Together in Texas: Part 2

Welcome back to MSNOW Live Together in Texas, where MSNOW superfans got a chance to meet some of their favorite hosts. We've already seen Allie Belshi, Stephanie Ruhl, Reverend Al Sharpton, Ari Melber, Jen Psaki, and Rachel Maddow. But we're not done yet. Coming up this hour, Jen Psaki makes another appearance, this time with a Texas Democrat trying to flip a Trump district. Chris Hayes sits down with special guest Stacey Abrams. And Rachel Maddow is also back to close things out with Lawrence O'Donnell. But first, my co-hosts of the week night. This is great. It's amazing. It's very nice. Well, ladies and gentlemen, we love to be at your dinner table every night. And thank you so much for your support and watching us. It means the world. And we like. We like to have a dinner table conversation. We like to have free-flowing conversation. We're all very quiet, humble people, so. So if you can't hear us, we'll speak up. But before we were all on TV in our current capacity, I used to cover campaigns. This guy was the chairman of the Republican Party that won a record 63 seats in 2010, so he knows how to run campaigns. And Simone Sanders Townsend was one of the architects. The architect of the Bernie campaign and of the Biden campaign. So, we have some experts in the house. So, why don't we just get right into it? Yeah, yeah. There's a map. There it is. I have one issue with the map. We're going to talk about it, but Mississippi is not on here, and I'm very bullish about the Mississippi. You heard it here first. Okay? Very bullish about Democrats' opportunities in Mississippi. Let's talk about where we are, Texas. Yes. I see it here. You, as a Republican, said on our air, if you're the Republican Party, you don't want to be spending money in Texas. But they're spending a lot of money here right now because they're trying to play defense because Tallarico is really giving them a run for their money. Yeah. They're spending. Republicans are spending a lot of money in Texas because they have a problem in Texas. And they have a problem in Texas because they listened to Donald Trump. And they've been nominated a person who could not translate with Texans. And they don't want to support him. And you see the base sort of fractured, which is why the numbers look the way they look. And so, look, I can tell you honestly, as someone who was a county chairman, a state chairman, a national chairman, the last place on the planet I want to spend money on is in my backyard when the person who is the titular head of our party won that backyard. By significant numbers. And the fact that you now, two years later, have to come in and dump loads of cash means you're not putting that money into some other strategically more important states, which we'll get into, like Michigan and Ohio and elsewhere. And, you know, even to Simone's point, the fact that Mississippi is as close as it is tells you that the brand sucks. The candidates, the candidates the GOP have put up suck harder. And the messaging is all about reflecting pools, east wing ballrooms and all of that. And one of the three things that we see that they're running on, because there's not a lot of a platform, right, is that somehow Democrats are simultaneously for Sharia law, communism. And making your child trans. That's what they have. And, you know, if you've got a child, a trans child who's a communist who follows Sharia law. Yeah. So let's look at that map for a second. Now, Democrats to get control. They got to hold Michigan and New Hampshire. So far, they've been looking good there. There's little consternation about New Hampshire, but it seems like they're in the place. I think they're still concerned. But now Georgia and North Carolina, the Republican Party. To stop spending money there. Right. To a great degree. That's significant. Which people should not gloss over what Luke just said here. That's a huge deal. To be very clear, coming into this cycle, John Ossoff was viewed as the most vulnerable Democratic incumbent. So much so to the, I know, yeah, I know, right. So much so to the point that I was always looking at all the things Ossoff was doing and saying. He was one of the first folks to talk about the Epstein class out there on the campaign trail. And I always said, if John Ossoff is talking about and doing these things. And he's the most vulnerable person. He has his finger on the pulse of where the voters are. The fact that Republicans have now said it is not worth it for us to spend money in Georgia means that the Ossoff campaign has done something right. But also that the voters. And North Carolina. And in North Carolina. It's insane. It's a red. What does. Insane. All right. So now let's bring it full circle to what Simone just said. What were we talking about before? And what did Luke mention about, you know, having the money and how much. Money Elon Musk was spending, how much money the GOP has with all that money. They're not spending it in North Carolina. So if all that money was going to win the election, don't you think they would spend it in North Carolina? No, they're not. Because what the voters have told them, we done with y'all. We've made up our mind and we're likely going in a different direction. The critical thing right now is, folks, we are at a point where we have a president who not only is planning to, but is still going to. We're going to have to start at the process of disrupting the upcoming elections. I'm putting the flare up now. Insurrection Act or martial law are going to be are on the table. And I think as citizens, we need to be alert to that. And that's why what Luke is and Simone and I have been talking about in terms of the infrastructure being there is so important. What the DNC has done, and I know the chairman has gotten a lot of crap for, you know, some of this has come together. But when you go back and you look at it, he has put a lot of the money. The DNC has put a lot of money in the states, in some critical states that you're now beginning to reap the benefits from. And that cannot be underestimated nor overlooked. Why? Because of what lies ahead. The last thing I will just say is you have to make your plan to vote. But I think this election cycle, everybody has to be willing to do a little bit more. So that means you might need to sign up to be a poll worker. You might need to sign up to do some election protection work if you are a lawyer. You might need to sign up to answer the hotline. Everybody has to do a little bit more work because they are absolutely trying to steal this election. But you know what they can't rig? An overwhelming number at the ballot box if you overwhelm the polls. That's it. And real quickly, what we've learned from seeing other authoritarian regimes around the world never waste an election. We just saw in Hungary those folks did not waste an election. They resisted. They were able to turn the tide. No one thought that was possible. When people band together, anything is possible. All right. I think that's our time. All right. Simone Sanders-Townsend. Thank you, guys. Michael Steele. Great to be here. The weeknight. Straight ahead, Jen Psaki sits down with a Latin Grammy winner looking to flip a red district in South Texas. They said that she would not be able to be beat because they had drawn the map for her. And I said, the hell? She can't be beat. Plus, Chris Hayes talks to Stacey Abrams about one of the most surprising races in the nation. And we close things out with Rachel Maddow and Lawrence O'Donnell taking your questions. We'll be right back. Welcome back to MSNOW Live Together in Texas. We're here at the beautiful UT Arlington campus where Jen Psaki sat down with Bobby Pulido, the two-time Latin Grammy winner, who is putting Republicans on defense in a Trump district in South Texas. Here they are. Hello, everyone. Hi, everyone. Welcome to MSNOW Live Together in Texas. How a Tejano music star ended up running for Congress. What was the path there? Well, I was a political science major in college, and I was a Texas boy stater. I've always loved government and public service, and early on, that's what I wanted to do. But I come from a musical family. My father's a very famous Tejano singer as well. And so I got into music. My dad's Roberto Pulido. And so I got offered a record deal while I was in college. I was almost about to graduate. And I took the leap of faith with music, and I've had a blessed 30 years. And yeah, so in 22, for the first time in the Rio Grande Valley, we had a Republican representative, the very first time. And it really bothered me, because the Rio Grande Valley is the lowest per capita income in the state. And I knew that we were going to have a representative that was going to cut a lot of things that people really needed down there. And so they said that she would not be able to be beat, because they had drawn the map for her. And I said, the hell, she can't be beat. How many of you are familiar with the Quinceañera attack from Monica de la Cruz? Okay, for those of you who are not, because this is such a fun part of your campaign. Oh, there's a request. Go come get your request. I think you're too old. Oh, you may be too old. Maybe it's a birthday party. Okay, yeah. That's fun, too. Okay, here's what you, Monica de la Cruz attacks you. I remember this so distinctly. Right after you won the nomination. Yeah, at night. Yes, and I called out your race that night as one to watch, I just want to say. But she attacked you that night, and she said, this election isn't about who you want performing at your niece's quinceañera. That was one of her first attacks, right? Here's one of the things I love about this. You flipped that on a 10. Oh, yeah. You have now performed, I don't even, almost 90-something around there quinceañeras, right? And probably thousands of requests, but tell us. We've had 5,000 requests. 5,000 requests. Tell us a little bit about that experience, and what, because your reaction initially must have been, what the heck? And then it was, what are we going to do about this? So tell us a little bit about that. Well, of course, you know, she tried, first thing, she tried to be like Trump, right? Insulting and demeaning and that same type of thing, but she's not that bright. And that's saying a lot. But she ended up being, having a better campaign strategist than my campaign manager, because she gave me a great idea. I was like, well, what if I have them invite me if they want, and I'll show up, and it's the best way to campaign, because, like, you see working-class people that you never, will never, ever see them in the course of a campaign. Because they're too busy working. So you see them at Friday nights or Saturday nights, and they probably have a little beer in their hand or something, they're happy. You make the young lady really happy, you show up, you sing to her, it's all about family, tradition, and the irony in all of this. The irony in all of this is that my district is 15, like quinceanera is quince. It will forever be known as the quinceanera district. I think so. Yeah. No one's going to challenge you to that in the future. I do think that one of the things that you hear out there that a lot of people who voted for Trump feel buyer's remorse about is the corruption and the self-dealing and the, you know, he went in and he promised to help working people, and now he's just padding his own pockets, and those of his sons, I would note as well. Yep. How does that. How does that sit? How are you hearing that come up? I'm telling you, that's a big, big deal, right? Because, I mean, when people are suffering, and they, trust me, they are, when they're suffering and they see that he's not suffering, or he doesn't really care about their suffering, and he said that, right? I don't really care about people's economic situations. He does say the quiet part out loud sometimes. Like, yeah. That we try to play and talk about every now and then. I think there's a lot of, there's a reset that's coming. And I just want to be able to capture that, and to make sure that we have the proper representation, and that we can now work to things that unify us, not things that divide us. ICE enforcement has been, you know, terrorizing communities across the country, including in Texas. I know under the current governor, that's something that Texas has been dealing with for quite some time. So, not many Greg Abbott fans in the room, I'm not hearing. Greg Abbott, don't come on down here. Me neither. I just wonder, you know, you've talked about that as an economic issue very much in terms of how it impacts the district you're running, and it's also a moral issue. Can you talk about both of them, and how it's impacting people in Texas? Well, we'll start with this. It is a moral issue. You know, there's not a building in the Rio Grande Valley that was built without immigrant hands. Not one. And. And. And the Rio Grande Valley was known as a magical Rio Grande Valley. It was a farming community. My grandfather was a migrant farm worker, and my father was when he was younger. And so we don't come from wealth. We're hardworking people. And for the first time in many, in the generation of the family, we have small business owners that are just now trying to make a living, and there's not a workforce. Because here's what happens, right? There's not a trade school that teaches you how to pour concrete. There isn't a trade school. There's not a trade school that teaches you how to frame a house or roof. So when you go take out people from the community, and you do it with fear, that community cannot function properly. So what we're seeing right now is small business owners that tended to be Republican Chamber of Commerce voters are really angry. It turns out that the movie A Day Without a Mexican was true. And. And. And. And. They ran on this notion, because their fear is their number one tactic, is that immigrants, the scary immigrant, right? It's always something. That if you got rid of the people like that, life would get better. It got worse. And people are seeing that right now. So it's very important that we fix our immigration issue, because on a humanitarian level, it makes sense. On an economic level, it also makes sense. All right. Bobby Polito, thank you so much. It was a great conversation. Thank you all so much for having us, too, here in Texas. Coming up, Chris Hayes and Stacey Abrams on the fight against GOP efforts to rig the election. Plus, Rachel Maddow talks to Lawrence O'Donnell about the first time he called Trump a liar on national TV. You're watching MSNL Live Together in Texas. We'll be right back. I think Texas will flip in November. The president right now is not doing anything he said he was going to do. He kept saying on day one, we're at the midterms and nothing's happened. All right. Please welcome to the. On the stage, Chris Hayes and Stacey Abrams, a special guest, to talk about the importance of voting and keeping our democracy on track. Hey. Holy smokes. Wow. What a crowd. Hello. Hi. This is cool. I feel like I'm about to get nominated. I feel like I'm about to get nominated to be the president of the United States. I want to start on what I think is one of the most interesting and I think some would say surprising races in the nation right now. And it's a place that you know well. Here's the latest YouGov poll out of the state of Georgia. And it's not the Senate race. Now, we should say the Senate race, John Ossoff has proven to be a very adept. I think. Very adept. Very adept. He is an incumbent. He is doing, I think, an incredible job politically and all the polling would suggest he's winning that race. Yes. But the governor's. I think Mike Collins would suggest he's winning that race. What's that? Mike Collins would suggest he's winning that race. But the governor's race. Keisha Lance Bottoms, who is mayor of Atlanta, right now is polling in basically a dead heat with Rick Jackson. Yep. Now, this is something that I think is a surprise. It is some people. I don't think it was quite on people's radar screen necessarily. I think there's also a sense in which sometimes these states, the states like Georgia, is easier to sort of flip at that federal level before you flip at the gubernatorial level. And this has been true, you know, in other states that went the other way. West Virginia, for instance, right, had like Democrats in the state legislature for a long time, even after they started sending, you know, Republican senators. What is your read about what's going on in Georgia right now? So Georgia is a competitive state. we're a purple state and as you pointed out And as I have demonstrated, it is a lot easier to flip the federal at the Georgia level than the state level. You know something about that. I've put in my application a couple of times. And the reality is people see the federal impact and import differently than they see the state. But Republicans have been in charge of the state of Georgia for 20 plus years. And they have managed to prove their incompetence on every level. I would like to think of my prior runs as reminders, first lessons and then reminders. And now we have the opportunity with Keisha's race and up and down the ballot, including state-led races, to actually remind Georgians that we're entitled to more. And I think because of the ignominy at the federal level, because of the harm done at the state level, we have a reality. We have a real chance to win statewide elections in Georgia. And that's the progress that we talk about. It's not going to happen in one fell swoop. But every election that we make progress in, we make it more possible to win these white races. Back in 2014, I went to Georgia to interview you. Did? You were a state legislator. And we did a special. Do we have that tape somewhere? There we are. Look at us. And we did a special where you were talking about. And a theory that you had about how you could turn Georgia blue. This is 2014 where that seemed pretty. You didn't laugh, but I appreciate it. No, I took it very seriously. Take me through the theory and take me through how it's played out and take me through what you were right about and what you maybe were wrong about or didn't anticipate. So in 2011, when I became minority leader, it was after a census year. And what the census told me and Republicans, too, was that the composition of Georgia was different. What had not changed was the outreach. We were running campaigns that were largely designed for the previous electorate and the previous elections. My theory of the case was that if you only talk to the people you'd always talk to, you would get the results that we'd been getting. And so our first responsibility was to reach beyond what was comfortable to people who hadn't proven their fealty, but were open to suggestion. The second was that you had to actually prove that democracy could do something. That democracy as a. Construct is not compelling. People care about their lives. And so we had to do the work as the party out of power to show what was harming them, but what possibility looked like. The third was that it was going to take time. And when we talked in 2014, I'd been proselytizing for about three years and I kept saying we have to invest. And that investment cannot be itinerant and it cannot only be tied to federal elections. You had to go up and down the ballot. You had to go across the state. And. And you had to talk to people that you'd been told to write off. Where are the. What does that mean? Who are those people? Voters of color had largely been overlooked because the presumption was that they either wouldn't vote or didn't care. And I think voter apathy is a curse word. If people aren't apathetic, they're in despair or they feel disregarded or there's voter suppression. And so we have to solve for what's blocking them, not for it. I believe that. Voter. Voter apathy is victim blaming. We if you call it apathy, it's their fault. If you call it suppression or despair or or disregard, we've got to do something about it. And so it was finding those buckets of voters. It was going to places where we were going to lose. You don't have to win everyone and you don't have to win everywhere, but you can aggregate the numbers. And so we had to start going to you had to leave Atlanta, although Atlanta is like half the state. You had to go other places. And then to your question of what we missed or what I got wrong. I thought. When we started to win, I didn't realize I pegged it at 2020. It's 2026. We're still working at it. And the reality is that it's insufficient to tell people what's wrong or even what's possible. You've got to show them that you're going to stay in the fight after you lose. And what I've what I've tried to model is like you're not getting rid of me that easily, but that you've got to own. You've got to own what you did wrong. You've got to own mistakes that you make in a campaign. And you and I talked about this a little bit that too often we are so myopically focused on winning. We forget that progress counts, too. And when people see consistency that it doesn't feel as good as victory that day. But consistency, you count on the parent who's always showing up, not the one who gives you the stuff you want that day. And so you've got to keep showing up. And I think that's the part where if we get that right, we will start to win even more. We have watched in the last 12 years a dismantling of an entire federal superstructure to protect people's vote and the right to vote, a right to vote that's enshrined in the actual Constitution, you know, in the in the 15th Amendment, although then had to be kind of re-enshrined in the statutory law of the Voting Rights Act. It's very clear that it's incredibly evident that on the right, particularly Donald Trump, the people around him think that the way to win elections is to veto who gets to vote. Yeah. But the executive mail order, the executive order on mailing voting would literally allow the post office to do that, to just be like, yes, no, yes, no. What do you see as the landscape about voting access now in this brave new world that we're in? Georgia, Texas, Florida pioneered this engineering of the electorate. Georgia had a version of save before it was federal law in 2018. Brian Kemp, for the second time, held hostage a bunch of voters using a system that wasn't designed for that purpose in order to preclude participation from populations he didn't like. Mail-in voting was made more and more difficult here in Texas. Florida just doesn't like anybody. And so they've done all of this stuff. And so what we need to understand is that voter suppression is the most efficient system of stealing democracy because democracy relies on your ability to be heard. But unlike years, unlike the 60s, unlike Jim Crow, voter suppression no longer requires that you wholesale deny the right to vote. We are now in shaving margins. We're going to use sports terminology. They're trying to shave points. And you shave points by picking the populations that are the easiest to push away. And then you redraw the lines to make certain that they don't have anyone to vote for if they get to show up. And then at the very end, you try to weaponize the counting system. So that you can't actually prove that they showed up at all. Voter suppression is can you register and stay on the rolls? Can you cast a ballot? And does that ballot get counted? Now, we know they're going to cheat and manipulate these systems. If you know it, the question isn't will they? It's how do we respond? And that's what we've tried to prove in Georgia. You walked through the successes we've had in Georgia. Every time we have seen electoral progress, they've changed the rules. Every time. Every single time. And so our job is never to allow them to outwork us or outthink us. If they're going to make it hard, let's say hold my beer and find a way to get over it. Casey Edwards, ladies and gentlemen. Chris Hayes. Thank you very much. Thank you, guys. Coming up, Rachel Maddow and Lawrence O'Donnell are up next taking questions from the audience. Including how long they think. And how long it will take the next president to return things to normal. You're watching MSNOW Live together in Texas. I'm most excited to see Lawrence O'Donnell and to order a special t-shirt for the event. I love them all. But Rachel Maddow. Rachel is everything. Thank you. Thank you. All right, ladies and gentlemen. You know what time it is. It's time for the big event. This is primetime democracy in action. Please welcome to the stage the two that help us make sense of it all. The most trusted voices in cable TV. The team behind the best handoff in all of television. The living legend. MSNOW's Rachel Maddow and Lawrence O'Donnell! Yes! Here she is. Here he is. Here she is. Here he is. Here he is. Here he is. Let's go! Lawrence, I have a thing for you. You do? I do. I'm glad one of us came prepared. Because I have nothing. All right, what is it? I asked them to pull a screenshot of your show from November 6th, 2024. Thank you. So this was the first show after the election, and this was, in fact, the night on which Kamala Harris had given her concession speech. And Lawrence and his team noticed the relevance and the symbolic significance of the exact location where Vice President Harris gave that speech. She spoke in front of the Frederick Douglass Memorial Hall at Howard University. And that night, you quoted Frederick Douglass. And you said, Frederick Douglass wrote, the limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress. Right. And then, Lawrence, you said, speaking to the audience, you said, your endurance is about to be tested. 167 years after Frederick Douglass said, the limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress. You said, it is our turn. It is our turn. And we are not alone. We know how to do this. We have done it before. We endured those four years once before. And we resisted every day of those disgraceful Trump years in the White House. So, first of all, I wanted to thank you for that, from night one of the era in which we still now live. But now, as we come up, the alarm clock's basically set two years from then. How are we doing? How's it going? And how's your endurance? You know, it's moments like this, it's a place like this that makes me realize what that endurance means and what it means as a collective action. Because it isn't something we're doing individually. And to see people collected together. With that same spirit is really inspiring to me, you know, because we do this very close to being alone in a room. I mean, we have Eddie and Bernie. There's a couple of people in the room with us, right? But it's, in terms of audience, we're alone in a room. Very hard to get a laugh out of Bernie or Eddie. Yes, it's true. Once in a while. Once in a while. But, and so you're there. We know you're out there. We see the numbers that say you're out there, but we don't see you. And, and this is, this is very special to us to be able, to be able to do that. Yes, yes. Because we are doing these, I, I, I feel, I feel as though we are doing these shows with you. And I know that when it's, you know, four o'clock in the afternoon and ten o'clock is rapidly approaching. My thinking isn't exactly literal. It wouldn't be easy to describe. But one of the things that I'm kind of going inside to try to find is what are we feeling? Meaning this happened today. This was said. This outrage occurred. I don't really think of it in terms of what am I feeling? Because that's really not good enough. It's what are we feeling? What are we? The, the, the people who will gather at 10 p.m. feeling. And I have a sense of what that is by now. And what I'm trying to do is, is share all of our feelings at that time. And, and so I, I try to find the, the heart of it more than the, that's more important to me than the specific facts that get laid out. Because really, by the time you get to 10, most of the people watching will know most of the specific facts. Especially when I follow Reagan. Okay? Tell me, tell me if you agree with me on this. This is about, it's about Lawrence. It's about Lawrence. You don't know what I'm going to say yet. Frequently, Lawrence, when I listen to you, particularly in your A block, you are just so unafraid. Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes. Cut it off. Cut it off. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. I think you feel in the room how valuable that is to all of us. But as your colleague, I want you to know how valuable it is to me, too. Because I aspire to the level of cool, collected bravery that you show every night. Well, you know, it doesn't, it's not, it doesn't feel unafraid. You know, the word, instead of the word unafraid, what I would use for what it actually feels to, I just feel clear about it. Yeah. I feel very clear about it. The very first time Donald Trump mentioned President Obama's birth certificate, I went on at 10 o'clock that night and I said, that is a lie. And I said, and I said, he is a liar. Now, now, in terms of things that you didn't, you don't know that can be said, that was one of them at that time. No one said that. That was not a word. New York Times didn't use that word. No one used that word in describing the things that he would say. But I knew that I could. And I, the reason I, one of the reasons I knew that I could is that I grew up outside of this business. Because this business has all of its own constraints. And I developed all of my, you know, knowledge of the world outside of this business. And I developed it with some pretty tough people who were pretty clear on a lot of things and knew how to say things very clearly. And I knew I could say it because I knew it's actually true that it's a lie. And I knew there would be no lawsuit, even though Donald Trump, you know, threatened at the time to sue me. And I knew he wouldn't because I knew he knows it's a lie and you can't, you know, lie about it. But, but just to show you, just to show you kind of how outside of the realm of what could be said that was, you know, I said that in, in 2011, the New York Times used the word lie. In describing what Donald Trump said for the very first time, five years later. And they used it in September of 2016 when Donald Trump was already the Republican nominee for president. And they did it on the lower, I'll never forget it, the lower left corner of the front page of the New York Times. And they used the word lie in the headline with Donald Trump. And you know what lie they were talking about? Five-year-old lie about Barack Obama's birth certificate. It took the business five years to get it on that. And, and I think if I had grown up in that business, I would have been five years behind, too. Thank you, Lawrence. I hear you. Richard R. from DeSoto wants to ask you, Lawrence. How long? After the current term ends, will it take the next president to return things to normal? Well, the, the next Democratic president is going to issue more executive orders on the first day of any president in history, including Trump. Because he's going to have to undo every one of the Trump ones and then add some other necessary ones. And most of the repair can be. It can be done reasonably quickly if you have the legislative majorities necessary to do that. Yeah. You know, to restore funding to USAID and, and all of that. It, it, but you need the legislative majorities. That's, that's the key to the whole thing. Should the next president unpave the Rose Garden immediately? I know. I think we have an answer from the room. Yeah. Yeah, we have the answer from the room. Here, here's, this is important. This is for, you're going to like this question. This is from Shannon from Tulsa, Oklahoma. Shannon, thanks for driving over. This is for Rachel. She says, I'm a journalist who has been covering the small community of Enola, Oklahoma. Oh. Where they are trying to fight a proposed aluminum smelter. Both the current governor and the probable future governor are for it. How can I help this community? How can I help this community fight against it while still maintaining journalistic integrity? Wow, that is, that is fascinating. fascinating and interesting. I love Oklahoma. I love Tulsa. Um, I have a new documentary coming out, um, about, uh, McCurtain County, Oklahoma. Um, but I would just say, I mean, in, in general, in principle, if you're a journalist who is covering what you think is a noble fight, it is not necessarily your, the best use of your skills and your commitment to quit your job as a journalist and join the fight. You as a journalist can simply report on the truth that is the nobility of the people you are covering. And, you know, people come to me on this topic adjacent, um, when it comes to covering protests against the Trump administration. And that's something that we've really focused on, on my show in this second term is all over the country, the way people are talking about it. And I think that's a really, really important thing. And I think that's a really, really important a really, really important thing. we'll see you at the next one you know i think we just played hard out there execute our game plan i just give thanks to god and my teammates really it's really all about them