in exile in Iraq, of all places in Najaf, when Homani left Iran exiled by the Shah and went to Iraq to Najaf to actually both study antich in the grand religious seminary there in Najaf, he became so infatuated with the writings of one particular cleric from the 1850s in Najaf. His name was Ayatullah Bahraani. So Ayatullah Bahraani argued heavily in his writings in the 1850s and 60s, so a hundred years before Homani arrived in Najaf that maybe we should think about establishing a polity in which the grand jurist, a grand Ayatullah from within the Najaf seminary should rise up and actually take control and be the arbiter of all three branches of power, the executive judiciary and legislative and he called it Wiliat al-Fakhi for the first time we now have a proper name for this theory. But he was completely sidelined by the majority of scholars at the time, his ideas seemed crazy and all the Shia scholars in Najaf and elsewhere said no no no no the political power worldly rule is for the Sultan. Exactly. We our job is religious our job is juristic only in the sense of helping people you know with their divorces and their marriages and their sin and their redemption these are our responsibility the Sultan has political power. But you know Homani realized that Ayatullah Bahraani was into something because both of them ironically were influenced by the writings of Plato and the idea of a republic you know headed by a philosopher king. Now while the circumstances were not right for Ayatullah Bahraani at the time you know Ayatullah Khomini realized that maybe Bahraani was ahead of his time by a hundred years. So he basically just dusted you know the writings in remove the dust from the writings of Ayatullah Bahraani and embraced them and somewhere else in a fate has it that another obscure cleric in a basically called Ayatullah Khamenay or at that time he was actually a Hüjjit in Islam he wasn't even Ayatullah another Hüjjit in Islam Khamenay was in a prison somewhere translating the books of state to give the will out of the Fakih system in which is a grand theory a political framework
work, borrowed from the Muslim Brotherhood. Yeah, we talked about this in the last episode that the late Ayatollah Ali Hamane was a translator of Sayyat Kutub and imported the Muslim Brotherhood Kutubist ideas into Ayatollah Homanis, the Lait al-Faki ideas, which had itself grafted on ideas from Plato. So we're beginning to see that Homanism, the ideology of the Islamic Republic, is a strange hybrid of many things. Exactly, but then it needed just like an alchemist. It needed one important ingredient. So you have the political framework, borrowed from the Muslim Brotherhood in Sayyat Kutub, you have Lait al-Faki, the stewardship of the Grand Cleric, that's what the translation is of Lait al-Faki. You know, borrowed from Ayatollah Bahrani, you know, you put them together, but then there is one thing that is missing. It's the crucial ingredients and Ayatollah Homania realized that he has it because we are living the end of time. Several things came into fruition. First, they're a turn of the Ducy, the Holy Land, and then of course, there is the Soviet apocolyptism. Godless Communism about to conquer the world, atheists on the march. Nuclear weapons. You know, all of these things like in battles here and there, civil wars, tribulations. And again, dear listeners, the same things were being told by evangelical Christians in the United States in the 70s. I remember growing up with a book called The Late Great Planet Earth, a huge bestseller in America, which told us that the Soviet Union and the return of the Jews and all of this was down to the end times having arrived. And Jesus was soon to return. Exactly. Homania borrowed this exactly and he put, instead of Jesus, he put the Mardi. So he actually gained incredible popularity within Iran and especially among the lower classes, the working classes, you know, basically under religious classes. And he gained so much popularity throughout Iran with his eschatological cassettes, lectures that were distributed so widely. In 1978, you know, the Iranians were really in the grip of apocalyptic fervor. I remember that famous episode when they saw in the full moon, they saw the face of Homania and people thought, "Oh my gosh." And many people, when Homania touched down in early '79 back in Tehran and was, you know, driven into the center of town with all of those hundreds of thousands of people, you know, screaming their guts out, a lot of them thought that he was the Imam returned. Ayatollah Khomani did not entirely disabuse them of that fiction. He used it to his advantage. Exactly. So the whole idea is this is the, when the constitution of Iran was written and it was written by April 1st of 1979 to be April's fools to coincide with April's day. The fifth article, as we discussed many times here before, the fifth article of the constitution stated that the head of the state in Iran is the Mahdi, you know. So that's it. It settled. That's the official head of the state. The head of the state of the Islamic Republic in Iran is the Mahdi. However, there will be, according to a little faqe system, a deputy on his behalf, which should be a grand jurist, you know, someone who will be the grand steward on his behalf until his return, until his return from his occultation. And that would be, of course, the supreme leader of Iran Khomani first and then Khameneh after that. And now, of course, it comes to Khameneh, Jr. Who is the Khorassani, remember? So this is the point. This eschatological kind of expectations are continuing. And perhaps they are reaching fever pitch because if you are right now, if you were in the IRGC and you believed all this and you believed that Moujsh Taba Khameneh was the Khorassani and you believed that the end times were nigh, what would you think, Aiman? What would you be thinking right now as hundreds of ballistic missiles from America is pommeling you and the great Satan himself is saying you must surrender unconditionally, surrender? What would you think? Exactly. This is why I'm saying that what Trump and his administration, what the European Union and they're like in a cynical, non-believing, basically, like in a, I mean, idiotic ways of like thinking. And all the other pundits, all the publications of the world, like from the economists to the Wall Street Journal, like basically to the NYT to the edit, all of them, they don't get it. They don't get the fact that the IRGC and the Bacic armies believe that Moujsh Taba is the Khorassani, they believe that Ahmad Shara of Syria is the Safiyani, they believe that Abdul-Malekal Houthi in Yemen is the Yemeni and they believe that the reason, the only reason that Israel and America, the Jews and the Christians are coming to destroy Iran is to destroy the emergence of the Mahdi because the three figures now, but basically, are going to clash, it's all happening, how could you not believe it? And you see, we all fall for this and unfortunately, we're all going to pay the heavy price in this region because of highly enriched intellectual narcotics called prophecies. And Aiman, we have every reason to believe that Moujsh Taba Khamanay also believes all of this that he does believe that he is the Khorassani and in fact, the assassination attempt against his life, he was also there when his father was killed, he survived and the prophecies say that the Khorassani would what, survive an attack or something. Exactly, he would actually be wounded yet he will survive and his survival would be miraculous and it will be the sign to his followers and to his commanders that he is the one. He survived an attack that killed his father, his mother, his wife, his daughter, his son, his niece, his brother. So actually, as far as they are concerned, he is the one and guess what? Within the prophecies, it says that at the beginning, he will refuse the leadership. And what happened is, ayatullah, Hussain Hashem, M. Bushehri, the Secretary General of the Council of Experts, who were supposed to elect him, when they were pressuring him, the other experts to say announce it, please announce the name. And he keeps saying, I'm having trouble because the person you elected refused the leadership. So he just put the beautiful cherry at the top of the cake. And I don't know, you're turning me into a real believer because so many of these prophecies seem to be coming true because people work to make them true. But the point is, dear listeners, that all of this is informing the policy of the Islamic Republic right now. If the United States and Israel think that they're dealing with rational people, yeah. If they think it's going to be easy through bombing alone to get rid of this zealous enthusiasm for end of times expectations, they are in for a shock because it's going to be hard. I mean, to the extent that I wonder, should it even be attempted? I know, Aiman, you support the war aims. I guess what you wish is that people would go into it, understanding better what's really animating their enemies. I have a feeling that if Trump, Rubio, Hexath, Besent, you know, Jared Krzysztof and all of the people who I heard, some of them were listening to this podcast, I just want to say something like, I wish if you just had far more foresight about the apocalyptic, eschatological foundations of the Islamic Republic before you went into it, maybe you shouldn't have taken out the Ayatollah in the first place and focused on the IRGC, focused on the tool, you know, not in a basically the wielder of the tool for now. This arm, you know, the perpetrator, do not shoot the perpetrator. By shooting the perpetrator, we might have unfortunately unleashed powers that were not supposed to have been unleashed. Oh, dear, this is all very profound. Dear listeners, we, you know, there are other things that inform the ideology of the Islamic Republic, third worldism, anti-capitalist, post-colonialist Marxist idea that was infused into shism through a figure called Ali Shariati. So there's lots of things that cooked together to create this ideological regime, but it's still there. It's still kicking, despite the beating that it is getting. And you know, keep listening to us because we're going to do our best to try to make sense of it for you. Amen. This is a long episode, but I think it's a valuable one because this is, this stuff isn't talked about enough. Well, this is why I remember when I came up with that manuscript 13 years ago when I talked about Sunni and Shia eschatology and the fact that it was informing the strategy of militant groups across the Middle East, whether Shia or Sunnis. There was 24 publishing houses who returned the manuscript to me telling me basically that this is all nonsense. I want them to look me in the eyes right now and tell me how foolish they are. Ha, well, I don't suppose you're going to get that particular sweet vengeance that amon. Anyway, we've got to bring this up.
As to an end, thank you very much for bringing all of your scholarship and all of your analysis to bear. Dear listeners, thank you very much for putting up with this longer episode of Conflictit. We hope you enjoyed it. Until next time, take care. Take care everyone and survive the apocalypse. Conflictit is a message-heard production. Our executive producers are Jake Warren and Max Warren. This episode was produced and edited by Thomas Small.
Podcast Summary
Key Points:
The podcast discusses the appointment of Mujtaba Khamenei as Supreme Leader of Iran, highlighting the irony given his father Ali Khamenei's past criticism of hereditary succession.
Mujtaba Khamenei is portrayed as a powerful behind-the-scenes operator who built influence through his father's office, security ties with the IRGC, and involvement in financial networks, including managing illicit funds like religious taxes (al-Khums).
His background includes growing up in a religious environment in Mashhad, participation in the Iran-Iraq war, clerical education, and alleged involvement in regional conflicts like the Syrian civil war to advance Iran's strategic interests.
Summary:
The podcast episode examines the rise of Mujtaba Khamenei as the new Supreme Leader of Iran, noting the contradiction with his father Ali Khamenei's earlier stance against monarchy. It traces Mujtaba's background: born in 1969 in Mashhad, he was immersed in Shia millenarian culture, fought in the Iran-Iraq war, and pursued religious studies, reaching the rank of Hujjat al-Islam. Operating from his father's office, he became a key gatekeeper, cultivating networks with Iran's security apparatus, political factions, and proxy groups abroad.
He supported hardline policies, allegedly aided in suppressing the 2009 Green Movement, and was involved in Syria's civil war to bolster Iranian influence. Financially, he oversaw vast illicit networks, including managing al-Khums religious funds estimated at $75 billion annually, used to fund Iran's regional activities. The discussion underscores his consolidation of power through institutional control, security alliances, and financial patronage, positioning him as a pivotal, albeit controversial, leader shaping Iran's future.
FAQs
Mujtaba Khamenei is the second son of the former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and has been anointed as the new Supreme Leader of Iran. He previously served as a gatekeeper in his father's office, controlling access and building networks within Iran's power structures.
Ali Khamenei once criticized monarchy and hereditary succession as invalid in Islam, yet his son Mujtaba has now succeeded him as Supreme Leader, suggesting a shift toward hereditary rule in Iran.
Mujtaba Khamenei participated in the Iran-Iraq war as a teenager, serving in the IRGC's young Fidahiyin division around 1987-1988 to demonstrate his family's commitment to the revolution.
He built power through three pillars: controlling access in his father's office, aligning with security networks like the IRGC, and managing financial patronage systems involving illicit funds and religious taxes like al-Khums.
Al-Khums is a 20% religious tax paid by Shia Muslims, generating an estimated $75 billion annually for Iran's leadership. This funds clandestine operations, proxies, and other activities under the guise of religious duty.
Reports indicate Mujtaba Khamenei visited Syria during the civil war, working with figures like Bashar al-Assad and Qasem Soleimani to assure support and coordinate Iran's strategic goals in the region.
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