John Pothore hosts a Commentary Magazine podcast to promote their annual fundraising roast on November 8th in New York City, featuring a lineup of notable speakers including Ron Dürmer, Ben Shapiro, and Aaron Wexler. He emphasizes the difficulty of linking the event directly on the website and urges listeners to visit commentary.org/Rost. The episode includes personal nostalgia about vintage record stores and vinyl, reflecting on the analog era’s intimate connection to music and the emotional value of physical media. It then centers on Benjamin Netanyahu’s UN speech, which Pothore praises as a compelling, emotionally resonant argument for Israel’s survival and right to defend itself, citing the loss of his brother Yoni as a moral foundation. Netanyahu’s speech is also interpreted as a subtle threat to Iran, with symbolic references to Starlink signaling potential regime collapse. Pothore critiques the political imbalance of Netanyahu’s long tenure, arguing that it undermines democratic norms despite his rhetorical strength. The discussion also responds to anti-Israel claims, particularly by actor Wallace Sean, who compared Israel to Nazi Germany—described as a morally indefensible and dangerous claim. Pothore counters this by highlighting Israel’s humanitarian efforts in Gaza, including food and medical aid. Finally, the podcast concludes with a light-hearted nod to Sukkot and a recommendation of a novel, *The Barman of the Ritz*, which explores moral dilemmas during WWII through the lens of a Jewish bartender in occupied Paris.
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Welcome to the Commentary Magazine Daily Podcast.
Today is Friday, September 25th, 2026.
I'm John Pothore, it's the editor of Commentary Magazine.
I'm told that I haven't made this clear enough by some listener,
so I'm going to try to make it as clear as possible.
We are having a roast, our annual fundraising event,
on November 8th here in New York City.
To find out more, go to commentary.org/Rost.
Commentary.org/Rost, commentary.org/Rost,
because people keep asking me, "How do I find out more?"
And I mentioned commentary.org/Rost, and then they forget it.
And it is true that we do not have a visible link
on our website at commentary.org.
To that page, I was trying to explain to someone
that making alterations on an extant webpage
is surprisingly more difficult than you would think.
It ought to be that you think it's just something plug-and-play,
and it doesn't quite work like that.
And so we have never had that available.
So as we do with our ads sometimes,
I'm just going to say commentary.org/Rost 17 times.
That's what the advertisers want us to do
to just constantly mention the URL so that people get it.
It's commentary.org/Rost, and of course our Roasty is Ron Dürmer.
Dan Siener will be roasting him.
The comedian Aaron Wexler will be roasting him.
Ben Shapiro will be roasting him.
And a bunch of other people.
So a good time will be had by all.
And to find out how to get to attend that good time,
of course, what do you do?
You go to commentary.org/Rost, and there.
You will meet Executive Editor Abe Greenwald, hi Abe.
Hi John.
Excuse me.
You will not meet Abe at the URL commentary.org/Rost.
You will meet Abe at the event that follows naturally
from clicking on commentary.org/Rost and buying a ticket
or buying a table.
Also there will be Senior Editor Seth Mendel, hi Seth.
Hi John.
It reminds me a bit of the scene in Empire Records where you just,
you see him, the employee pick up the phone, go Empire Records,
open till midnight, midnight, and then slams the phone down.
That's where you're slashed, Roasty.
One obscure, you have just there.
We enjoy a good obscure reference.
You are now making an obscure reference
to an unsuccessful youth-oriented movie made 30 years ago
that I have extremely dim memories of.
So about a record store, right?
So are there good movies about record stores?
I mean, there's high fidelity, right?
Which is about a record store.
Obviously, record stores barely exist.
I will tell you if we're going on this bizarre old man tangent
that when I was eight years old or something like that,
a movie came out called "Cactus Flower"
with Walter Mathau and Ingrid Bergman.
That was the, that is now chiefly remembered
because Goldie Hahn played the kooky girlfriend
of Walter Mathau and won an Oscar.
She had been on laugh in the TV show, won an Oscar for "Cactus
Flower" and then commenced a rather remarkable,
now almost 50 year career as a star,
which nobody would have predicted.
I'm only bringing this up because there are scenes
in her friend or roommate or whatever.
She lives in Greenwich Village.
And there are these scenes in this record store,
which was at the corner of A Street and Sixth Avenue.
And I thought it was the coolest thing I'd ever seen
because in this record store you go in, and if you,
if you wanted, they would take the record,
you would bring it to the counter,
and they would open it up, they'd open the plastic up
and give you the LP, and then there were listening booze.
You could go into a listening booth
and listen to the record, and I was eight years old,
and I did live, you know, I lived five miles away from it,
but it was sort of in my city.
And I remember just begging my parents to take me
to this record store, so that I could, like, go into one
of those listening booze and listen to an LP with headphones on.
It just seemed like the most exciting thing of all time.
Little did I know that you could today, that, you know,
50 years on, or less than 50 years on,
you could, like, go somewhere, you could write a,
make a two minute movie about Harry Truman
and Thucydides meeting, you know, at a coffee shop in Pasadena,
and Truman is wearing a suit, and Thucydides wearing a toga,
and they have a conversation about Gibbon,
and then 30 seconds later, a two minute movie
would come out, be spat out by some machine,
that you could tell was not real,
but was still nonetheless a kind of actual thing.
That's where technology is today,
as compared to where I was, like, 47 years ago,
when the most exciting thing in the world was the idea
that you could listen to a record in a record store.
That, um, anyway, I, this just shows that we've cleaned out
our porch the last weekend, and we, and I found my record player.
So, uh, record players of today that you can, you can hook up
to a laptop and transfer the sound, because there is,
there is something about the crisp sound of vinyl
that really is, uh, and so you can, you can load your stuff
onto your computer.
Little known fact that my late, my late father was an audio file.
So he, uh, beginning really in his 50s, uh,
became obsessed with, um, with, uh, records.
I mean, the, you know, and, and record equipment and, uh,
speakers and, uh, subwoofers and tweeters and, uh,
amplifiers and various other, uh, kinds of things.
And, um, the, uh, this fact, uh, that, um, the recording was made
on physical grooves, uh, of, you know, of a piece of plastic, um,
that, uh, it's analog and not digital, because there is actually
some, for, if you put your fingernail on it and you sort of spun it
around, you would hear sound.
Uh, it isn't just, whereas, of course, anything, uh,
now that's digital, uh, is a conversion of a mathematical formula
or numbers or whatever into something that then goes into a speaker
that then translates it into sound.
And so audio files will tell you that this is, this is real sound.
It's not fake sound, uh, and then my, my, my dad, uh, would, you know,
we would take a record and put it on this cleaner.
You would put clean it and then he would say, because the needle,
the needle itself costs like $2,000.
So you don't want to take care of the needle.
And then after like 15 years of this, like, preposterous process
in which it took five minutes to listen to any one record, um,
he confessed that it was completely impossible for him to tell the
difference between listening to, uh, uh, you know, um,
uh, a recording of the Boston Symphony Orchestra playing, you know,
Beethoven's fifth on a CD, as opposed to Beethoven's fifth on,
on vinyl, uh, but you know, since you're, um, talking about all this and,
and technology, I have to say for some odd reason, the fact that a record
can produce sound with a, when you spin it and run a needle through its
grooves is, is oddly more remarkable to me than the, than digital, uh, audio.
I, I, I, it's more flabbergasting.
Yeah, I mean, I've sort of, I can't remember now, you know, because I,
I think I've read about, you know, how they figured out how to record
things on this, on, on, on, on, on these, on these flat discs on these flat
pieces of plastic or vinyl or whatever they were.
Um, and I remember how, how it happened, um, exactly, but yeah, how,
who figured out that you could somehow store sound physically on that
physical object that simply needed to be amplified through a needle that
wasn't attached to something that could then echo the sound out or like an
early, like, Vectrolo, which was literally a, like a horn, like the sound that
came out of a Vectrolo was sound that was coming out of a, like something
that you would see an old man in a movie set in the 19th century, you know,
like an ear horn.
you know, that it was coming out of a funnel,
a literal funnel of sound.
How someone determined that that was possible
is in a way, in its own way.
- It was Edison did the phonograph, right,
which was basically the same thing, right?
- You never know if Edison did it or if he stole it
from somebody else. - Right, that's true.
- One of the great life experiences now
is discovering that Thomas Edison was a thug,
like a mafia also, be people up if they tried to, you know,
wanted to own every film ever made
through the Edison motion, the idea was that, you know,
if you bought film from him, he then owned the thing
that you, you then owned your film.
We'd see this and, you know, stuff that goes on now
with the idea that when you buy music now,
you don't sort of own the music.
They can kind of take it away from you.
No, and Edison was one of the early masters
of the idea that anything that was made with anything
that he made he got to, he owned.
And if you didn't agree with that,
he would send thugs to be you up, which was fun.
- He was the original soprano in his own way.
- There you go, there you go, the Wizard of Menlo Park.
- Menlo Park. - Menlo Park, yeah.
So yeah, he was, yeah, he had New Jersey's own.
He set the standard for New Jersey criminality
back in the 19th century.
As you can see, we're kind of temperate
because we don't have a big topic today,
and I guess where we'll start is talking about,
because we've discussed it so much on yesterday's program
as a preview, Benjamin Netanyahu's speech
before the UN General Assembly,
which took place yesterday afternoon,
and we were talking about it in prospect yesterday morning.
And I'm of two minds about it,
but I will say this, that if you needed a,
if you needed a half an hour summary of the working theory
and working practice of what Zionism is,
that is not Zionism as defined by Mark Ruffalo Hitler
and Wallace Sean whom I'll bring up in a minute.
You could do, you could do no better than the case
that Netanyahu laid out for why there isn't Israel
and what Israel does and how it acts
and why in the end,
even if you think Israel is terrible and you hate Israel
and you discount everything that he mentioned
about the ways in which Israel seeks to limit the damage done
to its adversaries after its adversaries attack it
and all of that, he just tells this story
about his late brother, Yoni Netanyahu,
who died in the liberation of the hostages in Tabby
on July 4th, 1976, how he himself was,
he found him a couple of years earlier, six or seven years
earlier, stationed somewhere after some kind of a,
attack when he was in doing his military service
and that Yoni had said to him,
we're fighting these battles
and we have no choice, we have to win them
because we have no other choice.
We cannot lose, it's 25 years since the Holocaust,
20 years since the expulsion of Jews from countries
in the Middle East and elsewhere,
the survival of the Jewish people and millions of people
living there, we have no choice.
And so that was the through line of the BB speech
was trying to explain why you may think
that they didn't have to do this
and you may think that they didn't have to do that.
Well, he and the people of Israel are not listening to you.
Because when it comes to their survival,
they have no choice, there is nowhere else to go.
There are existential forces attempting to destroy
a nation of nine million people,
20% of whom by the way are not Jews,
are Arab citizens and Christians and Jews.
And so therefore Israel will proceed
to act as it deems necessary in its national interest
and that everybody who walked out of the hall
when he was speaking is a moral coward
or were an anti-Semite
and then he specifically called you
as Aaron Mamdani, the anti-Semitic mayor of New York City.
Do you, I mean, I just thought as a Suma,
there isn't much people are always saying to me,
well where can I read about Israel?
Where can I read a good one volume history of Israel,
or the Middle East or something like that?
So I never have an answer to that question
'cause there is no such book.
It's like, where can I read a book about Judaism?
It's like, really?
There are about 10 million books about Judaism
including Judaism.
- Well, there's these five main books, right?
But you know, Judaism's part of Jewish law
is an endless series of disputations
between rabbis written and almost impossible to follow style.
And that's where the history and literature of Judaism begins.
But you know, that kind of like,
where can I get just a good summary of that?
Well, that speech, I thought, came as close to being,
the thing I would say you may,
like if you may hate him, you may not agree
that his strategies and tactics are the right ones,
but that that was as definitive a case
to be made for Israel's existence
and the way it pursues its own national interest
and security as anything that I've come across
in my, at least as a matter of public rhetoric by a leader
in my life to you guys.
- Since '67.
I mean, that's where he started.
- Yeah, right, of course, yeah.
- Yeah, yeah.
But yes, I totally agree.
I thought it was great, actually, yeah.
I'm very curious, and it will get to it
as to why you're two minds overall about the speech.
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(knocking on door)
- Yeah, I mean, I thought it was good
and I also thought that he was given an assist
by Macron earlier in the week
because sometimes BB shows up and people treat his speeches
like they're all the same, old, the same, you know,
sometimes he has something to reveal
and sometimes Hassan Nasrallah is being obliterated
as BB speaks into the microphones.
There's a kind of, there's an expectations bar, right?
That when it's only a speech,
no one's been blown up while people are walking
out of the hall, there's no chart
and pictures on the wall of, you know,
some kind of great Mossad mission into Iran
about their nuclear approach.
And there's no revelation about how close they're,
whatever, there's just BB talking.
But the truth is that BB is who he is
because he's very good at that.
[BLANK_AUDIO]
talking is a thing. That's how he became a thing, right? He was, you know, from the beginning
of his career when he was a guy who they realized right away could go on TV and talk to the
news as a, you know, as a deputy envoy in Washington and then New York, he was just a guy
who was who was good at this. So, so it was a reminder also that, you know, BB, just BB
talking is actually, you know, usually worthwhile to listen to, especially in that sense.
But I do think that Macron gave him a huge assist because sometimes you say we've heard
it all before. What do you know, well, I got to hear this again. Not that everybody
else also the one doesn't say the same thing, but the complaint about BB is, oh, we got
to hear this litany again. But yeah, you do because the president of France, who's,
you know, deeply, I mean, how long has he been president of France where he's not, he's
not like he just showed up. Macron is one of one of the most prominent world leaders
of one of the most important European countries. And he, he, he, his like brain fell out of
his ears this week in front of the UN. It was wild to see this idea that Hamas doesn't
operate in the West Bank. And by the way, before anybody jumps in, he, the, the, the claim
of mis-translation is nonsense, right? Macron said afterwards, the day after where he
said my, I didn't, my words were mis-translated. The French words I used were not never operated
in, but really should be understood as never governed. And I thought that also was part
of what was so amazing about this because it's like, he doesn't speak some obscure language,
you know, that was like resurrected, like some kind of like, you know, ammo, you know,
like some sort of like a Mesopotamian tongue that, that, that only archaeologists have
found clues of. He speaks French. People speak French. They knew what he was saying. The
French journalists did not respond by translating it as has never ruled the West Bank, right?
I mean, in other, so just not, not to go overboard on that, but the point is that he stood
up and he said something totally ridiculous and, and then tried to wiggle his way out
of it. And this I thought gave BB a really great opening because France is next to Britain,
the colonial power that set the course of the modern Middle East and the shape, specifically
the shape of the modern Middle East. And Macron never really confronts that. He never
really confronts the fact that not only was France's adventures in Lebanon so formative
about in in terms of how modern Lebanon is misgoverned, but also that, you know, kicking
Faisal out of Syria ended up turning the Palestinians into the Palestinians instead of, you know,
South Syrians or whatever, that the whole conflict broadly has a lot to do with France's
mishandling of all that. And he sort of, it's always bothered me how much he skates not
because I want manual Macron to be held responsible for, you know, Sykes Beco or whatever,
but because I just wanted acknowledgement that when he medals in these conflicts, he has
a responsibility to confront the fact that these are like French started fires and he
should be putting them out. And he got up there and he totally, he, he just totally fell
on his face. And BB had this opportunity then to say, look, this is just with the things
you people say here are just wrong, demonstrably wrong. It's not a matter of opinion. It's not
a matter of whether you think that we went too far in a military response and something
we did, may or may not have been proportionate. This was, these are facts. And you live here
in this, in this, BB literally said, BB literally said, you don't know what you're talking
about. Yes, right. Exactly. You live, you live in this sealed chamber. Yeah. So, you
want to ask one more thing? Yeah. Before you get that, you want to have one more thing
about the speech that we didn't touch on, in terms of maybe his having advanced some,
making some sort of new news, there was a tease or a hint that perhaps soon something
is going to happen to make the Iranian regime fall. That, that came at the end as a kind
of message to the Iranian people. Yeah. Well, I mean, the gimmick, so the gimmick
and the famous gimmick, and I think 2019, or I can't remember what it was, was when he,
he drew on the image of the nuclear reactor, trying to explain what it meant for uranium
to get enriched, right? He had that, like, kind of held up a paste board of a nuclear reactor
right and drew stuff in pen. So, what he did this time, A, was he held up a beaper. He reminded
the world that Israel, you know, took out, you know, thousands of Hezbollah fighters in
a single moment in one of the most imaginative and daring acts of, you know, anti-terrorist
combat that, that maybe the most that we've ever seen. And that was very pointed, because
of course, there he is in this bonded hall of peace where you're not supposed to be baking,
doing violent things. And he's like, no, we did it, and we're proud of it, and we're,
we're going to talk about this until the end of time. And here's the beaper, just to give
you a little glimpse of it. And so, if you're listening to the amitabh my voice and you are
a, you know, want to be a terrorist somewhere in the Middle East or you're part of a terrorist
group or something like that, just remember what we get, what, what, what we've now shown
that we can do. Maybe think twice before you try to, try to take us on. That was number
one. And then number two was him leaving this little device, right? This, he said, here's
something for you. It's, it's, this is Starlink. Starlink, of course, is the anywhere
internet system Elon Musk created that, you know, makes it possible, you know, for you to,
if you're driving through North Dakota, hundreds of miles from any cell tower, makes, makes,
is why you're, like your, your Google Maps still works while you're, while you're passing
wall drug signs. And, you know, this way to the Sturgis motorcycle rally somewhere where
there's, you know, literally no way to get any cell phone service. Of course, Starlink
has now played, apparently played a significant role in the change in the fortunes of Ukraine
and the, in the war between Russia and Ukraine when, when, when he Musk agreed quietly to
allow the Ukrainians to use Starlink. And he said this very, yeah, this very interesting
little thing, which is, here's this device, I'm going to leave it here so that when people,
who are, who are here for the, for this meeting, Iranians are here for this meeting or the
leaders of Iran, not the people, but the leaders of Iran, when they're ready to defect and
run away to get out of the country that is collapsing. Maybe you can give this, or some
of these to them so that they have them in their pockets so that they can get in touch
with us and will basically come and, you know, bring, bring the bus, you know, will drive
the van and to pick them up and then drive them across the border or something like that.
It was the, this is sooner rather than later. And of course, we are getting these penumbres
and emanations about how, once the midterms are over or whatever, there was talk something
was going to happen this week, you know, the hostilities were going to grow this week and
it's one of the pointed and interesting things that, Arachi and Pashesky and the two sort
of non, the civilian leaders of Iran, if there are such things, are now very hurriedly throwing
up a peace plan. Seven days to bend the curve. What was the term for COVID with two weeks
to, to bend the curve or whatever, anyway, seven days to bend the curve. Yeah, it's
driving me crazy. Something in the curve. Yeah. Um, that, but yeah, Arachi, like literally
said, didn't he was asked specifically about the midterms, right? Before the, and he
literally said, yeah, we want it before the midterms. We want to do this before the midterms.
Yeah. Yeah. So something to, that, that was also a hint that, you know, things were going
on and that they were listening and that the things that people were saying were, there
was something behind it because otherwise the Iranians don't care about the midterms.
- And in fact, if the Iranians, they would have reason to stretch it out and make Trump's
party lose in the midterms and bleed out support.
But the fact that they want it, what we're talking about before the midterms means that
something is in the works.
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Well so the proposal is the memorandum of understanding, that's the other comedy here,
is that the proposal is almost literally the same text as the memorandum of understanding
between the United States and Iran that was struck in April or May.
I can't remember when exactly the memorandum of understanding came out that JD Vance negotiated
in Pakistan and said, for the first time in 50 years, there's somebody who really knows
how to talk to the Iranians.
And who killed the memorandum of understanding to bring hostilities to a conclusion and
it was not the United States that killed the memorandum of understanding.
It was Iran that killed the memorandum of understanding by refusing to reopen the
straight, which was what we were going to get out of the memorandum of understanding as
an honorable exit, I guess, from our efforts.
So there's something comic about that, because it's like they're coming back four months
later or five months later and going, hey, we need a peace deal.
So here's our deal.
We're going to reopen the straight from Wu's.
No one is going to do anything in Lebanon.
There's like 17 different things.
It's like, well, if you wanted this deal, you had it.
It was like there in your hands and you tore it up.
So it's comic that you're doing it now, but there are two elections.
We mention one and not the other, because there are two elections that are about to happen.
There's the midterm elections here in the United States on November, whatever it is,
fourth, third, I don't even know.
And then there's October 27th, which is the date of the Israeli elections.
And BB, who was in the fight of his life to secure another term.
And at least from one reckoning or one sense of understanding of what would be good for
him.
Not only is something that he believes in personally, but that might be good for him politically would
be if they do have an innovative idea about how to throw the Iranians into chaos and bring
the war to a decisive end with a victory for the United States and Israel that involves
the opening of waterways among other things and maybe the collapse of the regime, he would
sorely be tempted to pursue that before October 27th.
So he could bring that to the Israeli voting populace and say, remember my promise here pretty
much since I became Prime Minister in 2009 and has been Prime Minister except for about
a 15 month gap four years ago, I've said our main task is eliminating the threat from
Iran and my term, this term is coming to an end and we're going to do that before this
term ends.
So while Rajeev did not mention the Israeli elections, mentioned the American elections,
I think he's probably also thinking about the Israeli elections which are very very confusing
and I have nothing of any, nobody knows what's happening, I don't know a single person,
I speak to 10 people a day about nobody knows anything, nobody knows how it's going.
The polling is all over the map, there are 17 different parties, parties are forming and
collapsing and going into alliances and collapsing alliances and some polls say the Bibi coalition
can crawl its way to 61 seats and therefore the majority and some say it can't possibly
but that the alternative can't either because the only way for the alternative to make it
would be to invite in Arab parties, one of which was in the government that toppled Bibi
in 2022, one Arab party but for the first time in Israeli history, the Arab parties have
not been, which Arabs have, I don't know how many seats they have on the Knessad but the
Arabs do vote, Israeli Arabs do vote on mass for these parties and because the parties themselves
are very unclear where they stand on the formal existence of the Jewish state even though
they are all citizens of the Jewish state, have been kept out of Israeli electoral coalition
politics and now we have this temptation for the anti-Bibi forces of trying to once the
election, the dust is settled, trying to reach out to Arab parties or one or two Arab parties
to see if they can crawl over the finish line, get 61 seats themselves and topple Net
Yahu.
Nobody knows what is happening there.
The whole fact of the matter and why it is that I'm of two minds is he has been democracies
are not supposed to have the same president for 20 years and it's not right and he should
have retired, he's 78 years old.
He believes he's the only person who can possibly lead this country that is not true.
We live in this country which has survived for 240 to 150 years with very terrible leadership
at various moments and gotten past it, Israel is now it will be 80 years old next year making
it actually one of the older countries on the globe since I think at least 100 countries
have come into existence since 1948 as a result of decolonization.
It was the first prime minister born in the state of Israel and decolonization.
It's a country that's four generations old that turns out to be older than you would think
in terms of the UN if you actually go through the list of countries in the UN many of them
accepted in the 1950s and '60s and '70s and of course much of the map that we know from
that we studied as kids and all of that was hastily drawn in the wake of world or one so you
know that that's 100 you know what that's 100 years ago is a very important it's an important
point because people talk about Israel as if it's the last country to have been formed
in history or something you know yeah I mean two or three countries have come into existence
in the last ten years right South Sudan yeah became a country I mean you know like countries
are in the in the 90s in the 90s 400 countries emerged yeah like the breakdown of Yugoslavia
and the Soviet Union happened in the same decade yes you know this probably half the countries
most people can name in you know the entire Balkans came into existence it's just you know
seven countries not obscure countries but like countries that people talk about you know
yeah in in these areas are are far newer decades newer than both Israel and Pakistan which came
in around the same time yeah well Israel Pakistan and India were were became nations in the same
year and they were the great anti-colonial that was the beginning of the wave of post colonial
nationhood that was part of the story of the 1950s 60s and 70s where dozens and dozens of
countries came into being because the because the imperial powers withdrew from them and left
behind situations that were often really pretty parless and ruinous corrupt and
and genocidal and all kinds of things.
So that's why I'm saying Israel actually lands
as a relatively,
is now a relatively senior country
in the history of countries.
But it's not, it's a functioning democracy, very fractious
and bumpcious and BB is the greatest politician
that Israel has ever seen
because he has managed to maneuver his way
through all of the political realities,
having had a one term as prime minister in the 1990s,
returning 10 years after he lost an election in 1999
to become prime minister again.
And then after winning an election in 2015,
managed to survive in other seven years, in part,
because when his term ended,
because there was no, because the country
could not come up with a functional coalition
that had 61 seats.
And so there were a series of elections
beginning in 2019 five, I think four or five,
at least, that ended with no result,
which is probably the likeliest thing
that was going to happen, by the way,
after October 27th.
But so it's not good.
This is actually a bad,
it's like a bad public hygiene
for BB to win another term.
And as a political performer, a speaker, a presence.
He has all of the wonderful, positive, amazing qualities
of a first-rate Israeli-Jewish politician, right?
He's literate, he's quick on his feet,
he's utterly self-confident.
He is absolutely assured of the correctness
of his opinions and is extremely eloquent
in being able to express them.
He also comes across as being obnoxious and pushy.
And he does not cut an attract.
I mean, he's actually personally a very,
a tri-think, a very attractive.
It makes a very attractive presentation of himself
and always has, but there's something at root
to his personality as a public figure
that makes you understand why so many people don't like him.
I mean, I can't quite, I don't have a proper analogy
to an American politician,
but he is, because he combines this quality
of being a great public spokesman
with also being a problematic public spokesman.
And usually, the things that have made him remain,
like this once in a generation leader,
have to do with his ability to maneuver behind the scenes,
both to prevent any rise of a rival
within his own ranks to basically rise high enough
to say, okay, it's time for you to go,
take your retirement and go away now,
because he basically decapitates or kneecaps everybody
in his coalition and has for 20 years
who seems to be getting somewhere
with the Israeli public, which is an unattractive quality,
obviously.
And so I don't think that that's the greatest,
he makes the greatest case for Israel's wonderful democracy
because he's just, this is not how democracies
are supposed to work, the person who is at the top,
despite the fact that we hear or talk about,
this is the most important election
or our lifetime, every election's the most important
election or our lifetime, it is the,
it is the, as axiomatic about a country
that is the result of being ruled by the consent
of the governed that it can have other leaders
at any given moment, right?
I mean, the Athenians who began this whole thing,
literally chose their leaders by lot, you know?
So unimportant in theory was who it was
who actually like was the administrative director
of Athens that any citizen could theoretically
play that part and that's part of our doctrine also.
Like we, anybody can become president
and maybe they'll be still stink and then, you know,
they'll go away and somebody else will come in
and maybe that person will stink and then we'll try again.
I mean, that's, that's how it, that's how it works.
So that's why I'm up to mine is that he's there,
he should probably not have been there,
except for this one fact.
My sister, Ruthie Bloom, the Israeli commentator,
is, so the person who is, his great rival
in this election is Gadi Eisenkot,
distinguished military leader,
and a part of the team of three,
essentially the team of rivals
that formed the war cabinet after October 7th,
so that there should be no major decisions
should be made by BB alone or by his government alone.
Like that there were, that there,
these decisions will be made by a committee
that needed to act unanimously or whatever.
And then after a year of it,
really did not work anymore and the committee was dissolved.
As my, as my sister says,
people look at Eisenkot and they think,
well, he's, you know, he's not, he's incorruptible,
which is good and he's a serious and sober person
and has a distinguished record
and is not particularly ideological.
But as she says, if Eisenkot had had his way,
Israel would not have won the war with us.
Just flatly, like Eisenkot and others,
were so stirred, disturbed, you know,
heartbroken and torn to pieces
by the agony of the hostage families in Israel
that were constantly importuning the government
to seize hostilities in order to create the conditions
for the return of their families
and that that was something that was
in the eyes of Eisenkot and others.
Privileged over the necessity to beat Hamas,
destroy Hamas and, and has, well, I guess,
and win the war.
And so if you're, if you're going on the basis of what we,
I think we all here agree what would have been
the best outcome, having Eisenkot as prime minister
in 2024 could have been spectacularly ruinous.
We would not be, even though Israel's reputation
is in tatters and there are people protesting outside the win
and blah, blah, blah, blah.
These guys had their hearts punched out of them
and, and, and BB said, we're going to fight this war
to its conclusion and get the hostages home
and 90% of them came home.
And so, Eisenkot was wrong in the, just as BB was wrong
in the signature mistake of his political and professional
career, which was the concept of the idea that you could,
you could keep Hamas quiet in the way and, and not,
and take your eyes off the ball.
These guys in media's race would have,
and would have unilaterally ended the, the conflict,
not only because of the hostage families,
but also because they were scared of the United States,
they were scared of Biden, they were scared
of the reputational damage being done to Israel
and BB following the doctrine of Yonin Netanyahu
who said, we have to win this war, we have no choice.
And he was right, in my view, and they were wrong.
And so if I, if I were, if that were the thing
that I was voting on in, you know,
if I were an Israeli voter, I don't know what I do,
honestly, because I think he should go
for all kinds of hygiene reasons.
And on the other hand, I think that that he's,
it's very true that the main force against him called it wrong.
Just as he called it wrong before 2023,
I wasn't called it wrong in the middle of the war.
And so that's the main thing that is on his resume now
is that he was part of the cabinet
and was trying to get BB to stop the war.
And he, he's a, he's a bit of BB, you know, reminds me
in a sort of obvious comparison.
But he reminds me a bit of an, of a sort of Enigo Montoya
character, right, with Iran, which is, you know,
not that, or not that the Iranians killed his brother,
but it's like, you know, you killed my brother,
prepared to die sort of things.
Instead of you killed my father, prepared to that.
But with the Iranians, it's just, you know,
this is at the end, he says, Enigo says, you know,
I've been, I've been trying to avenge this my whole life.
I don't know what to do with my life now, you know.
And so that kind of, that, that is very much like BB
in a certain way in that BB, when he came in,
when he first came up and came into office in the Likud,
you had what you called the Likud princes.
You had this, like, second generation Likud establishment,
Benny Bagan and, you know, people like that.
You still had people left over from the first.
generation who were, you know, sort of going out to pasture or whatever, however you want to call it the change over.
And BB skipped the line in a certain manner of speaking by becoming a celebrity-like figure in America.
While all the stuff was going on in Israel, instead of fighting in the trenches in Israeli politics, BB was an envoy here in DC.
Where he developed a good relationship with George Schultz and, you know, and some others in the Reagan administration, and he worked in New York as well.
And he became this spokesman for Israel, and it all happened 6,000 miles away.
And so when he came, when he finally went back to Israel, it was clear that he was a star in the making, you know, it was clear that he was going to be something politically.
And, but he hadn't spent time finagling his way through the party that Likud was at the time.
And this moment came when Likud was surprisingly kind of cracked open as a party.
One government fell, fighting with George H. W. Bush, the government fell, that was sort of the last of the Likud Old Guard.
And there was this unusual open space at that, right at the moment that BB came back. He has a knack for timing.
And so he sort of, and he ran, and he won, you know, Likud leadership, and then he won by a hair, his 1996 election for Prime Minister, again, Shimon Perez.
But that was, what happened was you ended up with somebody in office who hadn't really climbed the greasy pole so much as jumped on a trampoline from the neighbor's yard and landed on top of the greasy pole.
And he failed.
And he failed his first time.
He was a failure. He had his first time. He came back for three years. He was replaced by Huynne Barak, Barak's government fell and then triumphantly, you know, disgraced politician of the past.
Ariel Sharon came back to become Prime Minister, won a gigantic landslide of an election in 2003.
And what if the alternate history of Israel is what if Sharon hadn't had a stroke?
Like we don't, we don't know what would have happened because he had a stroke and then he was replaced by corrupt and relatively unprincipled person in an old mayor who ended up going to go into prison for corruption reasons, but also in the middle of his term throughout a preposterous piece proposal to the Palestinians.
More generous than the proposal at Camp David in 2000 and who knows what was going on there. But so this whole DB could have been this could never happen for him.
The history is contingent. The Sharon Stroke, Omar, it's failure, the failure of the person probably could have tried to sideline BB by making him finance minister, but he knows that while Israel is a successful Western OECD economy, it has, it's sprang out fourth as a basket case in the beginning, and it slowly put itself together.
More slowly than most people remember, had a real crisis in the 80s with inflation, then it had a million Soviet immigrants come in the 90s, but close to this, that time that we're speaking about, Israel was still, you know, shaky on shaking in that sense, and he made BB finance minister because that was a good place to get somebody's head locked off by the crowd outside the angry public, because you could blame, you know, you could always shift blame to the North.
The economy's bad, talk to the finance minister, and BB sort of made this miracle happen where he just applied his free market principles that he had picked up, and you know, he went to school in Philadelphia, he went to college in the US, he worked in finance briefly, he worked with Mitt Romney briefly, he had this sort of background, and this capitol's background, and so he said, okay, so here's where we're going to sell off parts of the state, the state's not going to own everything anymore.
We're going to, you know, decentralize this, and we're going to, you know, and privatize this, and knock the unions down a peg, and it was a very American thing to do and say, and he gave this incredible series of speeches about it where he talked about the fat man sitting on the skinny man, the thin man's shoulders, and the fat man was the government was the public sector, and the people were carrying the public sector and the public sector unions.
On their back, he had made a really great presentation about how it was in the people's interest to do they, they were being asked to carry too much of a burden, and it got through, and it worked.
Yeah, it just, that's another way it works, it's great.
The reforms worked, and suddenly BB was a guy who had taken, who had deserved a fair amount of credit for really stabilizing the Israeli economy, and then the moment came where he could run again for,
so again, the timing, but also he made his own luck in that sense too, very much so.
John, I thought you were going to say that you were, of two minds about the speech itself, but that's that you're. Well, I'm in the sense that, presentationally, I think he, it's a, it's a, it's a, it was a, it was a brilliant piece of rhetoric, and you can understand why people who feel antipathetic toward him.
I'm not talking now about, you know, Mark Ruffalo and stuff like that. I mean like liberal American, what it is when they listen to him that they don't like, you, you can understand that.
He, he, he's very brusque and combative, and, you know, he, he doesn't suffer fools gladly, and he doesn't sweeten the pot.
It's very, even the things that he says are, that are about how Israel is so determined to be protective of civilian life and all of that, come across almost as acts of aggression, as he's explaining all the things that Israel did to not commit a genocide in Gaza.
He kind of sounds like somebody who was committing genocide in Gaza, if you listen to it in a different, and like, you know, a slightly different tempo. That, so that, that's what, what I was talking about in terms of the speech, is that if you look at it through unsympathetic eyes, people who are, who are not sympathetic to BB, who might otherwise be sympathetic to another Israeli leader, you can kind of understand where they're, where they're coming from.
That's, that's, that's all I was, yeah.
Yeah, I, but I just, I mean, I sort of don't, I mean, I, I, I, the wrong is, is when I think, right?
Well, it's not just saying all speeches job isn't to appeal to, to the minds of Westerners whose countries are not under attack and don't understand the sort of way.
It's more about like, look, he's unpopular with American jewelry. So, you know, that, that alone, it's like if, if that's part of his audience, and he, he doesn't do himself any favors with them, not that they're, not that they deserve that favor is done for them. That's not even what I'm saying.
I'm not popular with them either. Yeah, I know. Yeah, tell me about it.
Okay. Finally, I mentioned the, we had the invocation of the Princess bride by Seth.
I also spoke to Princess bride on Wednesday show with Matt cotton that he recommending a book by William Goldman who wrote the Princess bride.
He's an actor wall of Sean who plays Uzzini, the, the guy who faces down the dread pirate Roberts and, you know, says to him, you know, never, never, never go up against a Sicilian when death is on the line and then drinks the poison and dies.
And that didn't happen. That was something that happened on set and I am now happy to say without fear of anything that I wish wall strong had drank poison and was dead.
And why do I think that? Because I, that's a very aggressive thing to say. I'm aware and I have no problem saying something that aggressive because he said something so evil.
Yesterday or the day before yesterday is 82 years old. He writes really repulsive plays, by the way. And of course, was in my dinner with Andre, the single most pretentious and over praised movie, pretty much of my entire lifetime.
Here's what he said. The Israelis are worse than the Nazis. At least the Nazis had the decency to try and hide what they are doing. The Israelis boast about it.
It's demonically evil. And he is referred to in posts that quote this favorably as Jewish actor wall shan wall shan who I believe is.
never set foot in the synagogue. His father wasn't his father. Walsh on the editor of the New
Yorker was not was not, I believe himself, bar mitzvod. I don't think he and his brother
Alan were bar mitzvod. He if you if you asked him what the what the schmal was, he would
think he was the character and the labner. It like they did for him to be invoking his
Judaism is itself an act. I mean, not that he's invoking it is an active inch of me, but a
person who says that Israel is worse than the Nazis is somebody who is libeling and slandering
a nation of nine million people. My sister, our podcast producer, Noam Blum, Israeli native,
my my my nieces nephews, my grand nieces and nephews and everybody who has any connection
to that to that country is now has now been told that they are that they that they are
citizens of a country that is worse than Nazi Germany. I did not think that it was possible
for anybody on this planet to believe that there had ever has ever will ever be a regime
worse than Nazi Germany, a regime that as I continue to say conducted such a genocide
from 2023 to 2025 that the population of Gaza is now larger than it was before. It is
as BB said in his speech, a ton of a metric ton of food for each person living in Gaza has
been delivered to Gaza in the year since the war began, brought through Israel's precincts
and everybody in Gaza got vaccines. Polio vaccines, COVID vaccines, whatever vaccines they
needed, Israel has not withheld any of those. So it is taking care of the health and the
food intake of the of the of the basically the people that they are at war with in contravention
to all of recorded history. And for Walshshan and these people who were screaming outside
the UN who basically have now adopted this idea that Israel is worse than Nazi Germany because
it brags about how it preserves, protects and defends itself from unwarranted attacks by Hamas
and then rockets being fired from Iran and the like. The evil that that represents is you know
that's why I say I wish I I wouldn't give him the poison and I wouldn't you know I wouldn't
take a gun out and shoot him. But if he should it should happen to be in a room in a place where
there was a there were two cups before him and one of them had poison in it I would really
be delighted if he drank the one with poison in it. Because he's a monster and he's evil and
evil doers should be punished for their evil and this is one of the most evil things that
I've ever heard anyone say and and I'm sure that he'll win the Nobel Prize now for his
awful plays and Dan and Lemon and the this and the that and the learner and the if you've never
you've never seen such garbage by the way I mean the spent six or seven hours of my own time
in in theaters because people were trying to convince me that even though you have political
problems with him he's a really provocative and interesting playwright he's not he's a lousy
playwright he's got idiot ideas he writes really really wouldn't dialogue and of course personally
physically the last word on him was written by Woody Allen in the movie Manhattan in which he plays
the ex lover of Diane Keaton Woody Allen's girlfriend they run into him at a bookstore
in New York and Woody Allen she has been talking about him as though he were the great genius of
the life of you know the most important person in his life and Woody Allen says this is Jonah that
that that homunculus that homunculus is Jonah so homunculus is too good a word for Wallace Sean
okay so does anybody want to say something like cheerful since I just you know wished a swallowing
poison on on someone so do I can make that way as we approach the festival of booths tonight by
the way I can make a recommendation if you want which would be at least somewhat positive since it's
okay I do want to say that tonight begins the festival Sukkot which as I say is in English is
referred not not anyone uses this term is the festival of booths because you were supposed to go
I'm sure Seth has one at his house I have one in the backyard of my in the in the garbage area of
my apartment building you're supposed to live in although people don't really do this but you
construct a temporary shelter and it's supposed to be temporary it's literally supposed to be an
impermanent shelter without a roof you put bamboo can you put other stuff other than bamboo I don't
know what what other stuff people like any supposed to cover it really with like living with some
living materials to keep the way you have since you have to see the stars you have to be able
to see the stars right so it really be so it has to be porous right so usually people that you
build this structure which is often you know I don't know 10 by 12 or something like that and
keep it in your basement and you bring it out every year and you spend two hours like having
tantrums over why the things aren't fitting together correctly and then you then you have to get
up on a ladder and roll the bamboo out to cover it but it is essentially a harvest holiday but it's
not it's a complicated slightly obscure festival that we celebrate but it is a wonderful
community tearing experience because people generally go they spend the week uh going from
Sukha to there their own Sukha then they go to your friend Sukha you go to your Shul Sukha you go
and have these you know meals um and uh it's early now so actually it'll be it'll be reasonably
warm although I gather we're about to have this horrible nor Easter hit um the East Coast so it will
not be a happy a happy time to be in your Sukha if you're in the middle of a nor Easter anyway uh
so I do want to wish everybody a wonderful uh so-called week but Seth you were uh yeah so I um uh
two years ago I remember when this book came out but two years ago book came out in French that
I was very surprised that they didn't immediately have an English translation lined up for but is
the barman of the Ritz uh by uh Philippe Collin I don't you know I don't know if I'm pronouncing
his last name but C-O-L-L-I-N French novelist um and it is it is a novelization of the life of
Frank Meyer the legendary Ritz barman and mostly focused through the war right and so the
it's just a great story it's not it's not an unknown story but it's to see a novelist bring it a lot
bring it to life um it's very interesting because you know the Ritz was like this uh oasis in the
middle in the midst of German occupied Paris it was a famous hotel obviously famous hotel everybody
knows the Ritz but famous bar two made uh in large part by Frank Meyer who was this uh this secret
Jew nobody knew he was Jewish uh but he had this incredible life as a as a rolling roving bartender
he spent time in New York and uh he was friends good uh apparently pretty good friends I think the
novels right about this with F. Scott Fitzgerald um and others he was you know he was kind of barman
to the stars but the intellectual stars anyway they're the cultural stars I would say anyway the
Ritz becomes uh you know Madame Ritz who owns the hotel she gets it from you know her husband
passes away it becomes this sort of island uh in Paris where the German officers come and stay
and drink and all that and the people there are thus left serving the Nazis the occupation forces
and there's there's this you know they they they have to wrangle with uh their own consciences
because what are they doing are they are they really just like are they just serving the Nazis
drinks like is that what history is gonna say about them they serve the Nazis drinks while the Nazis
danced right or is there or or or you know what it what do they get what are they doing with the luck that
they have by being at this hotel that allows them to come to work every day during the occupation even
when times got really bad and there weren't there weren't jobs and there wasn't money around Paris
for non-Germans and and the fact that they had food to eat every day right I mean Frank Meyer never
went hungry um and him being a a a an unknown Jew uh is the sort of thing that you would expect
to know at him and we don't know as much as we would like to about that side of his life so
So, Philippe Collin has brought that to the page.
pages of this novel, "The Barman of the Ritz," and put us inside what he thinks was going
on inside Frank Meier's head.
Frank Meier did, in real life, do some, it appears, to try to help the resistance.
But we just don't have a lot of evidence.
The novel, I think, probably exaggerates the extent to which Meier helped.
But anyway, it's a multi-level, you know, tiered thing.
It's just, it works on a lot of levels, and, you know, you will meet real people.
All these characters are real people.
Coco Chanel lived at, Coco Chanel very famously lived at the Ritz, had an affair with
the German officer, you know, and all this stuff.
You will see the kind of historical, and so, yeah, Barman of the Ritz, Philippe Collin
is the author.
It was out in France two years ago, and French had just came out in the United States, finally
in English.
It has, you know, a good American connection, too, because Meier spent time, although he
was born here, spent time in America, and FSCOTS, but Gerald, and all that.
And there are just some fun, you know, the people at the Ritz are famous.
I mean, people will see him interact with Sasha Getri, the playwright, who also is part
of this story of, he didn't, you know, get, he made it through.
So did he make it through by, was he a collaborator?
I don't know.
He didn't get killed, so.
Right.
So Sasha Getri a collaborator?
Yes.
I mean, he was not a collaborator in the sense that he did not work or get paid for, get paid
by the Nazis.
But of course, the role of, the role of, you know, the role of, of elite civilians living
in Paris under, under, under the Nazi boot is a immensely complex story.
But the reckoning of people like Getri and all kinds of people, Marcel Carne, who made
children of paradise and others like, and how they, they themselves, they, they themselves
never reckoned with their role, they, they, they tried to live out the rest of their lives
not having to take responsibility for having, grants, you can't expect people to like,
you know, become resistance leaders.
But of course, the great lie of postwar France was that everybody was in the resistance.
That was, you know, this joke was, as we learned from Marcelo Fools and others like, nobody
was in the resistance.
In fact, the resistance was largely external and not internal and, and it was a myth to,
it was a myth to bolster the, the kind of repellent of civilizational qualities of France
that are now represented by a manual or Macron's behavior toward Israel.
So we can bring this whole circle back to, back to this week.
As long as you're mentioning this, I want to mention another book about France during
the, during the German occupation, one of my favorite novels written 30 years ago, sort
of like a mystery thriller, a sort of a thriller, but it isn't really Alan First.
He was one of the great thriller writers of, of our time.
His book is called The World at Night and it is about a, it is about a, a movie producer
who was trapped in French movie producer who was trapped in Paris, working for Paramount
Pictures as, as their representative and ends up, you know, sort of having to, he gets
followed by the Nazis.
A lot of stuff happens, but this portrait of what it was like that first conjures up of
what it was like to live in France during, as the Nazis occupied.
And hunger, like the, the, there was no food.
And so people like us on others, his character, the degree to which their lives were spent
from morning until night trying to scrounge up enough calories to get through the day
to feed themselves because the Germans had absolutely no interest except maybe in supplying
the kitchen of the ritz with sufficient food for their, their senior soldiers.
And that you, so this is one of the things that you sort of forget about, you know, this
nation that somehow is better than Israel is that they occupied France and starved the
French because they didn't want to spend any money on administrating, on administrative
or welfare or anything toward the French for whom they had nothing but, but contempt.
So, and it's just, it's an amazing book.
It's an amazing evocation of a historical, of a moment in historical time.
It's the world at night by all and first following along with the barman of the ritz, barman
of the ritz.
Yes.
Okay.
Yes.
Anyway, happy scotes and we'll be back on Monday, Abe and Seth.
I'm John Pajor.
Keep the camber burning.
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Podcast Summary
Key Points:
John Pothore announces Commentary Magazine’s annual fundraising roast on November 8th in New York City, with multiple prominent speakers including Ron Dürmer, Dan Siener, Aaron Wexler, and Ben Shapiro.
The roast event is promoted through repeated mentions of commentary.org/Rost, due to difficulties in embedding a visible link on the main website.
A nostalgic reflection on vintage record stores and vinyl audio highlights the emotional and technological contrast between analog music experiences and today’s digital dominance.
Benjamin Netanyahu’s UN speech is praised as a powerful, definitive defense of Israel’s security and survival, rooted in the personal loss of his brother Yoni, and framed as a compelling argument for Israel’s right to self-defense.
The speech is seen as politically strategic, with Netanyahu subtly implying imminent actions against Iran, while also using symbolic gestures like Starlink to suggest a potential collapse of the Iranian regime.
A satirical note is made about Macron’s misstep on the West Bank, which gives Netanyahu a platform to expose factual inaccuracies and underscore the colonial roots of Middle Eastern conflicts.
John Pothore expresses two conflicting views on Netanyahu
The episode critiques anti-Israel rhetoric, particularly claims that Israel is worse than Nazi Germany, calling them morally indefensible and highlighting Israel’s humanitarian efforts in Gaza as a counter-narrative.
Summary:
John Pothore hosts a Commentary Magazine podcast to promote their annual fundraising roast on November 8th in New York City, featuring a lineup of notable speakers including Ron Dürmer, Ben Shapiro, and Aaron Wexler. org/Rost. The episode includes personal nostalgia about vintage record stores and vinyl, reflecting on the analog era’s intimate connection to music and the emotional value of physical media.
It then centers on Benjamin Netanyahu’s UN speech, which Pothore praises as a compelling, emotionally resonant argument for Israel’s survival and right to defend itself, citing the loss of his brother Yoni as a moral foundation. Netanyahu’s speech is also interpreted as a subtle threat to Iran, with symbolic references to Starlink signaling potential regime collapse. Pothore critiques the political imbalance of Netanyahu’s long tenure, arguing that it undermines democratic norms despite his rhetorical strength.
The discussion also responds to anti-Israel claims, particularly by actor Wallace Sean, who compared Israel to Nazi Germany—described as a morally indefensible and dangerous claim. Pothore counters this by highlighting Israel’s humanitarian efforts in Gaza, including food and medical aid. Finally, the podcast concludes with a light-hearted nod to Sukkot and a recommendation of a novel, *The Barman of the Ritz*, which explores moral dilemmas during WWII through the lens of a Jewish bartender in occupied Paris.
FAQs
The roast takes place on November 8th in New York City.
Visit commentary.org/rost to learn about the event, purchase a ticket, or buy a table.
Ron Dürmer will be roasted by Dan Siener, Aaron Wexler, and Ben Shapiro, among others.
Adding a new page to the website is technically difficult, so the URL is promoted through repeated mentions in the content.
He remembers going to a record store in Greenwich Village where he could listen to records in a listening booth with headphones, which he found exciting at the time.
He believes the physical nature of vinyl records, where sound is stored in grooves and can be heard with a needle, is more remarkable than digital audio.
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