The podcast discusses the village of Piddington, where residents are taking self-defense classes and installing CCTV in response to government plans to house 1,258 male asylum seekers at a nearby former military base. Parish council chairman Tim McNally explains that the issue is about proportionality and security, not politics, since the village has only around 350 residents. He argues the government has been secretive about security implications and that the "fair share" for a community of this size would be far fewer people. Jacob Rees-Mogg claims residents brought this on themselves by voting Liberal Democrat, while McNally rejects this, noting the constituency was newly created with a large majority. The conversation also covers the Rwanda scheme's cancellation, concerns about vetting and crime statistics, and a grooming gang survivor's fears about the plan. Additionally, the podcast addresses Nottingham's ban on face coverings at protests and Lady Justice Thirlwall's report into the Lucy Letby case, with barrister Mark McDonald arguing the inquiry was set up too soon and ignored evidence suggesting no crimes were committed.
the telegraph
residents of the tiny village of piddington are taking the law into their own hands and
even having self-defense classes in the face of a migrant invasion we speak to the chairman of
piddington parish council who tells us the village is laying out a blueprint for other
towns to push back but will andy burnham take in an atis welcome to the daily tea with me camilla
tommy and me jacob reese mogg the issue about this is it's not about a political issue it's
about proportionality and security and for us it's about if it was you know 1258 priests and
vicars uh it still wouldn't be right it's about proportionality in a simulation if it was
proportional we should be having five or six ten piddington is represented by a lib dem counselor
and a lib dem
mp and the lib dems are in favor of mass migration are in favor of giving asylum to any old crook who
comes into the country and therefore democracy has led to them being in this position if they
voted conservative and we had a conservative government that was using the rwanda scheme
we would not have this problem as it is well hang on a minute you didn't give it long enough you
sent more um home secretaries to rwanda than you did migrants jacob have you heard the news
oh the very exciting news about you interviewing bridget phillipson at the
labour party conference stop the presses we must tell everybody about this when i go to bed at night
i say this is exciting camilla is going to be interviewing la phillipson the terror of the class
warfare indeed the class warrior herself and i will be going to head to head at the daily tea on
the road at the labour party conference so do check out all of the details which are going to
be in the show notes as to how to get involved i was actually talking about different kinds of
things like the music of the gallagher brothers no i don't believe i am you know who i'm talking
about liam and noel no not particularly oasis i know about noel edmunds nothing to do with him no
what you can't possibly be telling me that you've never heard of oasis jacob rees-mogg
well i thought it was a thing you put flowers in don't you put i think they also appear in deserts
how about if i started singing to you um so sally can wait
she knows it's too late as we're walking on by you're not familiar with that um i thought she
wheeled a wheelbarrow through streets broad and narrow seeing cockles and muscles alive alive
are they the same people i know you live up to your double-breasted reputation but you cannot
possibly be telling me as a father of six who has attended sporting fixtures i can't tell you i've
never heard about sally in the alley or whatever your song you haven't heard wonderwall
i've never heard wonder woman i mean i've watched wonder woman as a child what wonder
she's a wonder wonder woman is that oasis wonderwall don't look back in anger i will
confess i have heard of oasis ah i knew you were having me on one i didn't know the names of the
people what noel and liam gallagher i didn't know they were called fans of this podcast apparently
according to rachel johnson delighted to hear it and i wish them every success so you won't be
registering for tickets for their their gig at nebworth as i have this no but i must get my
for lords because lords for next year's cricket it's the ashes and the window for applying is
open at the moment when's what's the last gig you went to i don't go around in a gig i go in a
motor car have you ever been in a mosh pit come on be honest i'm afraid i don't know what you're
talking about have you you must have gone to a concert quite recently you like music i went to
of course well on that bombshell so two sets of tickets to be concerned about oasis gallagher
brothers if you've heard of them i've heard of them i've heard of them i've heard of them
sending me a pair that would be great and also bridget phillipson versus camilla tommy which
will be box office one of us may be looking back in anger but that's enough hackney's
references to that can we talk about piddington do you have sympathy with the good people of
piddington who are facing the prospect of largely young men from overseas of working age being
quotes dumped on their tiny village or at least to an mod base nearby
as part of the government's attempt to stop the boats i mean they're not smashing the gangs or
stopping the boats because they can't even stop a village like piddington being overrun
by illegal immigrants i do have a certain sympathy for some of the residents but you've got to
remember that piddington is represented by a lib dem counselor and a lib dem mp and the lib dems
are in favor of mass migration are in favor of giving asylum to any old crook who comes into
the country and therefore democracy has led to
them being in this position if they'd voted conservative and we had a conservative government
that was using the rwanda scheme we would not have this problem as it is and so i think they
have to take responsibility for their actions so i'm sympathetic to the ones who voted reform and
conservative but i'm afraid a majority of them voted in local elections in may yeah for a lib dem
all right but hang on a minute homes of multiple occupancy did exist under the last government
and the boris wave
produced four million extra people into the country including dependents all this is true all this is
and you did have migrant hotels on your watch and i appreciate the rwanda thing but whose fault is it
that the first flight didn't take off rishi sunak announcing an election in the rain no it's not it's
that kirsten were cancelled the policy since he got into office you should have proven the policy's
effectiveness by having the policy run before he called that a jet election then you'd have it
it was already working as a deterrent before the election people were going to the republic of
ireland well hang on a minute i'm sorry i'm sorry i'm sorry i'm sorry i'm sorry
hang on a minute they weren't but you didn't give it you didn't give it long enough and also there
was that famous you sent more um home secretaries to rwanda than you did migrants we were coming
that's because the policy hadn't been implemented yes but we were we were coming to a general
election within a very short space of time anyway and so there were a few weeks here although i
wasn't going to make that much difference what was the real problem was the policy that was ready to
go oven baked as you might say yeah somebody once said somebody once said that uh was abandoned the
moment labor came into office and that has added an attraction to come into uk people know that they
get here they have an over 90 chance of staying and the lib dems of labor are in favor of that
yes and the good people of pittington have voted for that sorry i'm going to push back a little bit
so i'm going to feel very sympathetic to people in lincolnshire who voted against all of this
but people who have voted for lib dem policies must expect lib dem policies so the lesson is
vote conservative all right or or
nigel farage might say vote for reform he might but he's not here so i'm going to say vote
conservative i'm going to just push back one more time because in australia they stopped the boats
by the right-wing party the liberals coming up with a similar scheme to process migrants offshore
in nairu and the reason why the labor government that came in afterwards kept the plan was because
it was proven to be tried and tested and effective where the tories went wrong is they did not give
the rwanda scheme enough time to be established so that it was then
undeniable to labor that it was doing something to deter people from coming to this country
yes keir starmer cancelled it out of a degree of kind of political vindictiveness but he might have
been forced into the corner of just accepting it and carrying it on if rishi sunak hadn't panicked
or got fed up or decided to call an election in the pouring rain because he was proving to be
unpopular for the first time in his life you unfortunately bottled it and that's why we're
in this mess i just don't think that's right unless you were to suspend the quinquennial act
that an election was looming regardless the rwanda scheme would have been in its very earliest days
even if we had had a general election at the very last minute which was technically could have gone
to january but that always seemed very unlikely december of 2024 the labor party was deeply
committed to abolishing this policy not only that but they changed the law so that people who arrive
here illegally on small boats can now claim asylum whereas the conservative said they couldn't ever
claim asylum they changed that law so they changed important laws and they changed the law
and they changed the law so they changed the law so they changed the law so they changed the law
that make coming here more attractive make it easier tens of thousands have come and then
they've got to be put somewhere and it seems perfectly fair to put them in areas that have
voted for these policies that's what they asked for and what's your response to those who accuse
brexiteers of starting all this because we know that the small boat crossings were very low
pre-2019 and then they escalated because of brexit some remainers claim well this is
absolute nonsense people were using different methods they were coming through in
lorries in large numbers it's not a brexit issue and the dublin agreement meant that we took more
people in than we sent out because we accepted a very high percentage of the applications made
to receive asylum seekers from the rest of the european union and only four percent of our
applications to remove them back to where they'd come from were accepted and we've been through
that on the daily t before we went through all the figures on one of my previous visits
all right shall we speak to the leader of the local council in piddington a man called tim
mcnally who can give us the latest on the saga going on in his tiny village jacob you grasp the
neffelman because you're concerned that the good people of piddington might have brought this upon
themselves well that does seem to me to be a problem that piddington is represented by a
councillor and by a member of parliament the lib dems are notoriously weak on asylum and that
therefore people
have got what they've voted for and i quite understand that people in piddington a small
which are furious that they're going to get 1,500 asylum seekers.
But if people like the voters of Piddington
had voted Conservative at the last election,
there would have been the Romanda Scheme
and people would have been removed.
Well, Jacob, on that, thank you both of you for having me on.
Very simply, Piddington is a tiny little village
as part of a brand-new constituency that was set up
specifically for 2024,
which incorporated Vista and Woodstock.
We have only potentially 190, 180 or so adults
would be competing against basically a 9,000 majority.
How could we have actually impacted against that?
And in terms of, no, I don't have any affiliation
to the Liberal Democrats,
and even Callum Miller, who is the MP,
has apologised to me for being associated in that way.
But we've actually taken what I call
an apolitical route to our campaign.
We're not actually, because our village is full of everyone
from all aspects, from all the far right to the far left.
There is no one strong position here.
And I think, really, the issue about this is
it's not about a political issue.
It's about proportionality and security.
For us, it's about, if it was, you know,
1,258 priestesses and vicars, it still wouldn't be right.
It's about proportionality and assimilation.
What are we having to do as an environment
to actually assimilate against the numbers of 1,250?
If it was proportional, we should be having five or six, ten.
We already have 600 Afghanis and Chobrisers
who have been brought in through the exchange,
processed locally in our communities.
We're not, you know, totally pushing back on everything.
But this is a problem because the government
doesn't want to discuss security.
And when it does, it uses words which are very deceiving,
security vetting.
And that's unacceptable for people because they know
they're going to be using the likes of validating
through biometric systems and databases.
But these people aren't part of any system.
They only become part of a biometric system
when they're actually fingerprinted and photographed,
when they're. When they arrive on the shores of the United Kingdoms.
And the people who are going to be in the camp,
they're free to roam, aren't they?
That they are not kept enclosed.
They are entitled to go wherever they like at any time.
Correct.
And, you know, I've personally gone to Wethersfield
where such a site already exists.
I've met with the residents there,
and I'll perfectly, perfectly thank them.
It was quite an upsetting experience for me,
not because of Piddington,
but because of the fact that these people have lived
with this behaviour for the last four years.
There's no press.
There's no MPs.
There's no Home Office representation.
They are ignored.
And they live in a hellhole.
Men are walking through their properties
at 4am in the morning.
And so you're going to hold a referendum about this.
I mean, the government won't be bound by that referendum.
What else can you do?
Can you hold pickets?
I mean, I'm thinking perhaps of passport to Pimlico.
Can you really ramp it up to stop people coming in
if the government. Jacob, as you well know,
it would be quite illegal to do such an act
of blocking and controlling.
We would do an absolute transparency and legality
and everything we do is correct and proper.
What we are doing is. Sorry to interrupt.
You can't picket, can't you?
I mean, the trade union laws don't apply to private pickets.
You could stand outside the base
and tell the bus drivers not to go through.
Yes, we could do that.
It's just not in our nature.
You know, we're experienced professionals.
We're professional people.
We'd go ahead and get things done.
We could have done protests all this time,
but we've chosen actually to go for what I call
the political jugular.
And the reason why I'm going for the political jugular
is because politics is broken to the constituents
of our society.
The very fact that we elect MPs who go into Parliament
and the minute they go into Parliament,
they're then told you cannot talk about certain subjects.
They lose their brain and lose their tongue.
And as far as I'm concerned, that's not democracy.
That's a form of dictatorship.
And I'm fed up with that.
I want that fixed.
Yeah, well, I mean, I agree with you.
And it is the job of a constituency MP
to stand up for villages like Piddington.
And it's not proper, in my view,
for an MP to sit on his hands and weep crocodile tears.
He should be joining you and doing everything he can
and using every parliamentary mechanism
to disrupt business in Parliament
to make the point and embarrass the government.
There are lots of things you can do as an MP,
that don't change the law,
but are annoying to the government of the day
if you feel strongly about something.
And I'm with you on that, Jacob.
So one of the things, you know, we do keep into account,
and although we have differing views,
I cannot say that he's not doing his job.
Basically, there's been two counts on the Prime Minister,
Andy Burnham, in Prime Minister's question time
on the question of Piddington.
And then again, several days later,
he called the Speaker of the House
at the Dispatch,
to call the government to account
and to ensure that they deliver a message
back at the Dispatch Box,
of which nothing has happened still.
He spent half an hour,
was only given half an hour at the Home Office
to ask four questions
about a 10-year proposal and 1,258 men.
That's just a disgrace, right?
So the whole process, as far as I'm concerned,
who would want to be part of a country
that does this to its people?
That's the question here.
The other thing, Tim,
is that you're saying,
that you're trying to hit them
in the political jugular,
but villagers are also taking matters
into their own hands.
So talk to us about the plans you've got
for CCTV emergency alerts.
Well, the CCTV isn't a political piece
in any emergency training,
you know, in terms of defence,
and we'll go through those things.
The political jugular one is this.
The very fact that we hold a vote
that records the sentiment of this village
is a national piece of work.
Everyone knows that.
And that is what the sentiment is today, here.
But I will tell you now,
that's the sentiment across this entire country.
The number of people who are now following our blueprint
and want to be part of what we have done
has exceeded a huge number.
I've had, I'd say, 1,000 emails asking us to teach them
and give them the blueprint of what we've done
so they can go and do the same
and become and grow the grassroots of politics,
make it interesting, make it effective,
make it deliverable,
make politicians understand what's expected,
what's expected of them if they go into politics.
What's in the blueprint?
How can others learn from Piddington's experience?
Because what I'm saying is, yes,
you're taking the fight politically,
but you're also coming out with some practical measures
to ensure that the local community there feels safe.
Correct, so the practical measures we're doing
is we're doing CCTV across,
in terms of we're building out a wide area network of CCTVs.
We're doing self-defence classes
for anyone who wishes to be involved
and be part of that process.
We've consulted with the police.
We're trying to engage and trying to
set what we call a security audit for the village
and work out ways we can best manage the village
and manage the people within it
to ensure we're kept safe at all times.
We don't anticipate everyone to be a bad egg,
but all it takes is one.
And unfortunately, one is more than it needs to be.
So as I say, this blueprint we've got,
the blueprint is more about spreading the word
to other parish councils that they need to step up
and that their communities need representation.
Because half our problem
in our politics is engagement.
There is no engagement.
There's not enough engagement.
And that's how we get this disproportionate,
from time to time, of the wrong governments in play
because people are just complacent
and actually not attending and doing their part to vote.
Sure, but there is a problem here, isn't there,
in that you obviously identify
and you've found kinship with other areas
that are also fearful of a so-called migrant invasion.
But if they don't end up down the road in Piddington,
they're in somebody else's back.
They're in somebody else's backyard.
I mean, the core problem here is the government
doesn't seem to have an ability, despite all of the rhetoric,
to smash the gangs or stop the boats.
And therefore, these guys have to be housed somewhere.
And this is a problem.
You could have some in northern, less advantaged towns saying,
"Well, listen, we've had our fill of these people for months."
Even Andy Burnham has advocated the idea
of these migrants being moved into middle-class areas,
even though it might be more expensive in some kind
of attempt to spread the misery across the UK.
Don't rural areas like yours, despite the contrary demographics,
have to take their fair share of the burden?
And that's the word I like, fair share.
Fair share.
Define fair share for me.
350 residents, fair share, all right?
That's what you've got to focus on,
not on an absolute dumping of people.
That doesn't suit anyone, and the impact of it
on this community, people are now entrapped.
They're locked in their properties.
They can't sell, can't move.
There are pensioners who won't be able to get their pension value
out of their property.
So there's a whole myriad of impacts upon financial security
and attitude towards life.
And it's not we want ill harm on anyone.
It's the issue of the fact that why isn't the government honest
with us about the security implications
so that we can actually take the appropriate measures
to protect ourselves as we see fit?
The aspect about other communities about fearing
this, it's not just this.
There are massive planning proposals
going through for 370,000 houses across from here up
to Milton Keynes.
People are not being heard.
They're agitated.
They want to be heard.
And so the mechanisms which we're doing here
is just the tip of the iceberg.
This is just about asylum, but there's
going to be other triggers, catalysts that will happen,
which will basically bite the ass of this government.
It's very interesting what you're saying,
because the government's very keen
keen on devolution until local
communities say no, at which point devolution seems much less popular. Yeah, I mean, it's
devolution, but it's devolution without control, without consultation and without accountability,
without anything. It's a bit like saying, oh, we'll give the mayors 2% tax to go and spend,
but I'll tell you what, we'll tax you 2% more to be able to spend 2%. It's a joke.
Councillor Tim McNally, thank you very much indeed for joining us on The Daily Tea. We'll
be following developments in Piddington on the Telegraph website. Thank you both very much.
It does strike me as absolutely ludicrous that you've got a community needing to take the law
into their own hands. I mean, we've seen this to an extent in Dover and in Portsmouth, haven't we?
And then we've had legitimate protest almost overrun by people in balaclavas and things.
Here, this is perfectly respectable residents from different political parties,
all making the point that if we feel the need to get safe self-defence classes,
then something has gone very wrong.
It's classic government mistake, misunderstanding. You've got a disused
armed forces base. It's big. It's got housing. Let's put lots of migrants there.
But what they forget is that those migrants can then wander anywhere that they like,
that they're not kept confined. If they were confined in this base, the problem would be
much, much lower because they wouldn't be going into it.
They wouldn't be walking through people's gardens. There wouldn't be the risk of crime.
But because they're free to go, they are utterly disproportionate to a village of a few hundred people.
So what should the government be doing then, saying that if we have accommodation like this,
it needs to be in some form of lockdown with curfews and things?
You've got to say that people have to be in unless they have permission to be out.
Why wouldn't they say that? Because then you get lawfare and people claiming that the human rights are being. Because they have the right to wander around the countryside.
Because they're persecuted and they're escaping persecution and they're asylum seekers.
Well, not all of them, I suppose.
99% we've heard from, I think it was exclusive. Well, 99% of them do, and yet 90% of the claims get granted.
Yes.
So because the left will say, well, if 90% of the claims are being granted, they must be legitimate.
But that's not true. They've played the system. And what we've got to do is remove them.
We need a scheme like Rwanda. We just don't want these people staying here.
And then you get rid of them.
We need to get rid of the problem. But if they are here, they shouldn't be free to move around the countryside.
Telegraph readers have been responding to this story in their droves.
Some aren't sympathetic, saying, as you have earlier, listen, you get what you vote for.
You brought in the Lib Dems. You've now got a Liberal Democrat MP who, to be fair, let's quote Callum Miller,
because he has previously said the plans have been veiled in secrecy and the process did not guarantee public participation
beyond a narrow list of statutory bodies.
So part of this is cock up.
And part of it is conspiracy, because the people of Piddington feel that things have been hidden from them and there hasn't been transparency.
Of course they've been hidden.
But the government's not going to tell people any more than it absolutely has to, because it doesn't want protests, obviously.
But a point's been made. So previously on the podcast, we. Sorry, can I just add, the government's very dodgy about this, because I went to this migrant place in North Somerset.
Yes.
And the government won't say anything about that.
The man on the gate said, oh, we're closing down soon.
But the government. The government would neither confirm nor deny that.
The government wants to keep all this secret.
It pretends it's to safeguard the people who are there, but it's actually to cover up its embarrassment and its shame at a failing policy.
Sure.
So that's what's happening in Piddington.
No wonder the MP didn't know.
Also, you'd be rightly cheesed off if you felt that your own government was prioritising the safety of the migrants over the safety of the local community.
You would, but it does.
This was an interesting. I'm in touch with a lady called. I'm in touch with a lady called Gaia Cooper.
Not her real name.
She wrote a book about being the victim of a grooming gang in the Buckinghamshire area back in the late 90s and early noughties.
Now, she's concerned about this plan for Bicester, which is quite near to where she lives.
I don't want to sort of betray any confidences, and I want her to preserve her anonymity.
But she's basically written to the authorities.
And I just think out of all of the comments that have been received, this is really quite chilling.
Because imagine if you go about. Your daily life, worried that you might bump into the people that attacked you as a teenager.
And I'm talking about gang rape here.
This is very, very serious.
And a number of her perpetrators did go to prison, but some have been released.
She says,
As a survivor of multiple male perpetrators when I was a looked-after child in Aylesbury during that period,
I spent many years providing lived experience consultation work, both paid and unpaid.
So she's been on the panel of survivors.
She's spoken to other survivors.
She's put her testimony forward so that lessons can actually be. learned and mistakes aren't made.
I write to you requesting that you look very carefully at the options before you
and seriously consider the long-term consequences of housing mostly male working-aid migrants here.
We're a tiny community with limited infrastructure.
To place this ratio of unknown males into the local area is disproportionate and inappropriate.
It's also frightening to our community, and especially to me and survivors like me.
I cannot understate the daily fear of running into perpetrators or one of their associates.
She basically opted for a safer area to raise her sons, and now it's nearby to this MOD base.
She's also made the point that not only do these people have no background checks at all,
and often they come without documentation.
And she points out that the Home Office actually had to produce a guide on why you shouldn't be raping women in the UK,
which was hugely disturbing, to remind migrants of their responsibilities.
She also makes the point that the government has been very secretive about the crimes actually carried out by these migrants,
and that they're often treated as no fixed abode, and then washed up with other statistics,
so that we actually don't know how many crimes they've been responsible for.
People like Professor Matt Goodwin have said they're obviously overrepresented in the violence and sexual violence statistics.
The left then say, oh no, he's fudged the figures.
So it's the opaqueness that worries people about all this, isn't it?
Yes, absolutely.
The government doesn't want to admit the figures.
It's made it very difficult for people to get the figures about offenders.
Fences committed by asylum seekers, or to get the breakdown of figures by nationality,
because it doesn't fit in with its image of a multicultural Britain where we're all rubbing along happily,
because actually such figures as we get seem to indicate that these migrants,
who are by and large young men, are committing more crimes than the bulk of the population.
Indeed, they're committing a crime in the first place by coming here.
So I go back to my point of saying that these camps should be secured.
They should be detained.
They should be sent within them, rather than free to go wherever they want.
They should be free within the camps.
I'm not saying put them in prison cells, but they should be controlled about whether they're allowed in.
And if they have outings, they should be escorted or something like that.
Yes, and I'm not very much in favour of giving jolly outings in a shower bang to the seaside for illegal migrants.
I don't think that's a good use of taxpayers' money.
Well, it does happen.
I know it does, but I don't think you should.
Just on another note while we're together, because I know you're very anti-banning things.
I am.
We mentioned protesters in Britain.
I was in masks and balaclavas earlier.
Nottingham City Centre has officially banned face coverings.
Anyone who refuses to comply could face a £60 fixed penalty notice or be prosecuted with courts able to impose a maximum fine of £1,000.
Now, obviously, this doesn't just apply to balaclavas and face masks, but one assumes burqas.
Well, I think that people ought to be allowed to wear the burqa under all normal circumstances, but I think if you're
taking part in a protest, your face ought to be visible.
I think that's perfectly reasonable, partly because a masked protest looks much more sinister
than an unmarked protest.
Even if it's doing exactly the same thing, even if it's otherwise completely law-abiding,
the mask is there to intimidate.
So, I'm not against banning people from wearing face coverings when they're on a protest.
I see that somebody on one of these protests, a man who was. who was probably my height, was wearing a burqa and the police have arrested him, so I think the police are probably clever enough to work out. He was saying, "There's nothing wrong here, it's just a religious covering."
They were like, "Hmm, I'm not sure."
In a very deep voice, they probably gave it away.
Well, I mean, you know, in this new age of being able to self-identify as any gender you like, Jacob. Yes, but we don't believe in that sort of nonsense.
And also, one final note, because you are a member of the Conservative and Unionist Party, how worried are you about this talk of
separatism now that we have independents in Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin, Plaid Cymru in Wales, and indeed John Swinney up in Scotland making merry hell with our union because of his sympathies for Scottish independence?
They've got together, they basically said, "Right, we're going to go at this hammer and tongs."
Andy Burnham said things like, "Oh, well, we don't want any more constitutional referenda," but he hasn't been particularly punchy on it.
Well, first of all, Plaid doesn't really want Welsh independence.
Why do you say that?
Because it doesn't, because it de-emphasised it at the local elections.
It's terrified of independence.
So they're just the "anyone but Labour" vote?
They're just the "anyone but Labour" vote.
I wouldn't take them too seriously.
The Scots Nats do, they want to all drive off in their campervans away from us.
And they lost their last vote on it, and I expect they would lose it again.
When they last had their vote, there was an easy option for them, that they would leave the United Kingdom and join the European Union, now they'd have to apply to join
the European Union as an entirely new member.
It would be a much more complicated issue, and we'd have to have
border controls between Scotland
and England if they did. So what about the
Shinners? They've now got Donald Trump's support.
Well, aren't you in favour
of United Ireland under the Crown?
The Republic
could say we got it frightfully wrong in
1924. We'd like to come back.
I see. So you mean a
United Ireland with the UK.
Go back to the 1801 United Kingdom.
Can't see that happening. Isn't that what Trump meant?
Michael Portillo, if
only he had looked at it that deeply.
Actually, Michael Portillo made a very good point
that does the rest of Ireland really want
thousands of disgruntled
unionists
aligned with them making trouble?
That was Philip Johnson's point in his excellent
column today saying that. Telegraph columnist
Philip Johnson, ladies and gentlemen. Very distinguished
Telegraph columnist. Indeed. Rights leaders.
Watch his crickets. A little bit scary actually.
And he was
saying that he thought the Republic might
vote not to take on Northern Ireland because
of the cost and everything that went
with it. The security problem and the angst.
So it's
not as likely as all that
I don't think. The union is safe
Jacob. The union
is as safe as it will ever
be. I think it is pretty safe
before I become a Wessex
separatist. No, please don't.
Breaking news
on the Lucy Letby case.
Lady Justice Thirlwall has today
published her report into the failings by
all those responsible for the
safety of babies at the Countess of
Chester Hospital. And the
headline of the report is that
the hospital could have saved three
more babies. I'm joined now
by Mark MacDonald who is the barrister
for Lucy Letby. Lovely to see
you again, Mark. Thank you very much for joining me
on the Daily Tea.
Basically, we've got this report finding
that there was a failure of management,
governments and safeguarding.
That the collapse and
deaths of some babies could have been
avoided had safeguarding
practices been followed. Lady
Justice Thirlwall paid tribute to
the dignity and courage of the parents,
thanked them for sharing their experiences
with the inquiry. The report calls
for urgent changes to protect
babies. As the chair says,
this must never happen again.
First of all, where does
this leave Lucy Letby's
appeal or quest for an appeal?
The case is currently
being considered by the Criminal Cases
Review Commission. Does
this help or hinder that application?
Totally neutral. They're going to take
no notice of it.
The expert reports that are before
the CCRC
paint a very different picture
and have a very different narrative.
One where no crimes were
in fact committed.
So all the recommendations and all the
findings of fact made by Thirlwall,
if the experts
are correct,
are totally undermined and
indeed redundant.
And that's the problem
with
the whole of this inquiry.
It was set up too soon
after the convictions. And I know
that in CapNet there was
a discussion about whether or not it
was too soon.
But the then Secretary of State for Health
I think it was under
Richard Sunak
who was Prime Minister at the time
felt that there was an urgent need
to do it and did it.
The previous Secretary
of State for Health, Jeremy Hunt
who was
in charge of health
when Letby was in fact
meant to have been committing
these crimes,
has publicly said
that he has real concerns about
these convictions because he knows
what was going on in the National Health Service.
And I think
that's the problem
here. It was
too quick in setting up. The terms of
reference were too rigid.
Another thing that Lady Justice Thirlwall
said is that it's not her
job to re-look at the convictions
of guilt. And that, I'm afraid,
meant that the holding crime was polluted
with one narrative, one from the prosecution
at the trial.
Yes.
And so, you know, if no crimes
were committed, and I remember you being
at the press conference that we had
with Professor Hsu Lee, and you will remember,
I think he went for about an hour
going through all the evidence
and all the cases and concluding
that no crimes have been committed.
I just wish
that the inquiry had reached out and said,
look, you know, can we just look at this?
Can we look at that evidence?
Yes. But they didn't.
So, Mark, let's just be clear about this.
The inquiry never sought to
confirm, clarify, re-litigate the case.
The case against Lucy Lepby and, indeed,
her guilt, what it was commissioned to do
was to look at the Countess of Chester Hospital
and try and determine whether there were failures
across the board which led to Lucy Lepby
killing these babies.
And we have to say that because she's still
been convicted of being a serial baby killer.
So they took those convictions.
They treated it as read that she was a mass
murderer of babies and then took that forward
to basically ask the central question,
how was this allowed to happen?
Yes.
Now, Lady Justice Thirlwall has pointed
to the sort of personal relationships
at the heart of that particular neonatal unit.
Let's be honest, it was under huge pressure.
It was looking after gravely ill babies
for an extended period with few resources
and a staffing problem.
Yes.
She makes the point.
She makes the point that some people actually
defended Lucy Lepby at the time,
perhaps putting the personal ahead of the professional.
What's your reaction to that?
The question that was asked by everybody,
apart from those pointing the finger,
was where is the evidence?
Where's the evidence here?
Just give us one piece of evidence.
Not, well, she's there when things go wrong.
Give us one piece of evidence that she has done
something wrong.
That's the question that every senior nurse,
that every manager, that every trustee were asking.
And there was no evidence.
You see, the whole of the trial was based upon a hypothesis,
a hypothesis that was started by a retired pediatrician,
Dr. Darry Evans.
That said, there's no direct evidence here.
We previously explored some of the flaws
in the data.
There's a big piece on the Telegraph website
that I urge people to read.
And it's basically saying serial killer
or victim of a miscarriage of justice.
And it takes the reader through some of the problems
around some of the data analysis,
that famous chart with black dots,
every time Lucy Lepby was on duty,
when, funnily enough, a baby died.
But as some statisticians have pointed out,
babies kept on dying after Lucy Lepby
was removed from the unit.
There's also concerns about some of this tampering
with insulin.
There are concerns about the interpretation
of some of the discoloration on the baby's chests.
And you mentioned Professor Xu Li earlier,
who says that basically, his medical research
was taken out of context during the trial.
So we know all that, but I suppose moving forward,
Lucy Lepby had offered to appear at this inquiry
to be questioned by Lady Justice Thirlwall.
Why was that turned down?
I applied for her to be a core participant
in the inquiry, and that was rejected.
But if I was able to be there, I would have brought
all that evidence with me and presented it to Thirlwall.
And so, you know, and indeed questioned
some of the witnesses that were called
and put an alternative narrative, one that we now
know is more likely, as said by the international experts.
And so, anyway, it was rejected.
It was earlier on of the inquiry, I think the words used
was that it would be too disruptive.
Also distressing to the families of the victims, perhaps, Mark.
Yeah.
Well, yes, it would have been.
But that's not my-- you know, my job is to represent my client.
And so, you know, the thing is, I don't know if you know this,
but when I was a kid, I grew up in Birmingham.
And I remember hearing the bombs go off in Birmingham,
the Birmingham bombs, the two IRA bombs.
And I remember the fallout and the victims
that happened after that.
And I remember my school, the windows were smashed in,
as a result, it was a Catholic school.
And all those victims that died--
and were seriously injured, and all the families.
But then six men were caught on trial for that crime.
And then later, they were found to be innocent.
That doesn't stop the people being victims.
It doesn't stop the relatives.
But what they're going to get, and what they now have,
is the truth.
Yes.
And the same is with every miscarriage of justice.
There's going to be a victim, of course, there is.
But that doesn't mean we all shut up shop,
and don't do anything.
That doesn't mean that we don't expose faults in the case.
bring in fresh evidence. But if your case is that Lucy Letby didn't kill these babies, they were
killed as a result of a multitude of factors, including the failure of the Countess of Chester
Hospital on many levels. So you're almost saying Lucy Letby didn't kill these babies, the NHS did.
Then don't some of these findings help you? Because they speak to a degree of mismanagement,
don't they? Well, yeah, but, you know, fingers have been pointed because the accepted narrative
of the prosecution case and some of the people who were court participants in the inquiry has
been accepted by Lady Justice Thirlwall. But have the fingers been pointed at the right people?
That's the question mark here. Did the managers do anything wrong? That's the question. See,
if we're wrong,
we fall right back and Lucy Letby is innocent and no crime was in fact committed. Because what they did is say, well, just show me the evidence. Yes. And there
wasn't any evidence. I mean, of these list of recommendations, all cots and incubators in all
neonatal units should be fitted with baby monitors. There should be in-cot cameras with live stream
streaming video. There should be CCTV cameras directed towards fridges and other units storing
insulin. I mean, actually, I'm sure you'll be arguing if only this was all in place, then if
you're saying that Lucy Letby is innocent, then these measures would have proved her innocence.
Yes. You would never have heard the name Mark McDonald. We would not be here. There would
be no trial. There would have been no conviction because if these international experts are correct,
no crime was committed, then they wouldn't have seen anything done wrong by Lucy Letby.
Without going too granular, Mark, just briefly, why have these two experts left your legal team?
So there's two lots of experts on the insulin, two teams. Both the teams say
the evidence of insulin is unreliable, and they think that the jury are misled and there's
possibility that Lucy Letby is innocent. One of the team doesn't agree with the other team.
So this team that thinks Lucy is innocent has withdrawn. This team has stayed and this
team continues with the CCRC. And so, you know, I can't control that. That is, that
is what's happened. What I do know is that the seven international experts that remain
um, give very compelling reasons why the insulin is unreliable. And I think the CCRC will take it
seriously. And here's the interesting thing. You know, their report is before the CCRC.
Their evidence, the ones that were withdrawn, is before the CCRC. CCRC are just not going to say,
"Well, you've withdrawn. We're going to ignore your evidence that she's innocent."
Their job is to think, is to decide whether or not these convictions are unsafe.
It doesn't matter if they're withdrawn. CCRC are still going to continue.
What's the timetable on this, Mark? When are we expecting a decision from them?
They don't give a running commentary. They don't tell you. You know, I wish they did.
And I can tell you, I've asked more than once, and they said, "We're not going to tell you.
We're not going to let you know a timetable." Um, but I, in my view, I think months. I think,
within six months, we're going to know.
Okay. And finally, have you discussed this report with Lucy Letby yet?
No. Um, I have a call with her in about two hours' time, and I'll discuss it with her.
Mark McDonald, thank you very much indeed, as ever, for joining us on The Daily Tee.
It was good to speak to you.
♪♪♪
Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Residents of Piddington are taking self-defense classes and organizing CCTV networks in response to plans to house 1,258 male asylum seekers at a nearby former MOD base.
Parish council chairman Tim McNally argues the issue is about proportionality and security, not politics, since the village has only around 350 residents.
Jacob Rees-Mogg claims Piddington voters brought the situation on themselves by electing Liberal Democrat representatives who support mass migration.
McNally rejects the political blame, noting Piddington is part of a new constituency with a 9,000-vote majority and that the campaign has been deliberately apolitical.
Critics argue the Rwanda scheme was never given enough time to work as a deterrent before the Conservatives called an early election.
The discussion highlights concerns about the lack of security vetting, transparency, and background checks for asylum seekers housed in communities.
A grooming gang survivor, Gaia Cooper, wrote to authorities expressing fear about housing mostly male migrants near her community.
The podcast also covers Nottingham's ban on face coverings at protests and Lady Justice Thirlwall's report into the Lucy Letby case.
Summary:
The podcast discusses the village of Piddington, where residents are taking self-defense classes and installing CCTV in response to government plans to house 1,258 male asylum seekers at a nearby former military base. Parish council chairman Tim McNally explains that the issue is about proportionality and security, not politics, since the village has only around 350 residents. He argues the government has been secretive about security implications and that the "fair share" for a community of this size would be far fewer people.
Jacob Rees-Mogg claims residents brought this on themselves by voting Liberal Democrat, while McNally rejects this, noting the constituency was newly created with a large majority. The conversation also covers the Rwanda scheme's cancellation, concerns about vetting and crime statistics, and a grooming gang survivor's fears about the plan. Additionally, the podcast addresses Nottingham's ban on face coverings at protests and Lady Justice Thirlwall's report into the Lucy Letby case, with barrister Mark McDonald arguing the inquiry was set up too soon and ignored evidence suggesting no crimes were committed.
FAQs
Residents are organizing self-defense classes, installing CCTV, and planning a referendum to express their opposition to a proposed large-scale migrant accommodation site.
He argues that because Piddington is represented by Liberal Democrat councillors and an MP who support mass migration, residents got what they voted for. He suggests voting Conservative would have prevented the issue via the Rwanda scheme.
The Rwanda scheme was a Conservative policy to send asylum seekers to Rwanda. Rees-Mogg claims it failed because it was not given enough time to work before the general election, and Labour cancelled it upon taking office.
The parish council is building a wide-area CCTV network, organizing self-defense classes, conducting a security audit with police, and preparing emergency alerts.
It is a plan for grassroots political action, including holding local votes, increasing engagement, and pressuring politicians to address disproportionate migrant housing.
The Thirlwall inquiry found hospital failures but did not re-examine Letby's convictions. Her lawyer argues the inquiry was set up too soon and ignored expert evidence suggesting no crimes were committed.
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