Our real goal must be a regime changed in Tehran. Behind closed doors, most of the ambassadors were coming to me and telling me, "Look, Gilad, we support you. We know that, for example, you shouldn't finish the job with Hamas, but we cannot say it publicly, Anra." Not only it was infiltrated by Hamas, it has become a real terror organization. We should focus on convincing our biggest ally, the United States of America, to change the system, to completely defund the UN, maybe hopefully dismantle it, and try to establish build a real international organization that can truly prevent wars, genocide, and defend human rights. Welcome to Middhist Horizons, a podcast of the Miskub Institute for National Security. I'm Ashur Friendman, your co-host, Miskub Institute Executive Director, and a visiting fellow at the Heritage Foundation. My co-host, Lab Harcov, a Miskub Institute Senior Fellow and Senior Co-Spot of Rejusion Sider, is not here today because she is right now on the plane with Prime Minister Netanyahu as part of the media delegation, on the way to the United States for that meeting with President Trump. Obviously, many critical issues from Iran to Gaza to Syria on the agenda, and we look forward to getting labs updates. This is also the 30th episode of Middhist Horizons. It's been an incredible journey. We've set out to do a podcast that would cut through the noise, the spin, the shallow discourse, the tweets, and provide fresh insights on what's really happening in Israel in the Middle East. What are the challenges, the dilemmas, the hard questions that have no easy answer, the real interests of each of the different actors? Beyond the paradigms that failed in October 7th, beyond the false economies that too often dominate the discourse in Israel and around the world. We've had some fantastic guests. We really think our audience who's been viewing and listening to our podcasts. We really appreciate it. We appreciate the feedback that we've gotten. If you're enjoying this podcast, if you feel would be valuable for others, please share it with your friends. Tell them about it. Subscribe, like, so we can reach as broad an audience as possible. As I mentioned, love together with Prime Minister Netanyahu are on their way to the US to meet with President Trump. Obviously, Iran at the very top of the agenda, people have been asking me for several weeks where is there going to be a war? How long is going to the war going to be? Is it going to be like the 12-day war in June? I think only President Trump really knows what the US is going to do, but I think in my best assessment, if there is a fairly high chance of there being a high intensity military conflict, but it will be rather short. It will be certainly not longer than the 12-day war we saw in June and likely shorter than that. I think we'll see, most likely, see limited American action, a limited Iranian response, targeting Israel and potentially other targets in the region. It is really response also that is calculated not to inflame a wider conflict, and that will be the end of this current round of fighting. What's most important to recall is that, as opposed to the US, for Israel, the Iranian ballistic missile threat is truly an existential challenge. Thousands of Iranian advanced ballistic missiles fired at Israel could pose a severe threat to the Israeli population, to the Israeli home front, to Israeli critical infrastructure, and therefore Israel cannot, and I believe will not, allow Iran to rebuild its ballistic missile program. And, whatever the US decides, obviously the United States has its own interests, and will decide, of course, the United States' interests. Israel, if necessary, will, I believe, act to prevent Iran from turning its ballistic missile capabilities into an existential threat to the state of Israel. Beyond Iran, we obviously have Gaza on the agenda. Hamas is still refusing to truly disarm and remains the dominant force in the areas it controls west of the so-called yellow line. Another critical issue on the agenda is, of course, Syria. There's pressure on Israel to retreat from the strategic areas it now holds, like the peak of the Hermon mountain. In return for some kind of security agreement with Al-Jullani, the current Syrian leader, Fierce and Miscop Institute, we have recommended decision-makers that, given that we know that Al-Jullani comes from an ISIS extremist Islamist background, given that his base is still certainly there, whether or not he has changed his mind. And given that we don't know if he's going to be in power in a year from now or two years from now, Israel should avoid making substantive concessions on its key security interests, and return for a written agreement. Of course, if we can come to some side of workable arrangement with Syria that will guarantee our security, that would be a positive development as well. Now on the positive side of things, we are seeing since President Trump brokered the ceasefire and the return of the hostages in October, we're seeing renewed momentum in the realm of regional cooperation, the Abraham Accords. Now, of course, there's still geopolitical tensions. There's the issue of Saudi Arabia that will get to in a minute. But we looked at the numbers recently at the Heritage Foundation and the Abraham Accords Research Project that we are doing there. And it's very interesting when you compare the fourth quarter of 2025 to the fourth quarter of 2024, we are seeing an increase in trade economic ties across the board. So we saw, comparing Q425 to Q424, we saw an increase in trade between Israel and the UAE by 9% between Israel and Morocco by 65% between Israel and Bahrain of 1300%. And even with Israel's traditional peace partners, Jordan and Egypt, we've seen an increase, we saw an increase in that same time period of trade with Egypt of 3% with Jordan of 38%. Even more interestingly, when we compared trade in 2025, which was mostly a year of war and conflict in 2023, which was mostly a year of peace and cooperation, we found that across the board, for all the Abraham Accords countries, trade in 2025 grew, asking for 2022-23 and service and chancel as well has found that private investment between Abraham Accords countries has grew by 431% in 2025. These are all positive signs of renewed momentum and the lasting underlying logic of regional cooperation. But it's not just business, it's not just investment. I recently had a chance to speak to a courageous group of young leaders from Abraham Accords countries and despite the tensions, despite the disagreements, they are still truly committed to building this future of peace between all the countries in the region and they see their support for the Palestinian people as not contradicting the desire to develop ties with Israel and with Israelis. And that was a really inspiring and positive event, which really gave me hope for what we can see, I think, in the coming year. Now, there's a lot of discourse about Saudi Arabia and whether Saudi Arabia is moving towards this Sunni axis of extremism, I tend to be more optimistic than most commentators. I think if you both look at history and the religious differences and then you look at also Saudi Arabia's key strategic interests, at the end of the day, its long term or midterm strategic interests are not going to be in a lining with Turkey or with Pakistan or with the Ijwan, with the Muslim brotherhood and their supporters in Qatar. I think in the end of the day, I think there are tactical reasons why Saudi Arabia is moving closer to some of these actors. There may be internal domestic reasons in Saudi Arabia. There may be reasons relating to underperformance of part of the Crown Princess grandiose plans for the country's development though in other parameters. They've been a great success. But I think if you look at the midterm, Saudi Arabia is going to align itself both with the moderate forces in the region and with the United States and the West and that retains the potential for advancing cooperation between Israel and Saudi Arabia, perhaps gradually step by step, but I am still optimistic that that is going to happen. Well this week we have a guest, especially for our 30th episode, that can provide critical behind the scenes insight onto all of these issues. You are ad-air-done. You are ad-air-done served as a member of the Canisus for 17 years from 2003 to 2020. He served for 12 years in a number of different senior ministerial positions as Minister of Environment of Communications, of Homefront Defense, of Interior, and then as the Minister for Strategic Affairs and for Minister of Public Security. After that Minister of Regional Cooperation, I had the opportunity to work closely with him as Minister of Strategic Affairs. In each of those positions, he advanced very important reforms, whether it was related to recycling and clean energy, whether it was related to building the infrastructure and the strategy of the state of Israel in combating the anti-Israel delegitimization and BDS campaigns, exposing the true face of the various NGOs that claim to be speaking for human rights, but were truly advanced in the anti-Semitic BDS and DEDUGEMISATION and law fair campaigns. And as Minister of Public Security, we are also interested to work with him developing new strategies and tactics for countering lone wolf terror attacks, for countering excitement to terror and for making these citizens of Israel more secure. Following his roles as Minister, Giladard Don served as Israel's ambassador to the UN from 2020 to 2024. He also served during that period for a year as Israel's ambassador to the UN.
to the United States and Washington, the first is the early diplomat to hold both those roles since Abeven. And since returning to Israel, he used both a senior fellow at the MISCAB Institute. He is the head of our center for diplomacy and international cooperation. And he is the global president of Magnavita Domez, Israel's national emergency response and medical care service, an organization that is everyday saving lives across the country. And we get into that as well in the conversation, what the world can learn from Israel's experience in emergency response and care. So without further ado, please stay tune for this wide-ranging conversation with Gilad Erdan. (gentle music) Gilad Erdan, it's great to have you at the MISCAB MISCAB Medisturizing Podcast. Great to be here, off-shield. Thanks for having me. We're speaking just as Prime Minister Netanyahu is planning to fly to Washington, to meet President Trump. And a lot of the discourse in all of the various arenas that we're dealing with Iran, Gaza has to do with the international order, international rules, international institutions, as Israel playing by the rules of international order as the United States, playing by the rules of the international system. You served for four years as Israel's ambassador to the United Nations. Can you tell us how does the UN, how does the international system really work? Well, to describe it as working, it's a little bit too much. I would say that I have learned after four years that the UN is totally not only broken and corrupt, but lost its way and cannot fulfill its original purpose. And I'll explain. I have learned that since the UN was established back in 1945, around 80 years ago, it was established with only 51 member states that plus minus shared similar values. But today, the UN has been completely, completely changed. Its political makeup is totally different. Today it has 193 member states, most of them, which was a surprise for me are non-democracies, non-democratic at all. Almost one third of them are Muslim countries. And the worst thing is that in the UN, every country has the same voting power. I mean, the big United States of America is equal to a small Pacific island or even to Iran's voting power. And when, as I described, when most of them are non-democracies, so the outcome is morally distorted. That's how you get, for example, Iran heading this armament forum, or that's how you get Cuba or Venezuela or Somalia on the Human Rights Council. And that's how Saudi Arabia was elected to lead the commission on the status of women. I mean, you can't make this crazy things up. I'm sure most of our viewers, listeners, they understand that for Israel, the UN is a very hostile and biased arena, even though we are the only liberal democracy in the Middle East, we still receive every year. Every year, 70% of the UN's condemnation may I remind all of us that Israel represent only one tenth of one percent of the world population. So that's the UN. I mean, it's lost its way. It cannot fulfill its original mission. But if you want to see the positive side, behind closed doors, most of the ambassadors were coming to me and telling me, "Look, Gilad, we support you. "We know that, for example, you should finish the job "with Hamas, but we cannot say it publicly. "We are working with our voting block "with our regional or religious group within the UN. "And we cannot change the instructions we receive "from our group, but they want to work with us. "They want to enjoy collaboration with Israel. "And once one day, the UN will be replaced, "things will look different for Israel "in the international arena." So if beyond this aura of the international system and the UN, as if it represents some kind of moral authority, we're really just talking about almost a Middle East shook, right, a horse trading and political deals between various countries. Exactly. If that's the case, then why does Israel stand the UN? That's a great question. I'm being asked many times, why are we still staying there? And maybe since we are there, we are giving the UN the legitimacy to blame Israel for many things. But honestly, let me explain. The first reason is that the UN is also an opportunity because it's around table with all countries in the world present. And for Israel, it's also an opportunity to apply and to use soft diplomacy, to strengthen Israel and to highlight our contributions and solutions. Israel is a country of solutions when it comes to water technologies, food security, sustainable agriculture, you name it. I mean, cyber defense. So it's an opportunity to open new markets, new doors for Israeli companies. But still, I agree that when it comes to warms and defending human rights, it's a problematic organization, more than problematic. But the thing is that if we are not there to expose the allies and the falsehoods and the hypocrisy, no one is going to do this hard work for us. And if we want to maintain, preserve our important alliances with the UK, with Germany, with most of the Western world, if we are not there, they will be blamed for working with Israel. They will have no information or answers to our detractors. And that might cause a damage to our standing. Therefore, I believe-- and to be honest, even if Israel leaves the abandoned, leaves the UN, it's not going to change a thing. It's not going to really erode the legitimacy of the UN. We should focus on convincing our biggest ally, the United States of America, to change the system, to completely defund the UN, maybe hopefully dismantle it, and try to establish, build a real international organization that can truly prevent wars, genocide, and defend human rights. That's a really good point. One of the things that here at the Miskov Institute, we've counseled when we are conversations with decision makers and policy makers, is that we can't be bound necessarily by the conventions of the past, just because something exists, something is the status quo, it's what everybody knows or does. We have to continue it. And that President Trump, I think, has really taken that another step forward. But Israel has as well in the way it has conducted its forefurt security over the last two and a half years. You mentioned this idea of an alternative, right? Maybe there's something else. Maybe it's not the UN. And some have interpreted the board of peace as a potential alternative to the UN. What do you think? Is it the board of peace can be that better alternative? Well, first of all, I agree with what you said, and let me remind everyone, which is insane, that the United States of America is still the biggest funder of the UN. People are not aware of the fact that the UN's annual budget is almost $75 billion. The UN is still funneling around 25% of the UN's budget. Even though, as I demonstrated, the UN is operating acting against the values and against the interest of the United States. As I used to say, the bad guys are controlling the UN's system. So of course, I salute President Trump for being so bold and igniting the discourse with regard to the failures of the UN. That's why I see his board of peace, the council of peace, you name it, as a very, very positive idea. I cannot ignore the fact. It's not a perfect body. You see that some of these bad guys, some of the countries that are almost enemies of formal enemies of Israel, like Qatar and Turkey with their terrible values were invited to sit there, and it doesn't make me happy. But it's a step towards the right direction. And I'm hopeful, because 80 years ago, ashram, the current UN replaced the old League of Nations, which was also a failed, broken international organization. And now, after 80 years, when we ignited this discourse about the UN's failure, I'm hopeful that maybe what John McCain and others scholars used to talk about, the need of the free world to establish a new League of Democracies that are truly committed to defending human rights and fighting dictatorships.
This is something that we can achieve, but the first step is to completely defund the UN, try to dismantle it. The second step for me is to encourage the Western world and Western leaders to join an alternative organization. One of the most memorable moments of your time at the UN, at least for me, was I believe this is September 2023. The president of Iran, Reisi, is standing on the podium of the UN, talking about what a wonderful constructive role Iran is playing in the region and the world. And you stood up and you held up a picture of Masa Amini, the young woman who was murdered by the Iranian regime. And you demanded that Reisi look at the picture and you demanded that the world could acknowledge the real nature of the Iranian regime. And I think you were thrown out of the UN hall for doing that. That was my idea. Yeah, it was detained, yeah, by the UN police. Definitely. Yeah. No, obviously Iran is going to be high on the agenda when Nitenya home meets with Trump tomorrow in Florida. If you were in the room and you were given a member of the security cabinet, the Israeli government, if you were in the room for that meeting, what would you tell President Trump? I think that the meeting between President Trump and Prime Minister Nyao is really, I almost can call it a historic crucial meeting. There are no words that can describe the importance. And I would tell President Trump, look, Mr. President, this is a watershed moment. I mean, maybe the opportunity, this window of opportunities that you have now to topple this evil regime is an opportunity that we will never have again. And please remember that our real goal must be a regime changed in Tehran because even if you have an agreement, that even if it will be called a good agreement, not like the terrible agreement that President Obama signed with them, it's not going to change the nature of the regime. This is a regime that wants to export the Shiite revolution that want to impose its hegemony. First of all, over the Middle East, then over the entire world. Therefore, it will continue to aspire. It will continue to try and acquire nuclear capabilities. Even after they will wait for three years until they will have another president in the Oval Office, but nothing fundamental is going to change. Mr. President, you cannot abandon the brave, the courageous protesters that are fighting for their rights. You promise them, hope, you promise them, help. And if you are not going to fulfill your promise, I'm afraid, as the Prime Minister of Israel, that you'll be blamed like President Obama, that you didn't keep your word. And where are your red lines? So I think you can make history. The President can make history by using the, you know, all the war machine that he has built around Iran. Our Prime Minister should, of course, offer every collaboration and every intelligence, every help that we can give the U.S. and I think that it's possible to, right now, to achieve a regime change and give hope to the Iranian people. The other issue on the agenda is likely to be Gaza, where President Trump's desire to move to stage two is the role, the board of peace, it has been oversea, the reconstruction of Gaza. Now, there's been various reports, so I just yesterday report that, for example, this national committee, this technocratic committee that is supposed to be overseeing Gaza, when it has connections to the PA is using a symbol, that's very similar to the Palestinian Authority, is stamping people's passwords when they come into Gaza with the state of Palestine, the PA's logo. What role do you think the Palestinian Authority should or can have, if any, in the future of Gaza? Well, God forbid, I don't think that the Palestinian Authority should have any role in Gaza because they have proven time and again that they are also committed to the destruction of the state of Israel. Many times I'm calling President Abbas, a terrorist in suit, you know, Arrafat used to wear uniforms, so the Abu Mazdan's tactics are different, but it's the same goal that he was never able or never wanted or was willing to give up his payments to the terrorists and their families. He never gave up their crazy demand of the right of return, quote unquote, something that does not exist in my view, and I think that if we want to be realistic, if we don't want to repeat the mistakes of the past, we must demand and insist that they will have no role in the future of Gaza. In my point of view, we already made a mistake because Israel was supposed to apply a military administration because I trust only the idea, if I don't see any other administration in Gaza, or all Gaza. Military administration in Gaza, even for the short term, because I don't see any armed forces that are going to fight there and fight against Hamas to demilitarize the Gaza Strip. I believe that another demand that we should insist on is that whoever is going to control Gaza before any reconstructions are going to start there, they should give up publicly their status of refugees that they insist on giving the people of Gaza. Otherwise, you just again repeat the same mistakes you are going to perpetuate the conflict there, you're going to grow up another generations of gossens that will be committed to destroying Israel and fighting against the Jewish people. You will not going to see peace and reconciliation in the Gaza Strip as long as you allow them to continue to talk about their right of return, or as I said, allowing organizations, allowing the Palestinian Authority to continue controlling whatever is happening in the Gaza Strip. That's an extremely important point I think, and one that a lot of people aren't aware of. I mean, if the idea is to rebuild Gaza and shape a better future, you can't have the third, fourth, fifth generation of Gaza children being taught that their homes aren't really in Hain, New Year's, Traghats, the city, their homes are really in Haifa or Jaffa or Jerusalem or Ashkelon. Yeah. Their life goal should be to return, which is one of these are Hamas that they wanted to do when they crossed the border. They were returning to their homes and removing the Jews who took their home. And the UN, first and foremost, Unra is the one who is perpetuating this refugee status. I just didn't just enter any other place in the world, so that's an incredibly important point. The other element of the word of peace's plan is that you have international stabilization force. We've seen reports that Indonesian soldiers may be part of this force that Turkish or Qatari forces may be involved. Somehow, it's the Turks would like that. But we're not starting from zero. We have experience with international forces that were meant to prevent terrorist organizations from deploying on Israel's borders, right? Yeah, that's why I said that I trust only the IDF. I saw it also firsthand as Israel's ambassador to the UN and I've been following closely how the UN's bodies and agencies were functioning. By the way, even after October the 7th, I mean, sadly, many times the Israeli military security apparatus establishment was quite naive, they trusted UN agencies, UN bodies. But I believe they were all they were walking up after October 7th when they saw how Unra not only it was infiltrated by Hamas, it has become a real terror organization. Unra has become a terror organization. We thought in the past that Uni feel can help us really in the southern part of Lebanon to make sure that they're not going to store their rockets and missiles in the villages in the southern part of Lebanon. And then we understood suddenly that it's only helping his bala and they're not reporting what is happening on the ground. The same with with every UN agency, quality UNICEF that is committed to protecting children and never in its reports reported about the terror summer camps that Hamas used to organize for the children in Gaza to teaching them against to hate us and how to use weapons and grenade. Or when it comes to UN women that is being led by a Jordanian director general and refused to acknowledge and report about the sexual atrocities of Hamas against Israeli women.
on October 7th. Therefore, every function that the UN, that we believe that the UN is going to change the reality in Gaza, is going to disappoint us dramatically. You're talking about the importance of education, the role of ensignment, and also of your time at the UN, which serves as ground zero of the Anti-Israeli Digitalization Campaign. The more that you served as Strategic Affairs Minister, I had the privilege of serving persons as part of the Professional Staff of the Ministry and then as Chief of Staff. And by the way, you were great. Well, actually, I want to say really hats off to you because I think you were really, perhaps the first is really minister that really got it, really understood the depth and the breadth and the impact of the threat of the digitalization, right? That's not just taking, putting stickers at humus in some store in New York, but really the network that's leading the digitalization campaign, the threat that this poses to Israel both on and off the battlefield, and the need to develop the capabilities and the network to counter this network. Looking at the last two and a half years, even before that, where Israel's facing an unprecedented digitalization campaign we're facing, the genocide hoax and the starvation hoax. And hoaxes that are believed by people not even who are anti-Israel, but just it's been repeated again and again. What do you think Israel is not quite getting in terms of the role of public diplomacy and communications and fighting digitalization? And what can we do better? Okay. First, sadly, up to this day, I think that our government never really internalized that it's not PR, it's not nice to have our branding. The way Israel is being portrayed is part of our national security because there is no use of having the best army in the world. And we do have the best army and F-35s and tanks and advanced technologies, but if the UN and if the international community and God forbid, also the US is tying your hands or applying arms embargoes against the state of Israel so you can't even use them. They are limiting your right to defend yourself. So we never really internalized it. You can see if you look at the budget, the budget for years was ridiculous. Only now they have allocated a real budget for the PR, for the war, for the truth, but it still remains to be seen whether this budget will be used and whether it will be used effectively. I always said that since the US is our most important ally, we should focus there. The key is the United States of America and how we are being portrayed, how we are being perceived on the grassroots among the people there. I think that if you look at how we are deployed there, we have only eight consulates to cover 50 states. Again, it's ridiculous. We need at least 15 or 20 consulates with a real budget that will enable them to organize many, many public diplomacy events. We should engage much more with minority groups within the United States because talking about intersectionality. Our enemies, the Palestinians, are trying to tie themselves with other minority groups like the African Americans, telling them or lying to them as if they are sharing the same story, fighting against oppression, fighting for human rights. We all know that the Palestinians, many years ago after the Durban conference, they hijacked the human rights vocabulary and in order to fight it, in order to change it, we need to allocate a much bigger budget. We need the boots on the ground in the United States. We need to send many more emissaries that will be deployed there in universities, in many other organizations. There are so many things that needs to be done. I mean, I always thought on the offensive, we should never be apologetic because we know and I knew very well who am I representing. I represent the most moral country in the world and the most moral military in the world. We should always fight to expose the falsehoods and the hypocrisy, by the way, another tactic that I use to draw the attention and to get the international media to cover my features was to use props because creative ways. You mentioned my demonstration against the butcher of Tehran, President Ricey, but I also don't the yellow star to shock the ambassadors in the UN and to make the comparison to the Holocaust and to remind them the shame of their silence. Or I expose the Nwar's phone number when they try to push for a ceasefire and I told them if you really want to. Do you want to call them up? For sure, yeah, they tried a lot. Now they always try to blame Israel, but in order to draw the attention to the fact that the key to a real ceasefire is in the hands of Hamas to release our hostages or to disarm. So that's what I did and it succeeded. I mean, to change the discourse and to focus more on Hamas. So there are many creative ways that we can use. We should always be on the offensive, but it's start with we don't even have a chief of staff. We don't have, as I call it, a ramatkal for our Hasbarah. There's no one to lead this battle that is so important for our future and I hope that our government learned the lesson from October 7th because it was impossible even to understand how a liberal democracy fighting a designated terrorist organization is losing this battle. We should first and foremost blame ourselves and see what we can do better for the future. You've spent a lot of your career fighting the digitalization, fighting anti-Israel forces in the government, in the UN. Now in addition to your role as a senior fellow at the Miskot Institute and the head of our Center for Diplomacy and International Cooperation and you're doing really important and exciting work there, you're also the global president of my game, David Adam Israel's national emergency response, which is saving lives every day by the nature of Israel even in southern Syria. What do you think that the world can learn from your experience and from a game David Adam's experience in emergency response and saving lives? So let me first ask you explain why I accepted this role of global president of Maghendavida Don. We spoke a lot about Israel's branding and our PR war and it's important again to internalize that the new strategy of our enemies is as I call it, too prong strategy because they know that they cannot defeat our military on the conventional battlefield. So what do they do? They focus on these two arenas. Number one, where do they think we are weaker? First of all, they try to, as I said, to delegitimize our right to defend ourselves by portraying us as human rights violators. We discussed how they do it and they exploit the UN system and other international organizations. But one more thing is that they do is that they are focused on our home front. They want to terrorize our civilians. That's why they attacked our communities on October 7th. That's why they armed the equipment with so many missiles and rockets to launch them against our citizens. And as I said, to terrorize them and to drive us away from our homeland in fear. And why do I say it? Because my conclusion was that one of the most urgent and important things is to strengthen the home front and our first responders. And again, David Dom, as our national emergency medical service organization, is maybe today one of the most important first responders that we have. And that's why I am committed to strengthening its capability to save lives immediately in every community and in every village or city in Israel. And this is part of the way to thwart and foil our enemy's strategy to cause damage and to terrorize. Because when people know that help is on the way within seconds, it makes them feel their resilience. That's why I call Maghendavidadom, the backbone of Israel's resilience because we are strengthening the people of Israel's resilience by strengthening Maghendavidadom. I believe briefly that Maghendavidadom is really the number one emergency medical services on earth. I think we have a unique experience in responding to mass casualties and terror attacks. We have the best, the longest experience in how to work with the military.
and other national first responders like the police. We call the MDA teams, we call them the warriors in white because you can truly feel their spirit, their spirit of sacrifice. And sadly, even on October 7th and since we lost dozens of our paramedics who sacrificed their lives in order to save others, almost 90% of our human resources are volunteers, we have 35,000 volunteers and they are deployed everywhere. They go home with the ambulance. So our ambulances are deployed within the community. So we can respond much quicker. You know, we are also connected to the home front command systems. If you look at what happened in Operation Rising Lions, we saw where the missiles, the Iranian missiles, where they are going to land fall even before, right after the missile was launched. So we could dispatch our ambulances immediately and our ambulances were waiting for the missiles in order to shorten the respond time. It's not a joke. Sometimes our ambulances were hit. - That's incredible, it's incredible. - Our ambulances were hit by Missa's rap sharpness because they were waiting near the Kilein Tel Aviv or near Amatgan, where the missile, where we saw the missile is about to fall. And also I think we have the most advanced technologies to save lives. We have a state of the art, the most advanced blood bank on Earth, a fortified underground can function under heavy barrage of rockets. We're working with, we're handing hand with the military this time during this war. We succeeded to supply blood units with our helicopters and the military helicopters to the wounded soldiers on the front lines. And we succeeded to decrease the mortality levels among wounded soldiers in 50% during the last war. The same is with our dispatch center that is using also AI technologies. They can prioritize emergency calls and we can respond to thousands of phone calls at the same time as it happened on October 7th. So I'm very proud to lead my gender video don't globally. And that's why I'm here. - That's incredible. It really highlights how emergency response and medical care is an element of our national security. It's not separate. It's really an integral element of our national security. - Definitely. - G'dad, thank you so much for joining us. Just before we end, a last question. I think a lot of people in Israel are asking, what does the future hold for you? Where do you see yourself five years down the road and in the future? - Well, I hope that one day I will be able to lead the Miss Gavi Institute. No, I'm joking. May it shouldn't be worried. Look, Asher, I've been serving the people of Israel and the state of Israel for almost 30 years. 30 years ago, I was appointed as Benjamin Netanyahu's advisor when he first became the prime minister. Since then, I served for 17 years in the Knesset, 12 years out of them as a minister and a member of the security cabinet. - And when you survived, you survived to tell the tale. - Exactly. Four years in the UN, one year in Washington. And now I'm continuing my commitment. And of course, I intend to go back to politics when the time is right. And let me keep it now, not as a secret, but during our next podcast, I will tell our viewers and listeners if the time is right. But seriously, my mission has not been fulfilled yet. I will try and be in the most influential positions in the public sphere. And obviously, it depends if the people of Israel would want to see me there and it remains to be seen. Okay, well, you made a promise. We have to have you back on the Minister Eisen's podcast the right time. Good either done it. Thank you so much for joining us. - Thanks for having me, Asher. - Thank you for listening. Make sure to follow the MiSKav Institute at www.miSKav.ins.org and across all social media platforms. And make sure to like, share, and subscribe to this podcast wherever you get your podcasts. You can send your comments and questions to MidisTerizon's
[email protected]. And we'll see you next time. (upbeat music)
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