The podcast explores the behind-the-scenes creation of Trump-themed content by a grassroots squad of meme-makers, often operating from home and supported by the Trump team. It examines the symbolic and performative nature of Trump’s social media presence, including his fluctuating hair color, which may signal a desire to project youth and vitality. The discussion highlights how absurd imagery, such as Trump as the Green Lantern, serves as a tool to deconstruct political seriousness and generate attention. It also analyzes RFK Jr.’s cooking show as a personal branding effort, emphasizing awkward authenticity that resonates in a digital age. The rise of far-right leaders like Ulrich Siegmund and Nigel Farage is linked directly to Trump’s influence, with shared anti-immigrant policies and performative rhetoric. The podcast questions the legitimacy of diplomatic efforts by Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, viewing them as hollow and unlikely to yield real results. A central theme is that Trump’s style—transparent, erratic, and self-consciously untraditional—has become a blueprint for modern political performance. The risk of an "October surprise" before the midterms is discussed as theoretically possible but highly improbable, while the broader point remains: Trump’s career has fundamentally reshaped political culture, making performance and irreverence central to political success. The conversation ends on a note of irony, contrasting the end of summer with the start of a new political term, and underscores how political authenticity is now often measured by visibility and unpredictability rather than traditional competence.
This is done by a kind of squad of, you know, guys in their basement
who the Trump team encouraged, sometimes gave resources,
sometimes financial resources to.
And they just sit there and their job is to make Trump memes.
And the question would be, what does Trump post on,
in his name, on Truth Social?
And that would come in a lot of different ways.
Natalie Harp might do it, Dan Scavino might do.
Anyone within the Trump circle might send a video to Trump
and then Trump says, oh, I love this.
Maybe we should try doing an AI Trump video.
You two could join the squad of the Trump meme makers.
Michael.
Joanna Coles.
Once again, Michael, so much to discuss.
I'm just going to wait here as you spell out what we're going to discuss.
Oh, you're waiting for me to spell out.
I thought you were going to say it's Labor Day
and we're recording this a day in advance.
We're the only people working on Labor Day.
I was waiting for you to say that,
but maybe you don't know it's Labor Day
because you are in London where it is not Labor Day.
Yeah, in fact, it's confusing
because it was the public holiday last weekend.
So I feel like I've had two public holidays in a row,
which is very confusing.
But it is Labor Day,
a day that I find particularly depressing, actually.
Why do you find it depressing?
Because tomorrow's school starts again.
And although I don't have to go to school,
which I'm grateful for,
nevertheless, I am transported back to all those years
when I did have to go to school.
Oh, interesting.
So you're a summer person, not a fall.
Very much so.
The end of summer was always a small tragedy.
Oh, so interesting.
I always loved the beginning of the fall.
I love back to school.
I love the new term.
I love the fresh start.
I like the new pair of shoes I always got.
I'm always excited by the beginning of fall.
You were that kind of person who I never liked.
Yeah, sorry.
And you still probably don't like me, Michael.
And you were a kind of summer guy,
which. I just couldn't relate to the summer people.
But that's because there isn't really any summer in the UK.
So it just meant lying around reading and being very bored.
And now at my advanced age,
fall just means time passing.
So let's not stay on this subject
because I feel it mightily.
Okay, well, I was just going to say
it might be something you have in common with Ulrich Siegmund,
then the German far-right candidate
who's done exceptionally well.
Well, in the elections,
because he doesn't believe in people going to school.
He doesn't believe in a lot of things,
but he wants to end compulsory school.
So we need to talk about him.
We need to talk about Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner.
Steve has given some banalisms about how they're working towards a peace deal with Russia and Ukraine.
We want to look at what Trump's been posting on Truth Social.
We look at it so you don't have to.
What else?
John Fetterman.
We had a cooking show too, an RFK cooking show.
Oh, yes, yes, yes, yes.
We've got the latest episode of RFK Junior.
As you say, it's still Junior at 72's cooking podcast.
This week, it's with Daphne Oz.
Again, we've watched it, so you don't have to.
And I have a quiz for you, Michael.
I have a quiz question for you when we reach that segment.
Okay.
It's our podcast, but where should we begin?
Let's begin with, it's an old reliable, an old favorite.
How about Trump's hair?
Oh, Trump's hair.
What has happened?
On Saturday, you discussed the fact that someone walks around with patches ready to apply 24-7
in case there's a hair emergency.
The patch kit.
The patch kit.
A bit like a puncture kit that you have on a bicycle.
And then what?
Well, what neither of us realized was that Trump was about to change his hair color.
Well, as I said, on the patch kit, there are a lot of different patches that they have
to match whatever the hair is.
So it's actually, the misunderstanding here is that the hair has a static color.
It actually is always changing, and I'm not sure if that's because actually it's hard to,
this is.
It's an inexact science, or because he has a flight of fancy every once in a while.
Let's try, let's go a little more aubergine.
I wonder if he says that.
Who's ever said that about their hair color?
By the way, we must remind people to subscribe to the Daily Beast podcast.
Sometimes I forget to ask people to smash the subscription button.
You must remind us to remind you.
You, I must.
So can you remind me to remind people to hit the subscription button and become a member
of the Daily Beast community, because we love your support and we're independent media.
And this is how we have these conversations about the color of Donald Trump's hair.
What does it signify that he really went quite dark?
I mean, this is the darkest we've seen him.
I mean, he's a golden haired boy.
Well, as I say, I'm not sure he's fully in control of this.
And I have seen other.
I'm sort of a student of of older men, older, powerful men who have yet this curious vanity
in which they are dying their hair.
Rupert Murdoch and I studied that that that that intimately he would do it himself over
the sink.
What?
What?
Why wouldn't he have someone professionally do it?
Well, because they're they're vain.
But they're also embarrassed.
So and remember, they actually think that people won't know that they are dying their
hair.
But Rupert Murdoch literally went from white to orange overnight.
I mean, it was the most sensational transformation.
Yes.
And then that orange, the hue of orange kept changing.
And again, because I think I think it's it's inexact.
You don't know yet.
Combine a little of this.
Combine a little of that.
Let's try a little more.
And this is how it ends up looking.
Sumner Redstone, another older, very powerful man, went through hue after hue after hue
of of of orange to aubergine.
Aubergine is not a good hair color for anybody, especially if it's the inside of the aubergine
and not the outside.
So it's.
It's a it's a and I so I suspect that that's what's go what goes on with Donald Trump and
and during the various iterations of my time with Donald Trump, the the people around him
would say, oh, the color, the color we've gone where we're leaning mahogany this week.
But do you not think I assumed, oh, his regular hair person must be on vacation this week.
It's Labor Day weekend.
They've disappeared.
You know, they're getting four days off.
Unless my other thought was perhaps he is hellbent on looking younger.
He hit 80 this summer.
He's got Natalie Hart trotting around after him.
He may just want to look younger.
I think it's very possible.
Somebody said, oh, just try a little more.
Just try to go a little darker.
And I say, as I say, this is inexact.
So a little darker often can become a lot darker.
But we we've had for a long time what felt like a consistent hair presence.
And then we've suddenly had the red fox has slipped in with the much sort of thicker front.
And then the dark hair struck me as as this really is something going on.
Yeah.
As I say, I don't I think that's the illusion of consistency because we're not really paying that much attention.
And it hasn't been.
That's why the patches are different patches.
What matches this week might not be.
What matches next week?
Well, he's not entirely consistent with how he represents himself on his truth social either.
As we know, most recently, it's been sort of images of Jesus, images of Trump as healer.
And now we have an image of him rebooted as the Green Lantern.
I mean, the thing is, you know, it's coming out of the White House, man.
It's coming out of the White House.
Well, the unfortunate thing is that actually this works, or at least they have found that this works.
And in terms of social media and the necessity, apparently, of politicians to master social media,
this is kind of how it's done.
And one of the things these these videos, I mean, this so the whole this the social media strategy is something that was very, very precisely developed and developed in an interesting way is that they they this is all this is not done by the White House, though.
So this is done by a kind of a kind of squad of of, you know, guys in their basement who the Trump Trump, the Trump team encouraged sometimes gave gave resources, sometimes financial resources, too.
And that worked out incredibly well during the campaign.
Specifically.
Well, against Ron DeSantis.
And then Ron DeSantis became a subject of incredible mockery and of and and and of Trump as as the as the dominant figure against Ron DeSantis as the weak and fading figure.
So they've had they have all of the reason to go back to this kind of stuff, to encourage this kind of stuff, to use Donald Trump's platform to promote.
This kind of stuff because they found it.
It actually works.
And maybe it works because.
I, you know, because it it it is one of those other things that breaks down the self seriousness of politicians, the earnestness, the dullness of of political culture.
Does Natalie Harp have to approve these, though?
I mean, I get that there might be a little army of of people producing.
This in their basement.
Does it get quality controlled by someone?
Yeah, it does.
I mean, so there's tons of this kind of stuff.
So then the question would be, what does Trump post on in his name on on Truth Social?
Natalie Harp might do it.
Dan Scavino might do it.
And anyone and they might anyone within the Trump circle might send a video to Trump.
And then Trump says, oh, I love this.
Well, maybe maybe we should try doing an A.I.
Trump video.
Sure.
I mean, that you could you two could join the squad of of of the Trump meme makers.
Another person who's very much doing social media and we've talked about him before is RFK Junior.
It's called The Real Food Show.
And it's RFK, who is the most awkward performer.
I think I've ever seen in a in a YouTube video.
I mean, I feel so bad for I've now watched four or five of these things.
I feel so bad for the chefs that appear with him because you can see them valiantly trying to engage and him just refusing.
Well, let me just stop here and just enter a little parentheses that at my wife's behest this weekend, I made a cooking video.
Oh.
Oh, fantastic.
So that will be available.
I think my wife is posting it immediately.
It probably is available now.
And I am making tomato sauce, which I do and have done every year for the past possibly 35 years at the end of the summer.
So where will this be available for people?
I think it's on her Substack account, which is called.
Our Amagansett House.
So let's plug that.
But you but you can judge me against against RFK Junior because I don't know.
I may be as as bad as RFK Junior.
Well, I've seen you on video plenty of times and you're not as bad as RFK Junior because nobody is as bad as RFK Junior.
Let's just include some of their banter.
And then I'm going to test you on on a question that Daphne Oz asks.
How about breakfast?
Do you eat that?
I'm going to wash our celery because you're doing a magically excellent job on the chickpeas.
Do you eat the same breakfast every day or you vary that up?
I, you know, sometimes I do intermittent fasting, so I skip breakfast.
Oh.
But when I eat breakfast, I eat a lot of protein.
Okay.
Okay.
We're going to stop there because Michael, on the days that RFK Junior isn't intermittently fasting, which isn't terribly helpful for the real cost of life.
I'm going to stop there because Michael, on the days that RFK Junior isn't intermittently fasting, which isn't terribly helpful for the real cost of life.
I just want to say that that that he's just turned skipping breakfast, which people do all of the time, into fasting.
He's skipping breakfast.
I mean, he's skipping breakfast because for any number of reasons, as as many people do every day, that is not intermittent fasting.
Well, when he does eat breakfast, I want you to guess what he has for breakfast.
Now, this is the secretary of health and human.
In services, he's trying to get everybody to eat well for breakfast.
Guess what he has for breakfast.
Well, I suspect he has a meat for breakfast.
That'd be more specific.
Come on.
You can do better than that.
Well, that he probably has steak for breakfast or bacon for breakfast or I think that's it.
Before we give the answer, what do you have for breakfast?
I have oatmeal.
Or as you say, porridge for breakfast every morning.
I think I knew you had porridge for breakfast.
All right.
Well, RFK Junior has, well, let him tell tell you what he has.
Why steal it from him?
This morning I had a cheeseburger and three eggs.
He had a cheeseburger and three eggs.
Oh, I guess he had a heavy night the night before, perhaps.
No, I'm just trying to think.
What would your day be like if you started it with a cheeseburger and three eggs?
It would be very heavy.
I'd be amazed that anybody could leave their chair.
No, I mean, and why is he telling us this?
Why is he doing this?
Why is he telling us this?
Because he wants to run for president.
And like Pete Hegseth, he's trying to separate himself from the president, create his own following.
He got 100,000 views.
He got 100,000 views for this real cooking show, the real food show.
And he's setting up his own platform.
Yeah, no, no, I get that.
I get that.
But why does he think, telling the American voters, he's had a cheeseburger and three eggs?
The people are saying, yeah, yeah.
I mean, nobody, let's set the scene here.
Nobody in America has a cheeseburger and three eggs for breakfast.
It's just, I don't know why it makes me laugh so much.
It just does make me laugh.
And poor Daphne Oz is just like speechless.
She's completely nonplussed as to what to say.
And she's trying so hard.
So everybody has, every politician, this, certainly this cycle has to become a YouTube politician.
We've seen the vice president's wife do the most colossally ham-handed,
big YouTube show.
Oh, yes.
Storytime with the Second Lady, which we have watched.
So, so you don't have to.
So RFK is trying, now RFK is actually quite, he's a, he's a good, he's good on television.
But, you know, there's television and there's television.
So old fashioned television, when you showed up to a studio and they told you which camera to look into and they, they, they kind of storyboarded out
things.
This is the segment that you're going to do.
And this is what's going to happen in this segment.
RFK Jr. is, is pretty good at, in this new YouTube world in which nobody tells you anything, including where to look at the camera.
He, he's the.
I know, that's the other thing.
He's looking up in all directions.
Yes.
So he's a, he's a 72 year old, soon to be 73 year old, out of his element.
Out of his element.
So it's definitely true that he's out of his element and, um, I mean, is he, is he actually good at television?
Um, I think unfortunately his voice just.
Well, his voice is his voice, the crack pipe, you know, if you have a crack pipe voice, uh, you know, yeah, that's going to be a drawback, but he's, um, he's stuck with that.
And actually it makes him kind of riveting.
You hear him and you think, uh, you know, who's talking.
Yeah.
It's true.
He's got a very distinctive voice.
But he's very, but in television, he's quite forceful.
He's very direct.
He's, um, he speaks well.
He's articulate.
Um, I mean, he's nonsensical, but he's articulate.
Um.
And also you're always looking for that.
I mean, I hate to say it, but you're always looking for the echo of his father in his face.
It's hard not to look at him and think, can you see the father in there?
No.
And his whole, that whole presentation of wearing suits.
That are, are in the style of, of 1963.
It was just the weird kind of, everything is strange about this.
Yeah.
And he has very bright blue eyes.
Well, when.
you were traveling around with him, when you were driving around Alabama, did you notice his eyes?
Did I look deeply into his eyes? I did not. Okay. Well, I guess I would have thought you
would notice if they were really bright blue. It would be a thing, but they've become
possibly brighter. I could not say the color of your eyes.
Well, that's because we're so often on Zoom. My eyes are green actually, but you've got brown
eyes, right? Or have you got blue eyes? I have blue eyes.
You've got blue eyes. Okay. So both of us have got recessive genes, I think. All right. So
someone else who I fear has recessive genes is our friend Ulrich Siegmund, who has really
cast a pall over Germany. As I mentioned, or as we mentioned earlier, I'm in London.
Europe feels really unsettled at the moment, even in the last six months since
I've been in Germany.
I was here, or maybe three months since I was here. The Russia incursions and now this far
right, almost victory, it's really making people, certainly in London, feel unnerved.
Well, it's not just, you know, it's in Germany. The far right is very likely to come to power
in France. Italy, the far right, has already come to power. And in the UK, I mean, the rising
power is the Reform Party, Nigel Farage's party. And these are all right-wing, right-wing populists,
neo, how shall we call them? Well, they're very anti-immigrant. I mean, the thing they all have
in common is just severely anti-immigrant. They want to deport all illegal immigrants.
Well, I would put it somewhat differently, that what they all have in common, and you can begin,
guys, of the far right, and this is kind of the far, far right in Germany, you know, obviously,
obviously, there's the H-man hovers over this. But I actually think it's not about the H-man.
Why are you calling him the H-man? Why aren't we just calling him Hitler? Is the H-man
your phrase, or is this a new phrase that has gone past me?
I think it might be my. My phrase, but I think it becomes increasingly loaded. I think people say,
when you say Hitler, it's discounted by so many people. You can't, because it's a. Because it seems too extreme a comparison.
Exactly. But nevertheless, it obviously is a historical comparison and not an insignificant
one. So you have to sort of, that's a way to. Acknowledge it without putting the necessary, the emphasis, which would discount it.
So what are you saying, actually, is behind the rise of it, then? Because I do think it's
immigrants that seem to have fueled it.
I think Donald Trump is behind the rise of it. I think that this is all, he is the model,
he is the inspiration. And it is about success. Success, I mean, what do, in an immoral or
certainly amoral world, what do, especially politically?
Politicians look for success. What gets you success? Donald Trump provides that model. Let's
do what he did. Let's adopt the issues that he's adopted. Let's be that kind of ridiculous person
that let's, I mean, the Ulrich Sigmund thing is having so many audacious views that they get
attention. And that's obviously true for Nigel Farage. That's true for the. National Front Party in France. It has been true for the Italians, who are a kind of neo-fascist
party, although who have, that position has, they got into power and they immediately moderated
their position. But it all goes back, I think, to Donald Trump. Another aspect of the perniciousness
of Trump, the fundamental cancer of. Of Donald Trump. He is the, he's the model for everyone. Then the interesting thing is,
well, what if we got rid of Donald Trump? What if he goes away? And I think actually,
if he goes away, the background here is that there is this idea that Donald Trump is a symptom
of this great populist uprising in the world, this great sense of unhappiness and resentment
and I think quite possibly, that's not true. That Donald Trump is the cause of this. He is the success
model. Get rid of him, I think the world becomes a better place.
Does it depend on what replaces him or do you think that his, his journey to winning has been so
poisonous that actually just getting rid of it. Re-invigorates the system?
Yes. Cut out the cancer. Absolutely. I think that there is no one like Donald Trump. He is sui
generis, absolutely different than anyone, anyone could ever have imagined before and has pulled all
of these people in his, in his wake, given them a path, given them something to emulate and no one could have done
this without, without Trump's example.
Well, Marine Le Pen in France, you know, her father was Jean, Jean-Marie Le Pen, who has been very right wing, but it's true that Trump has sort of given them cover in a way.
Yeah, they limped along for years, marginal. I mean, all of the, all of these groups have been marginal. They have been marginal until Donald Trump legitimized them, but not only legitimized them.
They gave them a political playbook. This is how you should be. This is what draws attention. This is how you get attention. This is how you use social media. You know, you make those ridiculous Green Lantern things. This is, he's, he is the mastermind here.
Yeah. So, and you're right about his, what feel originally like absurd positions, which then, of course, you build up a tolerance to. And Ulrich,
he's the mastermind here. And Ulrich's positioning are, you know, deporting all illegal immigrants, shutting the border, banning LGBTQ rainbow flags in schools, and halving the construction of new wind farms. He wants to end compulsory school attendance, which we mentioned before, and he wants to rewrite school history books, because he thinks that there's too much focus on the crimes of the Third Reich. So very much Trumpian in his,
I swear, I mean, these guys just look at this. They're just like, oh, my God, this Trump guy, this really works. Let's just do it. Let's just, just, just imitate Donald Trump. Can't, you know, that's the, that's the formula.
Okay. So we got a question from a listener this week asking, because obviously Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner have been first in Russia. And then in Ukraine, trying to broker some kind of peace agreement that hopefully is more successful than their memo of understanding with the Iranians. But the questioner asked, what would happen to the midterms if Trump was able to pull off some sort of peace deal? Do you actually think it would make people re-evaluate him? Or do you think it would have no impact?
Well, one of the grails in politics is the occupation.
One of the grails in American politics is the October surprise. So that is what everybody is trying to work for. That moment, and we've discussed this, you know, when Steve Bannon used to say, and when he said that, I thought, you know, actually, in fact, so much of what Bannon says is, is smart. At the same time, it's completely opportunistic and, and, and devious.
And all of the bad things together with the bad things are the, are the insightful things. And it's that nothing matters until two weeks before an election. And this is, I think, part of that pull off an October surprise. If you change, you change the dynamic of everything. Now, is that possible in this case? Well, it's, let's begin. It is highly unlikely that, that at the end of the day, you're going to be able to pull off an October surprise.
At this moment, that would happen. Is it possible? Well, curiously, it is. Well, it is more possible in the Iranian situation where we could, we have, we have the flexibility to, to, to adjust our position. In other words, we just give them more. And then, and then Trump announces, announces a victory.
And then, and then Trump announces a victory.
and have not been able to control in any way, have actually effectively lost control on.
We used to have more control over the Ukrainians because we controlled their weapon supply. But
then because we got, to say the least, charry about giving them weapons, then they developed
their own. So it seems wholly unlikely that they will come up with a resolution
between Russia and Ukraine before then. But were they to? You know, good. It'll be an October
surprise. Yeah. Well, it's a good question, Richard. Thank you for that.
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See mintmobile.com. And I was going to read Steve Witkoff's comments from the weekend.
And I'm sure you saw the video of them meeting Vladimir Putin and they both looked like they
were meeting a celebrity. Anyway, Witkoff said, we've had a very meaningful discussion,
substantive, important, and we are very encouraged and we look forward to continuing this as long as
it takes. It's going to take both sides to make some compromises and narrow the issues between
them. And we think we have the ingredients to get to that place. It's very difficult,
but we are.
We are committed, we care, and we hope all of that leads to a successful, peaceful, diplomatic
resolution.
In other words, just total bullshit.
In other words, total bullshit.
I mean, remember.
What even is that?
Yeah.
What even is that? It's just cliche after cliche. And they've been, how long have they been doing
this? 18 months?
Yeah, longer. I mean, remember, remember, this was the war that Trump was going to solve the
first night in office.
And we are now significantly well beyond that. And not only has it not been solved, but it is
at a more extreme position than it has ever been in. And the Russians are, I think, more up against
the wall than they have ever been. The Ukrainians have always been up against the wall in this
situation, and they have fought back. And they have fought back. And
we have fought back from that position. The Russians at this point, who are being attacked
within Russia itself, they've exhausted their own ability to supply fresh soldiers to this conflict
with a million casualties to date. They are on the verge of, or many people believe, many people in
Russia believe that they are on the verge of instituting a draft, which has Russians of draft
age considering their options. Almost everybody has to. Do we get out of Russia is basically the
alternative. The economy has, is now probably at, you know, and there are now, now years of
sanctions. But finally, this seems to be offering, it seems, they seem to be under real pressure
because the Ukrainians are destroying key parts of their economic infrastructure. So I don't,
I can't even imagine. I mean, unless, unless, unless we, the American,
American intelligence understands that Russia is, understands its vulnerability more than they have
ever seemed to. That Vladimir Putin understands that vulnerability and therefore are more open to
a negotiated settlement. And, and perhaps they, perhaps, um, um, the American intelligence
community does understand that. And perhaps that's what, what Witkoff,
Witkoff and Kushner are bringing to this discussion with Vladimir Putin. You're screwed. We know you're
screwed. You know, you're screwed. Um, let's talk Turkey. I suppose that's not, it's not impossible
at this point.
So do you think that the visit by the CIA director, uh, a month ago now, John Ratcliffe, do you think
he went there? Was he going there? How does this work? Is he going there? I mean, not that the Trump people
work in any sort of, uh, usual way, but does he go and sort of suss out whether or not Putin is ready
for a visit with, with Jared and Steve Witkoff? Do you think, I mean, what do you think Putin is
thinking when Jared and Steve Witkoff come walking in with the cameras?
I don't know. Let's step back a second. I think you're right. You're right about when the CIA
director goes. And when the CIA director goes to Russia to speak directly to his counterpart,
that's, that's an indication. Certainly it would be in any other administration than the Trump
administration where you never know what anything is an indication of other than, than disarray and
chaos. But let's assume that this is functioning in somewhat of a, of a usual way. Yes, the CIA
director would have gone to say, um,
to bring a very specific set of facts to the Russians. We understand this. We know this.
You may think we don't know, but we do know, and you are in a very hard place and we understand
that. Um, and, and, and the CIA director, then his goal would have been to, to suss out whether
they understand that. And let's assume in the straightforward world, that's what he, that's
what he understood. Um, he, and he came back and said, yeah, yeah, yeah, they are really, really
up against it and alarmed. Therefore, Witkoff and Kushner would have gone,
gone to Putin with that information and would have composed a plan, sort of a face saving. We know
you have to get out of this. Um, and this is our face saving plan. You can save face. Ukrainians are
going to get largely what they want. Um, but you can save face this way and we will make that
possible. So yeah, that, that, that would be the context in which a settlement might be achieved.
So it's just possible that they do pull off something before the midterm elections,
the October surprise.
Two weeks before the election. And it does in some way help the Republicans. I mean, I think it's,
it helps them less with Iran. If, even if Trump, you know, declares yet again, and I think he's
done it 66 times at this point, that actually we've got victory over Iran because A, the Iranians
just say the opposite and B, he started that war. This would be a bigger achievement.
I mean, I think that I,
yet think the chances for that, I mean, we don't, we have no indication that Vladimir Putin is in
any way ready to do this. I mean, so that this would demand a kind of, a kind of, um, diplomacy,
but a kind of cleverness and, um, and, and I, I don't, I mean, it would demand all kinds of things
that we have never seen this administration be capable of and that we have never seen
Witkoff and Kushner capable of. But yeah, no, I mean, it would be that, I mean, that would be the
kind of, the kind of result that you might say, okay, you know, yeah, somebody, somebody deserves
some substantial credit here.
Right. And it's one of those things that you can't quite believe that people actually do,
but one's reminded of Jimmy Carter's failure to release the American hostages in Iran. And then,
of course, it turns out that Ronald Reagan gets elected. He's been back channeling. And the next
thing you know, the American hostages are free. And you can't quite believe that people back
channel in that way, because it seems so cynical. Yet, of course, they do.
But, and there's other, you know, surprise. I mean, Nixon went to China, changing the course of
modern history.
Um, and, and it may be, if we understand that, that, um, that Putin can't go on with this,
that he is on a, he's on a finite path. It's going to end in,
it's unsustainable for him. Then he has to make a deal. Even Vladimir Putin has to make a deal.
But that's assuming a lot. Yeah, it's hard to see how introducing the draft would work in his favor.
I'm sure you read over the weekend, I think it was in The Times, the piece about Africans who'd
been signing up for jobs, they thought white collar jobs in Russia, arriving, their passports
were taken, they were given eight days training and then shipped out onto the front lines in
Ukraine. Yes. And that's an indication that they just don't have the manpower anymore.
Mm hmm. No, it's a terrible, terrible situation for Russia and gets worse and worse. Which augurs
for why should Ukraine give up anything? Well, and I actually I can I can answer that question
because they don't.
They don't have the interceptors to to defend their own population at this point. They have the ability to attack Russia and continue to attack Russia. And for these attacks to be more and more costly. But at the same time, there are a lot of Ukrainians who are dying.
And we don't have the Patriot interceptors to send to them because we're running out of them.
Yeah, in a nutshell.
And of course, you know, the reason they don't have
Patriot interceptors is because they don't have the manpower.
They don't have the manpower.
The reason they don't have the Patriot interceptors is because we don't have any to supply them because we've used them all up because Pete Hegseth is running out of rapidly running out of munitions.
Well, what I wonder if is Pete Hegseth, Hager's Colonel Vodka, if if he is running out of room in other ways, too. So what we have seen over the last last couple of weeks.
It's a kind of steady march of anti Hager's stories, a kind of devastating story in The Times the other day about about General Donahue, incredibly well respected figure in the in the U.S. military who was slated for a variety of high commands who who Hager's has forced to retire.
And
General Donahue seems to have support throughout the military industrial complex and throughout Congress.
And that was the thrust of this of this time story that that that a Donahue has this support and is a kind of an extraordinary figure in today's army and Pete Hegseth because of his own insecurities.
And that was the thrust of this of this time story that that a Donahue has this support and is a kind of an extraordinary figure in today's army and Pete Hegseth because he's a kind of a great leader.
Why are we now reading this on a constant basis. Well we are likely reading this because because there there is a campaign again against Pete Hegseth a campaign that is that seems to be coming more and more effective. I mean the message is clear. Hegseth is a complete incompetent and he is imperiling the United States military and obviously
he himself Hegseth is getting panicked about this because now he has he has ordered lie detectors tests for a for a wide swath of of the of the senior command about who is leaking because clearly somebody is leaking. Now it may also be that somebody is leaking not from the Defense Department but from the White House. And so
I think one of the things that we're clearly looking at and one of the things that could
clearly happen is that Hegsith is taken down. Right. Summarily executed by Trump,
possibly before the midterms, to take the blame for Iran.
Yes. I'm just trying to think about that. I hadn't thought about that timing, but I think,
as you say, it sounds like an awfully good idea. Doesn't it? And as you say, the lie detector
tests we discussed on. What day is it today? We discussed on Saturday the lie detector tests
and the fact that 50 senior people, 50, 5-0 senior people were being required to take them suggests
the level of paranoia that Pete Hegsith, formerly an alcoholic, though, as Tom Tillis said, the
outgoing senator, had to take. I think that's a very good idea. Yes. I think that's a good idea.
That he wished that Pete Hegsith could address his task as the Secretary of Defense in a sober way,
carefully not implying he was drunk, but using the word soberly.
No, but we rushed to imply, to point out that that was-
He used the word very carefully, right? To imply that this must be a very stressful
job for someone who was formerly intoxicated at his last two
or three veterans' organizations that he was driven out of for incompetence.
So what do you do with someone like that? You give them the
largest military force in the world and tell them to get on with it. And so he brings in his wife.
Colonel Vodka was what his boss at Fox News, Roger Ailes, called him.
Yeah, Colonel Vodka. It's just a remarkable state of affairs. But then so too is the Democratic
Senator John Fetterman's staff, ex-staff, he says they're disgruntled ex-staffers, have released,
it appears, some of his texts, which imply he hates his job. He hates being a senator. He hates
lots of it. And somewhat depressing to read these texts of his.
Fetterman, Trump, you know, one of the things that we have seen in this Trump age is the rise
of politicians who don't have, who feel no reason to conform to any standard, previous standard of
being a politician. I mean, that is the entire Fetterman approach to this. I'm not going to
address the part. I'm not going to do the job the way people think I should do the job. And actually,
that means I'm not going to do the job. I'm going to have no respect for the party that I am
theoretically part of. I mean, these are all, again, entirely Trumpian things. Trump becomes
the model. I mean, we talked about Trump as the model for right-wing politicians. But in a sense,
Trump is the. Is the model for all, for a new class of politicians who believe that they don't have
to be politicians. They don't have to be professionals in the way that we once expected
politicians to be.
Well, and there's a piece on Fetterman in the Wall Street Journal, which starts with him.
He has an appointment to meet three veterans in wheelchairs, and he doesn't turn up. He says
he's eaten something. And then the next thing you know, he's. He's on Fox News, as if no one could put these two things together and figure out,
wait a minute, I thought you had food poisoning, or he said that he'd had something to eat that
had disagreed with him. And then suddenly there he was, I think with Jesse Waters, of all people,
on Fox News.
Of all people.
Of all people. And this sense in which, you know, he's complaining in his text that he doesn't want
to meet people, that he doesn't believe them when they're trying to get to D.C. to complain,
and he doesn't want to meet them when they're trying to get to D.C. to complain about things. He actually says they
just want a free trip to D.C. So dissing the people that have put him into office and not
wanting to do the work. I mean, Fetterman in particular seems a special case because he had
a stroke, then he disappeared and had depression. So I wonder if he wouldn't be happier just leaving
the job altogether.
In other words, what you're saying is that part of the thing, he's a crazy bugger.
And I don't think that there's, I mean, I think you would, you would, it would be hard to argue
otherwise. I mean, he is, he is somebody who his own, his own, you know, and we see this kind of,
I think, more and more this intersection of nuttiness and opportunism. And in the, in the
old days, nutty people were excluded just, you know, because, because they were, they, they,
they could not conform to the demands of the job.
But now we're in this, in this, in this new age where nuttiness becomes a kind of advantage in,
in its way. You, people notice you and, and notice, being noticed is half of the battle.
more than half of the battle. And so even if you look ridiculous, even if you seem nutty,
you get the attention that propels careers, political careers, maybe most careers forward.
And Mitch McConnell, of course, by his very absence, has remained not at the center of
attention, but certainly with a lot of attention. It's been 86 days since Mitch McConnell has been
heard of other than by his proof of life photos. Yeah. Well, I'm not sure what that attention is
going to do for him. What does that get him? Well, what does it get the people of Kentucky
who voted for him? I mean, and again, it's just that sense that politicians' jobs aren't like
the jobs that the rest of us do. If he disappeared for 80,
86 days from the podcast, there would be no podcast. So it's so strange that people think
that once you're represented, you know, once you've been voted in to represent people in office,
you don't have to show up. You know, well, we've talked about this before, and there has been a
long history of people in Congress not showing up. Right. And wasn't there a senator who just
didn't show up?
Who have been sick or waylaid or just just have been unable to fulfill their duties. But they have
they have they have worked out they have worked out their term or have lasted out their term. So
I don't know. You know, I mean, Mitch McConnell is actually different from Fetterman. Mitch McConnell
really represents an.
Old kind of politician, a politician who just hid behind his professional,
a professional identity. He was a backroom politician. So that idea and to some degree,
all politics, all politics, all politicians were supposed to be kind of backroom people. They were
they were dealing with colleagues, cutting deals, getting on with the business of government,
and then people decided that was a cover up. That was a conspiracy. And and and what we wanted then
was a was more transparency. And, you know, and what that gets us now is Fetterman and Trump. These
are both absolutely transparent figures. They're they're transparent in a way that had with both of
them that we would never, ever, ever have elected in the past.
Mm hmm. But and it gets us and it gets us. I was just going to say Nigel Farage in the U.K. and it
gets us Ulrich Sigmund in Germany.
And it's all another word. So you can say this is all about performance. If you are willing and able
to perform in this way, kind of a social media way, kind of a way that RFK Jr. isn't quite doing it
because it is all take me. I don't care. I don't give a shit. I am what I am. And,
for some, you know, we're at a moment in time where people are saying, well, that's
compelling or that's different than other politicians that we hate or that's something that at least I've taken notice of.
Well, and I think people think it's more authentic, right? They think that that people saying what used to be
unforgivable things is somehow more authentic than people trying to find
a common denominator.
Absolutely. And Fetterman, Fetterman actually may well be authentic. He's a nutcase.
Authentically nutty, it sounds like a chocolate bar. Michael, we'll be back on Thursday.
God willing, we'll be back on Thursday.
God willing, yes.
Yeah, I've got to get back to the U.S.
And you're traveling back tomorrow?
I'm traveling back tomorrow, the day your children go back
to school. I will be traveling back to the States.
Alas.
Yes, but I will look forward to seeing you in the studio on Thursday.
Fantastic.
With your new shoes on and your new jacket and your new pencil case.
Really depressing.
I love it. A breath of new fresh air. Michael, it's the start of a new term and the
run up to the midterms. We'll be back on Thursday to talk all about it. And if you have been, thank you for
joining us. Don't forget to smash our subscription button. You can find it in the episode description
box wherever you get your podcasts. And Michael, do you want to thank our team?
Ryan, John, Heather, Rachel, and Neil. Thank you.
So the good news is we have so many BeeBeast-tier members now. There are too
many names to read out. And we really appreciate your support.
Ryan Reynolds here for Mint Mobile. I don't know if you knew this, but
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Podcast Summary
Key Points:
A squad of grassroots creators, often encouraged by the Trump team, produces memes and videos for Truth Social, with figures like Natalie Harp and Dan Scavino playing key roles.
Trump’s hair color has been inconsistent and frequently changing, with recent shifts toward darker tones possibly indicating a desire to look younger amid his 80th birthday.
The use of absurd or satirical imagery—like Trump as the Green Lantern or a healer—reflects a deliberate social media strategy that undermines political solemnity and gains attention.
RFK Jr.’s cooking show, while awkward and unpolished, serves as a platform for building a personal brand and drawing attention through authenticity and self-promotion.
The rise of far-right figures like Ulrich Siegmund and Nigel Farage is seen as directly inspired by Donald Trump’s success model, emphasizing anti-immigrant policies and performative political absurdity.
Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner’s efforts to broker peace in Ukraine or Russia are dismissed as hollow, with skepticism that such deals would realistically happen or have political impact.
The Trump administration’s approach to politics—marked by transparency, performative behavior, and anti-establishment posturing—is now a model for politicians across the globe.
The idea of an "October surprise" in midterms, such as a peace deal in Ukraine, is considered unlikely but symbolically significant, as it could reshape public perception of Trump’s effectiveness.
Summary:
The podcast explores the behind-the-scenes creation of Trump-themed content by a grassroots squad of meme-makers, often operating from home and supported by the Trump team. It examines the symbolic and performative nature of Trump’s social media presence, including his fluctuating hair color, which may signal a desire to project youth and vitality. The discussion highlights how absurd imagery, such as Trump as the Green Lantern, serves as a tool to deconstruct political seriousness and generate attention.
’s cooking show as a personal branding effort, emphasizing awkward authenticity that resonates in a digital age. The rise of far-right leaders like Ulrich Siegmund and Nigel Farage is linked directly to Trump’s influence, with shared anti-immigrant policies and performative rhetoric. The podcast questions the legitimacy of diplomatic efforts by Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, viewing them as hollow and unlikely to yield real results.
A central theme is that Trump’s style—transparent, erratic, and self-consciously untraditional—has become a blueprint for modern political performance. The risk of an "October surprise" before the midterms is discussed as theoretically possible but highly improbable, while the broader point remains: Trump’s career has fundamentally reshaped political culture, making performance and irreverence central to political success. The conversation ends on a note of irony, contrasting the end of summer with the start of a new political term, and underscores how political authenticity is now often measured by visibility and unpredictability rather than traditional competence.
FAQs
A squad of individuals, often from the Trump circle like Natalie Harp or Dan Scavino, create the content. These members send videos to Trump, who may approve or encourage them to produce more, sometimes using AI tools.
The content is produced by a grassroots team, often working from home, encouraged and sometimes financially supported by the Trump team. While there is no strict quality control, individuals like Natalie Harp or Dan Scavino may have a role in reviewing and approving content.
Trump's hair color changes frequently, suggesting a pattern of vanity and personal experimentation. This is seen as a reflection of his desire to appear younger, especially as he approaches his 80th birthday, and may be influenced by changing trends or personal whims.
The use of absurd or surreal imagery (e.g., Trump as a Green Lantern) serves to break the seriousness of political discourse and generate attention. This strategy is effective in undermining the perceived earnestness of traditional political culture and gaining viral traction.
RFK Jr. hosts a cooking show called 'The Real Food Show' that blends humor and personal anecdotes. His content is seen as awkward and out of place, but it generates attention and helps him build a personal platform, often drawing criticism for its unprofessional tone.
Figures like Ulrich Siegmund in Germany and Nigel Farage in the UK have adopted Trumpian strategies—such as anti-immigrant policies and anti-establishment rhetoric—showing how Trump's success model has provided a template for populist leaders globally.
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