199. White House Shouting Match: Is Trump Sabotaging His Own Party?

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Reaction there after he got into a shouting match with Senator Bill Cassidy and refused to sign a housing bill that had passed with bipartisan support antennae and they had the podium set, the chairs were out, he'd gone down to the Capitol, he was going to sign the bill, it was going to help Republicans because it shows that the White House and the Republican Party actually care about housing and the cost of housing for Americans. But no, on his way there, Donald Trump decides he's not going to help the Republican Party after all, decides not to sign the bill until they pass the Save America Act, which is his Voting Rights Act or some people are calling it a Voting Suppression Act. So how are things going, Antony, between your party and the President all going swimmingly? It's terrible for me to say this to you because I am so thoroughly enjoying it and I am the type of person that does, and I am the type of person that does say to people, I told you so. You follow? Like, when someone says, well, who's Trump going to support in the midterms, nobody, who's Trump going to support as a Republican for the presidency, okay, that would be nobody. What is Trump going to do, whatever the F.E. wants to do? Okay, so yes, I told you so. But the number one thing for me, Gatti, was Mike Johnson because we got the setup, we got all the colorful pens and he's going to give the cardiac arrest signature and then he doesn't show up. Like a wedding. And the groom doesn't show up. But they get the microphone and Mike's face and they say, Mike, how do you feel about being blindsided by the President? And Mike says, oh, it didn't really happen that way. Okay, I'm just going to leave it there, Gatti. I'll let you decide what I think of Mike Johnson, but my God, Gatti. Okay, good. What are you? Well, no, I mean, look, there is Trump. He is holding a winning bill hostage to a losing one because the losing one is the one that he wants. It's got his name all over it. And that is the way he is operating. And I think Antony Republicans, because this was one heck of a screaming match. Like, you know, there was Senator Cassidy saying, I'm not going to sit down, Trump yelling at him. Cassidy calls him brother, I'm not your brother. You said this wall was going to last four weeks. It's lasted four months. I mean, it's like a divorce moment where everything is coming out and probably somebody's going to regret what they say. And then the best of all of this, Antony, is that Senator Cassidy comes out and tells reporters all of this. He says, the president raises his voice, I raised my voice much, just as much, I'm not going to be bullied. Well, okay. You have been bullied for a year. But anyway, let's move that aside. But I think Republicans after this big, because this is not the first time recently, right? There's a security code called Pfizer, which needs renewing, which Trump is refusing to renew. He's made Cassidy lose his seat as a Senator. He's made John Corne in Texas. We've spoken about this effectively lose his seat as a Senator. So he's really been messing with the Republican Party recently. And I think there are Republicans, I spoke to a Republican just yesterday who said, look, we are kind of waking up to what has seemed obvious to people for a while, which is that Donald Trump may actually be sabotaging our interests, come the midterm elections, because he is doing all of these things that are not helping us, is he losing control of the party or is he burning it down on purpose? That's my question to you. He's burning it down on purpose, but Cady, again, I know if we had a poll and we said, who is the most shallow and calo of the two podcasters on the rest of politics, US? I really think I would win in a landslide. And let me just tell you why, because I am so happy about this, and I am actually gloating through the microphone, because we said this, and this is a big, I told you so moment. One more great scene from this whole opera. It's so good, isn't it? You're right. It's like an opera. It's like an opera. And then they've all come out and said it. That's what I love. It's so good. Excuse me, could somebody please pass me the Nestle's Crunch, because when I'm in a movie that I'm enjoying, that's what I'm eating, and I mix it in with the popcorn, I want my popcorn. Could you please pass it over here? To watch the show. But the best scene, the Johnson scene was number one. The silver medalist scene was the John Thune body language. Okay. He just said the scene, because soon as a tall guy, and he had his suit buttoned, which those of us have sometimes given weight issues, if we can't button our suits, we are always very jealous of that. Speak yourself. All right. All right. Well, you got a more controlled than me. He's got the suit buttoned. He's standing super tall. He's towering over Trump, which you know, Trump hates that. Remember, call me trick towering over Trump. And Trump is acting like a complete moron in front of the press. And John is standing there, like literally a statue, like a Midwestern statue. And then when it's time to leave, there's absolutely no joy in Mudville. And Trump is walking out with his entourage without the Senate majority leader, who goes in an opposite direction of the president of the United States, the supposed leader of his party. Okay. So a stink bomb has gone off in the Congress, ignited by the infant Donald Trump, you know, the six year old. And it's smelling up the whole Congress. And now, Caddy, they have to do another meeting without him and say, Hey, guys, what are we going to do here? Because he wants the below us up. And Caddy, and I think it's important for us to say this, because I went through that bill, I've just flew back from London, it is a really solid bill. And it would likely increase much needed housing supply in the United States. And it would likely, because it would had some restrictions on private equity purchases, it would likely give the little guy a little bit of help in the country. Let me throw it back to you. Does this guy care about that? Does this guy care about the little guy, Donald J. Trump? I mean, the irony of all of this, Anthony, is that it's Donald Trump that has been talking about private equity buying up housing and how that shouldn't be happening. But then what does he say? He says, Oh, it's all the interest rate. I don't care about this bill anymore, southern, which by the way, has a veto proof majority. It's going to pass anyway. This is really just a hissy fit on the part of the president, because we know the save act is not going to pass. Yeah, that's exactly right. And again, what the president's doing right now is performative, really. Yeah, but it's also called something, okay, it's called a pocket veto. And so what's a pocket veto? The president doesn't sign a veto. I'm vetoing the bill, but he puts the bill in his pocket, okay, and it's called a pocket veto. And sometimes they do that because they don't want to be so grandstandy, Trump's not vetoing it to veto it, Cadi, because he knows it's going to get overruled, and he doesn't want to be embarrassed by putting his signature down on it being an official veto. But again, again, if you're not getting the message, okay, so just help me out, Cadi, because you're calmer than me, and you're definitely more rational than me at times, just help me out. Be the Republican strategist here. And tell me what you're going to say to Thun, and tell me what you're going to say to Bremer and Johnson, who are trying to run this party. And by the way, I know it's not on the agenda, and Fiona, I don't care. We've got to talk about Mark Rutter for a few minutes here, but let's talk about this first, so go ahead. My advice to Mark Rutter would be to listen to all of the other Europeans who seem to have got the message that actually sucking up to Trump with gold lace charts doesn't actually necessarily work. But anyway. You know, Mark Rutter needs to have his jaw wired shut, like, you know, your jaw broken in a boxing match. Okay. This guy yesterday, I'm looking at this guy and saying, this guy thinks he's going to be remembered as the Trump whisperer. He's going to be remembered as the Trump suppository. Okay. He's not going to be remembered as the Trump whisperer. Was that, was that bad? I guess it's okay, but it's a kind of really gross image. So I'm just going to try and erase that from my brain, but my message to the Republicans [BLANK_AUDIO] is you are on your own, potentially worse, you have an adversary in the White House who is gonna make life even more difficult for you, went into war that didn't need to happen, drove up gas prices, made it harder for you to get reelected. You came up with something about housing, which is a huge issue in America. Young people in particular, can't afford housing, don't expect the president to help you out. You're gonna have to figure this out by yourselves in each district, you're gonna have to raise the money, you're gonna have to find a way to distance yourself from the president, now that the primaries are over by the way, Yolo Corcus, all of you who've got through your primaries, you can probably find room to find a little bit more distance from the White House because the White House's approval ratings are at rock bottom and it's looking like crazy town in Washington. So the last thing you want to do is run anywhere near Washington or associate yourself with anything that is happening in Washington, including the reflecting pool, which is the story of the year I cannot get over, enough of that story, run by yourselves. - Cassidy's an interesting guy to me for a number of different reasons. This is the senator from Louisiana that Trump didn't endorse, he endorsed some of the beat 'em, Julia Lowe, I guess her name is, but go to this situation where they voted on the Iranian war and then the reversal of it. Cassidy, tell us what happened there. - So initially Cassidy voted to try to restrain Donald Trump in the Iranian war and Trump asked him, why would anyone vote for the War Powers Act and Cassidy responded in this shouting match? Is that a rhetorical question or would you really like to know? And then told reporters that the president just kind of talked and talked and talked through their lunch and this is when Cassidy said, "Listen, you told us it was gonna last for four weeks but actually it lasted for four months." But then Cassidy and a bunch of the other YOLO Republicans actually reversed their position because they want to give the president room to negotiate. Right, that's my understanding of it. So Cassidy is actually trying to be the grownup, he's not trying to say, "I'm gonna oppose Donald Trump at every point just for the sake of opposing Donald Trump." Now look, you and I might have problems with Cassidy because he is a doctor who signed off on Robert Kennedy Jr.'s nomination even though he had serious concerns about that nomination and now that he is on his way out, he suddenly seems to have found a spine. But I think in that, reversing his position on the Iran War Powers Act and giving the president the latitude to negotiate at this point is a sign that there is no appetite in the Republican Party to continue this war. That was my reading of it. What was your reading? - You're being a little bit more generous to these guys than me. I do think because we're in a war and the troops are in the way they got the reversal because they don't wanna be anti-troup. That's something that the Republicans really can't stomach. But I do think that it was interesting that they're about ready to flex on Trump. And if I were a Republican advisor, or if I was one of Trump's guys, I say, "Dude, they're about to flex on you a little bit." And you're acting so crazy and you're talking about vandalism of the green, algae, lace, reflecting pool and all the shit that you do, you gotta calm down because they're ready to turn on you. And Haberman, Maggie Heeran, and we're gonna talk about her book in the second half. She said, "Trump is acting like he doesn't care." And meaning, he doesn't care about the polls, doesn't care about what they think. He's just gonna ramble around. And we all know these 80-year-old men. I have a few of them in my life. They get to 80, they're like, "Hey man, don't care. I'm gonna do and say whatever I want." And that's what he's doing. - We talked about that in the series that we did for our founding members. And if you'd like to listen to it, you can sign up at therestispoliticsus.com. And we talked about the president's health and we had a very interesting conversation with a doctor who talked about Trump's particular version of aging. And as you say, we've seen some of those characteristics and people, all of us have seen those characteristics and people around us. And he talks about this idea of disinhibition that he is seeing in Donald Trump. But you mentioned the book. So let's turn to the Haberman's one book, which is the only thing, Anthony, that anyone in Washington DC is talking about or reading this week, it came out on Tuesday and they have worked so hard on this first year and a half in office and it's called regime change. They have incredible sourcing. And as they both say, this has been a harder administration. There are fewer leakers. But my God, they've got great sourcing. They've got sourcing from inside the situation room. They've got sourcing from inside the over office. They seem to have had very deep conversations with people. And they really recount methodically month by month effectively the extraordinary year that was Donald Trump's first year in office. They go through all of those, I mean, we were all watching it and you and I were doing podcasts about it. But somehow in my mind, maybe it's PTSD, I had put some of it to the back of my brain because if you have it in the front of your brain all the time, your head is gonna blow up. But they go back over all the dough stuff. They go over the tariff decisions. They go back over that Zelensky meeting in step by step detail. And it's stunningly, it's well written. It's very well sourced, it's got incredible detail and it makes it all come to life. But for me, the real, the kind of big takeaway and I'd love to hear what you think about that book is that it recounts that period where Trump comes in in a whirlwind of what seemed like unstoppable power. And he's flexing everywhere and he's using all of the levers of government to take on the universities and take on the law firms and take on the agencies and take on anything he sees as woke. And in particular, take on anyone and have retribution against anyone who he feels attacked him in any way. And now you compare where he is today and it's not winning, winning, winning anymore, it's losing, losing, losing. And just the contrast between where we are at this moment a year and a half into the presidency with that crazy first year that we all lived through. And maybe it's that the courts have caught up with him. Maybe it's that what he's so does come back to haunt him. But he has had a few months of not being able to get anything right. And I think we were just bedazzled in that first year by the muzzle velocity of the Trump's second term. What did you make of the book? Like you, I was blown away at the detail in that book. And I am shocked because you had people inside the White House that were working with Trump that hated Trump. And we're leaking away to guys like Bob Woodward and they didn't have this level of detail. And again, going into the situation room, I think you've been in there, I have been in there. You got to take everything off and you got to put it in one of those skiv lockers. And so how did they get that level of detail? By the way, there were only six people in one of those meetings that they report on around Epstein. There were only six people. So it's one of those six people. No one's saying it didn't happen. Even Trump when he was interviewed by them. No, no one is saying it didn't happen. So interesting. Even Trump when he was interviewed in March of 2026 for the book didn't say it didn't happen. I'm going to say four things from the book quickly. Number one, the thing that I got out of the book, this is instinct over information. This is an instinct over information presidency. Decision making of one, he's not listening to you when you're talking. So whatever's the last thing in his head, he's likely going to do, which is consistent with what we learned about him in the first term. Number two, he hates BB Netanyahu. He hates him. I think it's very clear to me. And they were fighting if you remember at the end of the first term. They did a little bit of a buddy buddy, but the book really reports how Trump really brow beat him into submission to get the 20 living hostages out of Gaza. The third thing, which I think should scare everybody that loves this republic, loves this sort of republic democracy is the pardon perimeter. He has said 200 feet, he has said 250 feet, he's going to pardon everybody, okay? And that is legitimately the most nuts-o-thing, as one of his senior aid said, but it's totally on brand. Last thing is Stephen Miller. Stephen Miller for me, I work with him. You and I did a special on him, but the real special was in this book. If you read this book, you will learn about this enigmatic figure, Stephen Miller, who is a fashion queen, Catty Kaye, we learned about this in this book. He loves fashion, apparently this man, okay? He's also a superstitious guy, and he prides himself with the idea that he's been with Trump for the entire 11-year run, more or less, and certainly through the end. And he's never been on the wrong side of Trump. And I find that fascinating. I think it's very hard to always be in that position. So he came across to me. It means he's a mean, he's an evil guy, he's a superficial jerk off, all those things are evident. But the thing that came across to me was the calculation. This sort of mannequin, you know, court-like calculation of Stephen Miller, I found unbelievably revolting. So anyway, those are some of my thoughts on the book, but I applaud Maggie and Jonathan. - They've done an extraordinary job. - And I can hear Jonathan Swan's Australian laugh right now in my eardrum as he's typing out some of this. shit that he was listening to coming out of Trump's mouth. The Stephen Miller details about how Miller came back in in the second term, and again, that superstition thing. He wanted the same office that he'd had in the first term because he felt that would kind of give him good luck and allow him to stay in the good graces. How in the first term, he'd had a kind of come over, but he's quite vain. If you have not looked at Stephen Miller, take a quick look at the photographs, guys. You may be surprised by this. As you say, he's a fascinista, but he decided that he was better off shaving off all his head because he didn't like the look of the comb over. Is that kind of detail that makes this such a compelling book and such a compelling chronicle? I'm going to add a couple of other things. I thought the stuff about pardons was fascinating, but what was particularly interesting was how they describe how the president feels after issuing a pardon. It's like this gives him a high. The idea of people being totally indebted to him and him having this ability to act fast without having to consult anyone, having instant results and not being constrained in the way that pardons allows him to be. I just thought the psychological process of literally how Trump is kind of on a high after he's issued a pardon. I thought that was really interesting. The other thing we should talk about is JD Vance and how right from the beginning he has questions about whether JD Vance is up to it and how he gets on better with Rubio. There's a very good tick-tock in the book of the Israel-Iran strikes last summer that Trump then joins because he sees that Israel is having success and he wants a piece of the success. On the Sunday afterwards, JD Vance is sent out onto the Sunday shows and Trump has put out a truth social post saying the nuclear program is totally obliterated and JD Vance goes out on the Sunday shows and he's seen the intelligence and he knows it wasn't totally obliterated so he doesn't use the word obliterated and this makes Trump's mad and he says everyone just has to copy me. You've got to use the word totally obliterated. I want to hear you say obliterated obliterated obliterated and the way he braids Vance for trying to kind of actually stick to the facts. Anyway, guys, it is super, super interesting and I do think it really gives the sense of a turning point in the presidency around the Epstein files when up until then Trump seemed to be able to do no wrong. The Democrats were in a total crouch. He was taking over government. The whole Doge affair is fascinating and then of course now as we see today are very different presidency and the comparison of the beginning and even just now a year and a half in is so interesting. And again, just to prove that I'm the more calo and shallow of the two of us, when I read this stuff about Stephen Miller and like his fashionista stuff, I was literally laughing and his wife of course says that liberal men aren't attractive and I just, when I heard that in my, in my mind, Caddy K, I thought of my grandmother. My Nana would have said it, I quote, if you marry a poodle, you make a poodle, Caddy K. And I'm just looking at this guy's head, which it looks like an unwrapped aging lollipop. And I'm just wondering, this guy thinks he looks good in the Breone with the unwrapped aging lollipop head. But you know what? There's somebody for everybody, Caddy K. And God bless him and Katie Miller, but I'm just telling you and don't forget this ladies and gentlemen, you marry a poodle, you make a poodle. And man, this guy's Stephen Miller, what a character. Stephen Miller and hot are not words I would put in the same sentence just now, see, now you're competing with me, you're competing with me for shallow behavior. Have you seen him Voldemort? Okay, we're going to take a break, come back and talk about Mamdani and the Democrats. Hello everybody, we got some exciting news for you. That's right, Caddy. We are holding a summer sale on our founding members subscriptions from now until the end of August. You can get a year's membership to our show for a third off. I think that's a real bargain, okay, you just need to use the code summer 26 when you sign up for an annual membership and you'll unlock ad free listening, you'll get our bonus episodes and of course our exclusive mini series. We've got a series covering Marco Rubio, Elon Musk, Trump's health and so much more, including these very popular, Caddy, these question and answer sessions. So head to the rest is politics us.com to claim this discount. We'd love to have you with us in the club. We'll have plenty to talk about over the next few months, so make sure you don't miss out. What more could our listeners want, Caddy, K, then this uninterrupted sound of our voices, maybe not my voice, but certainly your voice, Caddy, okay. We want to accompany you on all your summer travels. So go to the code summer 26, rest is politics us.com and sign up. We new groupie setting mist from Mavily New York. Gel to mist technology locks in your look for up to 24 hours, with flexible all day comfy grip. Maybe it's Mavily. Hi everybody, it's Dominic Sandbrook here from the rest is history and we are here to tell you about a thrilling new series on the blood soaked climax of the French Revolution, the reign of terror. So the French Revolution is one of the most significant episodes in the whole of world history. It essentially lays the foundations for contemporary politics as we know it, but it is also unbelievably dramatic. We'll be discussing the murder of the firebrand Jean-Paul Marra in his bathtub. We will be going to the guillotine with Marie Antoinette and in our final episode, we will be telling the story of the extraordinary grotesque downfall of one of the chief architects of the terror, one of the most evil men in history, some would say, Maximilier Crosbespierre. So if you want to hear this epic series, search for the rest of its history wherever you get your podcasts. Welcome back everybody. In this half of the programme, we're going to talk about the New York primaries. It is all heating up. It's been quite a week in New York City and we are going to be in New York on tour in the heart of the midterm campaign this October, traveling all around North America, Anthony, but coming to your home city, which I'm super excited about, tell your friends, tell everyone to come and see us live on stage, which is going to be so much fun. Tickets, of course, at the rest is politicsus.com, come and join us during our tour. Fun stuff, Katty. I'm looking forward to. We had a great show in New York a few years back before the presidential election. I think it's going to be awesome. So New York's been exciting, exciting politics in New York. We had a clean sweep for Mamdani-backed candidates in New York's Democratic Congressional primaries. And I think it was a contest that really exposed divisions, particularly over the issue of Israel and Gaza. There were three candidates who Mamdani had backed and a lot of people had said to Mamdani, be careful, you're fairly new in as mayor. This is a risk that you're taking because if your candidates don't do well, it's going to suggest that you don't have the power that you thought you did. They're all Democratic Socialists of America, DSAs, as they call themselves. And he had three for three. He did incredibly well. And I think it's not just a reflection of Mamdani's own power in the Democratic Party, but I think this is a genuine inflection on the question of Israel. And we have seen, we've spoken about it on the program before, but I think this primary, this week in New York underlined the point that Democratic voters have flipped on Israel faster than the party's establishment has caught up to. We saw a New York Times poll, 60% of Democratic voters now more sympathetic to Palestinians than Israelis, only 15% of Democrats more sympathetic to Israelis than Palestinians. And I think the big race that demonstrated this was New York's 10th district where Dan Goldman, the sitting Democrat in Congress, was primeried by Brad Lander, who is a accolade and supported by Zoran Mamdani. And it was explicitly fought on this issue of Israel. They are both Jewish, they're both self-described, liberal Zionists. But Dan Goldman was beaten for being insufficiently critical of Israel and Israel's conduct in Gaza. And Brad Landler, who was happy to come out and be much more forthright about Gaza and his support for the Palestinians and the idea of genocide being committed by the Israelis in Gaza one handily. And I think as much as it tells us about the economics of the Democratic Socialists of America, I think it tells us about this shift in America on Israel. So what do you think it means for the midterms and what do you think it tells us? Well, you know, I could be really dead wrong on this because Monde Donny has a movement, and Montani has a lot like Trump. He's endorsing people in this particular city, and his people are winning. And so Trump has done that in these primaries, and Montani's doing it. And so I would say, because I think a more moderate person, if the Democrats go in this direction, country's not ready for that, the Republicans will probably win the presidency and they'll probably retake the House in 2028. But I just want to go to the lander for a second, because I grew up in a Jewish neighborhood. I've probably been to more poor misphys than baptisms in my life. And I see myself as a phylo-semite. I have always got along with the members of the Jewish community, and I love all people. So I'm not here. We have to go one against the other. But there's a big intellectual battle about anti-semitism and what it means to be an anti-semite. So Brad and lander said in his acceptance speech, or his self-congregulatory speech, where every call these things, he said that if you are against the policies of the state of Israel, you're not an anti-semit. If you're against Zionism, even though he is pro-Zionist, okay, believer in the Jewish state, you're not an anti-semit. And then the question then is, so what are the rules now? I guess what are the rules, Caddy, and where are things going as it relates to Israeli support for the country in this country? Because when I was a kid, it was a fate of complete. Israel represented Western values and Western democracy, style of democracy. And you protect minorities because if the Jews get hit, like they did during the Holocaust, it knocks eventually into you. This is an individual liberty and it's also about inclusiveness and things like that. But where are we now, Caddy? Are you allowed to be critical of Israel and not be considered anti-semit? What are the rules now, Caddy? I think that is where America has come. And I think what happened in Gaza after October the 7th, but even before that, if you look carefully, actually, you could see the polls, the Democratic Party was shifting on the question of Israel's treatment to the Palestinians and that's partly because of the settlements in the West Bank and the explosion of settlements that are deemed illegal on their international law. But then Gaza completely shifted things. And I think we are going to have some of that question answered by actually 2028. I was with Nate Silver who's the great pollster this week and he was pointing out to me that, look, we've seen a decline in Gavin Newsom's numbers and you have seen a rise in the numbers of John Ossoff who is the senator in Georgia who is catching some momentum at the moment. And I think if there was a real loser from this week's primaries, somebody that needs to be very careful, it's Josh Shapiro. So you've got two Jewish candidates, two, a senator in Georgia, John Ossoff and Josh Shapiro, the governor of Pennsylvania. But John Ossoff has been sharply critical of the Israeli government. He has been opposed to blanket aid, military aid to Israel. He's much more careful about what can be sent to Israel and what can't be sent to Israel. Josh Shapiro who has also been critical of Benjamin Netanyahu but is still supporting American military aid to Israel. And I think in today's Democratic Party with a younger cohort of Democrats going to the polls each year, that's no longer possible. I think Josh Shapiro is going to have a very difficult time. I think actually he's a super plausible candidate otherwise, but he's not going to be able to thread the needle on this issue because it's not even possible, I think, anymore in the Democratic Party to thread that needle. So I think that's going to answer this question. The heartbreak for me is about qualification versus the distinction of your religious orientation or your background. If you ask me point blank, I'll probably get in trouble for this, but I think we want to be as objective as possible. And I've lived in this country for 62 years. Can a Jewish candidate get elected president? And I'm going to say no, and that's a heartbreak for me, by the way, because it really should just be based on qualifications. And somebody like Mike Bloomberg who had the great opportunity to work for as a volunteer, did such an amazing job. I think Shapiro is a very, very good executive. I think he would do an unbelievable job as president. But if you ask me, can Pete Buttigieg get elected in this country? I think he's incredibly talented politician. And it breaks my heart to say no, because I would probably vote for both of those guys if I had the opportunity. What do you think, Katty? Am I being too harsh, Katty? No, I think you're right. And here we are on the 250th anniversary America still realizing that all men are not created equal in the eyes of the electorate. I know we have to go, but I want to ask you one last question, because Joe Scarborough, I have to grudgingly admit through my clunch teeth, Katty, did a phenomenal job on Monday. And people, if you haven't listened to it, you really should go back and listen to it. Very gracious of you, Anthony. And I love Joe. He's a great guy, but Katty, and by the way, I probably need a hair product recommendation from Joe. He has good hair. But he has good flow. That's good gel with hair, okay? And it holds. Did you notice that? And it holds. Yeah. I mean, you could like tug a boat with Joe Scarborough's hair. It's like a barge move through New York Harbor. I hate to say that he's going to fill in again. I know you're a wave in July. I'm very happy you indeed are taking a bit of time. I'm going to ask Joe to come back. So my number one question, Tim, will be a little bit of hair product advice. Okay. And he just let him know. I need to get a gel recommendation. We'll pass that on. But he said something on his show, Morning Joe, that I want to address with you. He said that Netanyahu has hurt the Israeli brand in the United States. And no question. Okay. So we both agree to that. Zero question. I'm going to say something else, and again, controversial perhaps, but I think it's important to say in some ways, when I looked at the prime meters of Israel as a younger person, even as a student, yes, they were the leader of Israel, but they also represented the brand of international jury to make. Perhaps that's very unfair to even say. But you know, when I walk through Yad Vashem, which is the Holocaust Museum, and I've been there twice now, it's one of the most heartbreaking things that you could do. There was a sign up that talked about Jews and Germany being there for 500 years. They thought they were fully assimilated. When Hitler came, 60% of them left, 40% of them stayed, and of course, many of them met a tragic ending, I think of the millions of people that were in the arts that could have won Nobel Prizes, that could have advanced medicine, and all of this stuff, and the culture has been a phenomenal culture and generally a net positive for the global society. But is it too, is it unfair of me to see Netanyahu as somebody that has really been a disaster for that brand? Is that unfair of me? Or is that unfair of Joe Scarborough? No, I think that's very fair, and I think what you're seeing reflected in the debate that is happening in the Democratic Party at the moment, is that you now have a generation of voters, and they were younger voters, younger white voters, interestingly, who are propelling these more far-left candidates into nominations in New York this week, who have only ever known Benjamin Netanyahu as the Prime Minister of Israel, and they associate the state of Israel with the Prime Minister ship of Benjamin Netanyahu and everything that he has done, and they don't like it. And I think that's what we saw play out. Before we go, I have a question, though, for you, because I think this is what you're hearing on Fox News, and I've been listening to it since those election results in New York, is that, okay, the Democratic Party has jumped the shark, they've become a fringe party, these are the socialists, they don't represent America. But actually, if you look a little bit more closely at the primaries this were held this week, they were not just held in New York. There were primaries in upstate New York, where they nominated an army veteran in New York's 17th Congressional District, a much more moderate candidate who's going to be up against the Republican there. And in South Carolina, they nominated a three-star Navy rearadmal who'd been fired by Hexeth last year, also as a Democrat, up against a more conservative district. And I think that is what Democrats need to keep their focus on, because Republicans will try to paint all Democrats everywhere as those New York Democratic Socialist candidates who got elected this week. And we know that the majority of electors, of voters in America who are actually going to decide the midterms, they're not in New York City, they're in Iowa, they're in Pennsylvania, they're in Michigan, they're in Colorado, they're in the suburbs. And I think the Democrats have to be careful that they don't focus so hard on winning liberal cities like New York, while they hand Republicans the script that they need for the suburbs. You are not only so right and not only do I totally agree with that, the danger is the successes fortifies it, because sometimes when I'm on a liberal show or a liberal podcast and I'm up against one of their pundits, they say to me, "Oh, no, no, no, you don't understand. We got to go further and further to the left. We're searching for the purest form of communism." The original form of communism we tried in San Francisco didn't work, we got to purify it. I'm looking at the guy going, "All right, well, that's not going to work." And maybe they're right. Maybe they're right. And I don't think so, Cadi. And I think Trump has a better handle on the culture than the Democrats. And I said something the other day in London, just getting back from London, and I said to a journalist, you know, who controls the Democratic Party, he said, "Who?" I said, "Donald Trump," because he knows how to trigger them, Cadi. He knows how to get them to fly off the handle, and they got excited. stop that. That would be my message. And I think the question then is, you know, is New York City an anomaly? Or is it a leading indicator of where the Democratic party is heading? I think it's both. I think the country's got so much going on in it that in certain parts of the country, it's an anomaly. But in other parts of the country, it's the pattern, the future pattern. Okay, guys, we're going to leave it there. Thank you so much for joining us. We will be back next week heading into the July the fullth holiday. Happy birthday. It's going to be, it's going to be happy birthday, America week next week. Happy birthday, America. Okay, we've got to get another 250 years out of this galley. That's the goal. Let's just get another two and a half years out of this. Yeah, let's get that from the first one percent of the next 50. Keep our horizons in check. One foot of head of the other. Take it slowly. Big breath, everybody. Big breath. We'll see you all next week. Thanks for listening, guys. See you next week, guys. Just plump, dewy hydrated skin that still feels like your skin. Maybe it's Maybelline.