Cheerleading is more than a cultural symbol—it is a complex social institution rooted in history, race, gender, and class. Originating as a male-led military cheer in the 1860s, cheerleading evolved into a status symbol tied to masculinity and leadership, only becoming feminized in the 1950s. For Black girls in the mid-20th century, joining cheer squads was both a dream and a battleground—facing racial exclusion and colorism even as schools desegregated. These girls used cheerleading as a form of activism, organizing protests for visibility and equality. Media depictions, such as *Bring It On*, revealed that audiences resonated most with Black cheer squads, highlighting the cultural significance of racial representation. Post-Title IX, cheer evolved with new athleticism, reflecting shifting gender norms and post-feminist ideals. Yet, despite professionalization, cheer remains a middle-class, elite activity, limiting access for many. Professional cheerleaders face severe labor injustices, sexual abuse, and systemic neglect, including exclusion from the #MeToo movement. This underscores how cheerleading embodies both a powerful cultural symbol and a site of enduring inequality, where the gap between its iconic image and lived reality reveals deep societal assumptions about women, race, and labor.
Today, we're talking about a time-honored American tradition, like no other, cheerleading.
Consider the cheerleader you have in your mind.
Maybe she's bubbly and sweet, like Sandy from Grease.
Maybe she's shrewd and calculating, like Santana from Glee.
No matter what you think of her, the point is that the cheerleader has become one of
America's defining images, symbolizing femininity, youth, beauty, and so much more.
But behind the pom-poms and soft sneakers is history that reveals so much about who
belongs in America and what social capital that belonging affords you.
To get into that history, I'm here with Dr. Natalie Geis-Adams and Dr. Amira Rose Davis,
contributors to the cheerleader.
Natalie, Amira Rose, welcome to It's Been a Minute.
Thank you.
Yeah, happy to be here.
Hello, hello.
I'm Brittany Luce, and you're listening to It's Been a Minute.
From NPR, a show about what's going on in culture and why it doesn't happen by accident.
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I actually was not a cheerleader, but I did something very similar.
It's called, I'm about to get real Midwestern here.
It's called pom-pon.
The second one is an N, pom-pon, which is like a combination of dance, cheer without
cheering, and drill, kick line, all kind of put together.
And you do it with pom-poms to music at the halftime show at like a basketball game and
like homecoming, things like that.
So that's what I did for years.
But yeah, I mean, I got a lot out of it.
But first, I want to go back in time, because I think a lot of people don't know what it's like to be a cheerleader.
I want to go back in time.
I want to go back in time, because I think a lot of people don't know what it's like to be a cheerleader.
I want to go back in time, because I think a lot of people do not know the roots of cheerleading.
I'm going to be honest.
I certainly didn't until I read this book.
What was cheerleading in its earliest form like?
How did it become a status symbol?
Yeah.
Just starting back from the very beginning.
I mean, the first cheerleaders, you know, supposedly were in 1869 with the first football
game.
And of course, they would have all been white men.
And fans watching this football game, the first intercollegiate football game, and they just break
out spontaneously in this cheer that had actually been borrowed from the military during the Civil
War.
It's now called the Princeton Locomotive.
And it's rah, rah, rah, tiger, tiger, tiger, sis, sis, sis, boom, boom, boom, ah, Princeton,
Princeton, Princeton.
I'm not feeling the poetry of that.
I'm not going to lie to you.
I'm not feeling the poetry.
It doesn't slap.
But I could see how back then it was exciting.
Yeah, and it was a military cheer.
But, you know, it just evolved.
Cheerleading evolved as football evolved.
As football grew in popularity, this idea of men being, you know, supporters on the
sidelines just became a very high status position.
Also, it was often the basketball players and baseball players who would often be the
cheerleaders for the football team.
Interesting.
And so you just see cheerleading evolve to being very.
Respected, considered very congruent with the masculine norms of the day.
These were men that were being prepared for leadership in the new industrial order.
There's a great quote from 1911 where it says that being a cheerleader is only secondary
to being that of a quarterback in terms of promotion to public life.
So it becomes incredibly just very male dominated.
Lots of various, you know,
attempts to keep women out.
But when you ask what finally changed, well, what changed was the war.
Women slowly started entering cheerleading, but it wasn't until World War Two when men
left college campuses to go, you know, fight in the war that the spots came open and the
women took over.
And when the men returned, they kind of wanted to say, thank you for your service.
Goodbye.
And the women were like, no, no, no, no.
We we like.
We like it here.
And then you see a complete change to the feminization of cheerleading, which is basically
complete by the 1950s.
And it's really interesting.
I just want to really underscore this point of how policed it was.
And so I obviously study a lot of black schools, historically black colleges and universities
at this time.
And there's also the series of letters in the hilltop at Howard, for instance, in the
early 1900s, where there's a lot of argument because there's a lot of argument about the
black women and the black women and the black women and the black women and the black women
at the football game who were cheering, not as official cheerleaders, just as spectators
who got reprimanded and told that they were not behaving in a ladylike fashion.
So one of the things I track at this kind of 1920s as they're embracing modern Negro
womanhood, they're saying as a marker of their modernity, they're saying, why should we not
have school pride?
Why should we not be able to cheer?
That is absolutely part of what we're seeing.
I don't know what modern Negro womanhood is, but they're literally defining their modernity
in the fact that they are doing something like cheering because of how understood it
was to be masculine.
Yeah, I want to talk more about that.
I mean, I think when most people think of cheerleaders, they're either thinking of depictions
similar to those in like Greece, or maybe Bring It On is a more modern example.
But like, I feel like even in Bring It On, which was made, I believe, in either 1999
or 2000, somewhere at the turn of the century there.
This is a film that is still. It's still playing with this very mid-century image of who the cheerleader is and how she
behaves.
What were the cultural ideas coming together in the 40s and 50s that formed this idea of
the quote-unquote classic cheerleader?
Yeah, well, I think there's this whole notion of post-war American nationalism, and that
is represented so much by the kind of male athlete, and as the representation of not
only their own. individual superpower, but reflected in the U.S. as the new superpower.
And the girl at his shoulder is the cheerleader, and she is the feminine ideal.
She's the woman of the 1950s that we think of so, you know, stereotypically, who's there
to support this new America, this new prosperity, this new sense of nationalism.
And she has to have all of the markers of what is kind of seen as ideal femininity at
the time.
I mean, there's a great list.
It's published in 1959 of the traits that are expected of a cheerleader.
And it's things like cheerfulness, willing to help others, optimism, attractive physical
appearance, which is just embodied in this notion of the 1950s woman or girl who's there
to support this new sense of masculinity and this new sense of men who are going to make
America be this new superpower.
And this all coalesces.
It's with the cheerleader.
There's a hierarchy.
And you see this played out all the time.
I mean, there's almost any movie that's about American high schools, particularly during
the 80s and 90s, would have the cheerleader as the top of the pecking order.
Yeah.
I mean, talk to me a little bit more about this.
Like, how have movies and TV kind of perhaps, like, perpetuated or even complicated the
trope of the cheerleader?
Because the cheerleader kind of is like a symbol at this point.
Well, if you put a cheerleader on screen, you don't need to do that.
You don't need to do that much more to convince the audience to have a certain kind of reaction.
Yeah, I think we're in a really interesting time point in terms of media representation.
Of course, we're coming off the success of shows like Cheer, which brought us inside
of competitive collegiate cheerleading in new ways and caught the country by storm when
it premiered on Netflix.
Like I said, Bring It On was what I grew up on.
But then you also have, like, shows, cult classics like But I'm a Cheerleader, which
talked a lot about sexuality and cheerleading playing with the assumptions that, you know,
people had around cheerleaders.
But I think that for me, one of the things that has come across because of things like
new media, YouTube, TikTok, whatever, is a clear distinction in now celebration of Black
cheer culture that didn't exist in, like, a lot of media representations when I was
growing up at all.
And you had Bring It On, but you didn't necessarily have any idea of drill teams or majorettes
or Southern cheer.
Culture, anything like that, which now you can access through TikTok or YouTube or, you
know, wherever, wherever people get that.
But one of the things that I pay a lot of attention to is how even in those movies like
Bring It On, when it was screen tested, there was not a lot of resonance with a movie about
middle class white cheerleaders.
But what they found was that their audiences really resonated with any time the Black cheer
squad was kind of played off of them.
They actually reshot extra.
They actually reshot extra content with the Black cheerleaders that are not in the movie,
but were used in the trailer to draw people in.
So we see that Bring It On's success was not necessarily that it was a movie centered on
cheerleading, but that was a movie about racial politics using cheer as the thing that audience
gravitated to.
And then they were able to obviously work a lot with that.
I'm glad you bring that up because, Amira Rose, your chapter, it dives into how cheerleading
was for young Black girls.
girls in the 1950s and 60s. I'd like to
hear from you about what this sort of, I guess, cheerleading aesthetic of that time might have
been like for Black girls. Yeah. Absolutely. So the chapter that I wrote in this book,
I co-authored with Dr. Paulina Serrano, and we do a comparative kind of racial politics of
cheerleading. She's looking at Mexican, Mexican-American girls. I'm looking at Black
girls in the 50s and 60s. And it's really interesting because this ideal, like all-American
girl wholesome goal, and it still confers status. But in Black communities, it takes on a lot of
respectability politics. So you see a lot of colorism at play. I have a lot of oral histories
with Black cheerleaders who talk about how they wanted to be on cheer, but they were too dark,
so they were a majorette instead, or they were on drill team instead. Also, if you just read Black
newspapers for the Black girls and women that they are celebrating, usually they give like a short
rundown of their markers as like race, race, race, race, race, race, race, race. And they're
race ladies, people who bring pride to the race. And one of the first things that help market them
as respectable is she's a cheerleader, right? And so you have a racial politics for sure,
but intra-racially, there starts being status attached to cheerleading that enforces ideas
about colorism and racial hierarchy in terms of proximity to whiteness, in terms of skin tone.
You see less policing of body type. So curves are,
are not as big of a deal because Black girls are, you know, have a lot of different body diversity,
but you still have ideas about how bodies should look, how hair should be worn. And then certainly
again, about what kind of character you are. So you're wholesome, you're still the girl next door.
And one of the reasons why is because that use of the symbol of cheerleader as all American girl
meant that in many Black girls, you're still the girl next door. And one of the reasons why
Black high schools and in universities, getting a Black girl to be a cheerleader,
right, was a way of saying she is also all American girl. And certainly around this time,
you also see a lot of cases as integration is slowly happening, right, in some spaces where
this becomes a huge area of focus. Well, yeah, I mean, I mean,
your chapter really dives into like how cheerleading overlapped with the movement
to desegregate schools up to and following, you know, Brown versus the Board of Education in 1954,
which formally desegregated the public school system. How did students use cheerleading as
a vehicle to gain equality? Yeah, cheerleading to me is so interesting, because it lets us get
a window into integration in three very important ways. One, it centers on Black girls who identified
this as what they really wanted out of this moment in time. And so often when we talk about histories
of school desegregation, we're talking at like a pretty zoomed out political level about what's
happening politically, and lost in it are what students actually wanted, or why they would put
themselves on the front lines to integrate a school or anything like that. And what you see here is
that they wanted to have high school experiences that they understood to be things that American
high schoolers got. And the gap between what they wanted and what they received in terms of these
desegregated schools for them was exactly how they knew integration was not all it was cracked up to
be or working in the way that it was promised. One of the ways that they identified this was simply
how difficult it was to actually get on to white cheerleading squads if they were going to schools
that were desegregated to like had large white populations. One of the cheerleaders that I quote
a lot says, you want our boys to play for you, but you don't want us to cheer. And what they're
doing is they're extracting black male athletic labor to help your football team, right? But the
threat of having black cheerleaders on the sideline in highly visible places, right? That's not labor
you're extracting from. That's a symbol that you're attaching to your institution. And the fact that
they couldn't get on to the sideline for them was a marker of the fact that these new institutions
were happy to extract from the black community, but not embrace it or put them anywhere where
they would be visible representations of these schools.
So that fight for the sideline actually reveals a lot about the process and the limits of school
desegregation through the eyes of teenage girls. Coming up after the break, you can be girly,
girly and be an athlete, right? You can be confident and assertive and, you know,
still be feminine. And I think cheerleading really offers this space. Stick around.
Going on these stories. I mean, you're touching on athleticism, gender, race, colorism, gosh,
civil rights. But also, I mean, at the end of the day, like, these are really foundational
experiences that young people are having as they're starting to build their self-concept. I
mean, it's kind of devastating to hear about, but also, how do I put this? Unsurprising when you
talk about the limits of integrating schools to begin with. So one of the things that I like,
the flip side of the conversation we just had about the limits of integration,
is that this was a place where we see cheerleaders on the front lines of a lot of activists organizing
because they are positioned as leaders and they can control crowds and they can
get everybody in line. And I just want to say that part of this history that really surprised me,
I was asked to write about the history of black cheer protests.
And literally, when I went back to my archive, it was everywhere. And all of these walkouts that
I knew had happened, when I went through the archives, I realized they had started
over a cheerleader or a cheerleader agitating for a spot. Paulina writes about the Crystal City
walkout, which is a huge organizing walkout as part of the Chicano movement. And it starts with
claims about getting Chicana girls access to be cheerleaders. And once I was able to understand
that, not only was it being dismissed as frivolous at the time, but that we had inherited that
historically to dismiss it as frivolous. Saying what happens if we view this history from this
vantage point of the sidelines, what do we uncover? And at the heart of this is that we uncover how
teenage girls in the mid-century were articulating their own desires of what it meant to be a
citizen, what it meant to be becoming women in this society, what it meant to be athletic, what it
meant to be integrating schools. It's right there if we go to what they cared about. And they didn't
care about it because it was frivolous, but because they understood precisely what social
capital it could afford them and because they liked to do it. What we're really getting at here
too is that now cheerleading is so legitimized and so flourishing as a sport. I remember being a kid
and watching cheerleading competitions, I think come on ESPN sometimes, and just being totally
wowed.
Everything that they were able to do. I was like, they're not doing this
at my local high school. There's so much about cheer that has become professionalized as a sport,
almost like football or basketball or any of these other sports that people look at and think,
oh my gosh, there's so much athleticism here. We recently had an episode where we talked about the
NFL and the cultural lessons that young boys learn about masculinity via participation in football.
What are some of the lessons that young girls learn about femininity
that come via cheerleading?
Well, I think that because cheerleading has changed so much as a reflection of changing
ideas about gender for girls and women and the big significant change in cheerleading occurred
after Title IX was passed and the cheer industry recognized that the sports that were open to
girls, this is going to take them away from cheerleading. And so Jeff Webb, who had just
created this new company called Varsity,
which is now the largest cheerleading company in the world, he was smart. He was young. He was in
tune with what was going on. He was like, we got to change cheerleading. And so they very
intentionally introduced gymnastics and acrobatics and introduced the championship.
All that to say is that cheerleading changes as gender norms change. And I think cheerleading
today is very much reflective in a lot of ways of third wave feminism or post-feminism, whatever you
want to say. And I think that's a big part of it. So I think that that's the lesson that for a lot of girls, it's
a great space to be able to be this kind of you know whatever you want to call it today this the
alpha girl the new girl the you know whatever the post-feminist girl that you don't have to make
choices right I do think that there are some lingering racial politics too that still enforce
the status symbol that comes with cheerleading I think all of that has made it certainly legitimized
as a sport as athletic thing but also that hasn't necessarily disrupted some of the things that we
associate with cheer in terms of how bodies should look in terms of this interplay between
being wholesome and being sexy and and being perceived being seen representing these schools
or these you know these teams or whatever and I think that you see that with even shows like
cheer my friend has a daughter in cheer competitions and the hotel
the uniforms all of these spaces that you're going to the the competitions means that it's
also a middle class upper middle class wealthy sport which confers status on it as well but also
means that the access points that we're talking about to what this sport is and what it's become
is still something that is very out of reach for many many girls because the the entry fee is too
high we're in a moment where we see that kind of being wrestled with and I think that's a really
important thing to be aware of and I think that's something that we're going to be able to see as well
I wonder we've talked about cheerleaders as symbols and icons and also talked about like
the real life experiences that many people have had as cheerleaders and all of the ways in which
our ideas about cheerleaders and how they actually are in real life don't necessarily line up what
does that say about how our society views women well first I do want to make one point about
because I think it's important for people who listen to this we call cheerleading a sport but
the NCAA has yet to declare it a sport what but you know that that doesn't surprise me because
when I did pom-pon we were an activity uh even though we we practiced like nine months out of
the year ten months out of the year but we were an activity and not a sport yes yes I just want
to make that point because there will be people calling in and and you know telling you if we
say cheerleading is a sport that well actually it's not so just to say that um I think it's
yes but you know I will say that the difference between the ways in which cheerleading is
represented and the realities of cheerleaders lives I think cheerleaders themselves would
tell you they love it it is their passion it brings them great joy and they will set make
sacrifices for it even sacrifices on their bodies which was very much emphasized in that about how
many you know cheerleading is is you know has a high rate of injuries and so I think for cheerleaders
they just the the cheerleaders and I've interviewed you know hundreds of cheerleaders over the years
they all just want respect and that is why actually having the official designation as a sport because
the that in and of itself brings status and legitimacy and so for a lot of cheerleaders
it's this idea that we just want to be treated with respect and to be appreciated for the hard
work with that we do but you know Brittany you
asked why we cling to this iconic image of cheerleading and the gap between that and these
real experiences it's because what does it mean to be as a woman not a silent smiling symbol right
but an actualized human with nuance and attitude and ideas and a voice right and I think the the
durability of the iconic image of cheerleader tells us absolutely a lot about how our society
understands women and how they're able to be a part of the community and how they're able to
and ideas about femininity and the pedestal on which it's placed but also the prison in which
it's placed I write about symbols a lot the gap between what we know about somebody like Rosa
Parks who's a symbol and her real lived experience is another place where we can see that what you
can do with a symbol and what you can make a symbol do for you gets really complicated if you hear
like the nuanced experiences of those people and I think that's a really important part of the
participants which is one of the reasons why telling stories about cheer and centering voices
of cheerleaders are so essential because it is a way that we can challenge symbols that would
otherwise be fixed and I will end by just saying we've seen this as a really important battleground
for labor rights for professional cheerleaders right because they are not they're paid dust
compared to the men's professional sports teams and it's not only the pay it's the way that they
have been treated it's
the harm sexual abuse and harm that's been experienced it's really arcane rules that are
still on the books and there's been a series of lawsuits in the last decade from professional
cheerleaders who've brought in lawsuits labor lawsuits against their employers for the way
that they were treated for some really sketchy you know media events that they were flown out to do
for bodily autonomy for health care provisions and protections for all of these things
so the professionalization of cheerleading also gives us a way to center as a labor issue
the lawsuits that the cheerleaders brought the professional cheerleaders brought in 2017
preceded the me too movement wow and they are not included in the me too movement so for my you know
when I have to sometimes fight about cheerleading with some of my fellow feminists I'm like you know
what quit trivializing cheerleading because these women were coming forth not only about labor
disputes but about the fact that they were not included in the me too movement so for my you know
sexual assault about toxic work environments and you look up the history of the me too movement
you don't see the cheerleader so it's just a further indication of how cheerleaders are in
this liminal space that you know they they don't get any respect from you know the even academic
scholars which is the reason why I've you know wanted to bring academic scholars together to
write this book because and they have so much respect for the me too movement so I think it's
so much to offer but and you know I'm like telling my friends my feminist friends well you know how
about including cheerleading in in your history of of the me too movement right because they they
were there wow wow this conversation is really going to stay with me I I really appreciate this
chat so much Natalie Amira Rose thank you both so much thank you thanks for having us
that was Dr. Natalie Geis Adams and Dr. Amira Rose Davis contributors to the cheer
reader this episode of it's been a minute was produced by Corey Antonio Rose this episode was
edited by Nina Potok our supervising producer is Cher Vincent our executive producer is Barton
Girdwood our VP of programming is Yolanda Sanguini all right that's all for this episode
of it's been a minute from NPR I'm Brittany Luce talk soon
you
Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Cheerleading originated in the 1860s as a military-inspired male cheer at football games, evolving into a male-dominated, status-based role tied to masculinity and leadership.
Women entered cheerleading during World War II when men left college, and by the 1950s, the role became feminized, symbolizing idealized 1950s womanhood and school pride.
Black girls in the 1950s and 60s faced racial and colorist barriers, often being excluded from white cheer squads despite their desire to participate, highlighting systemic inequalities in desegregation.
Cheerleading became a site of activism, with Black and Chicana girls organizing protests to gain access to cheer squads, revealing how girls used the sport as a tool for civil rights and visibility.
Media representations, like *Bring It On*, resonated more with audiences when Black cheer squads were included, showing that cheerleading carries deep racial and cultural significance.
Post-Title IX, cheerleading evolved to include acrobatics and gymnastics, reflecting shifting gender norms and aligning with third-wave feminism and post-feminist ideals.
Despite its athletic growth, cheerleading remains a middle-class, elite sport with limited access, reinforcing socioeconomic and racial disparities in participation.
Professional cheerleaders face issues of low pay, lack of labor protections, and sexual abuse, and their exclusion from movements like #MeToo underscores systemic marginalization within the industry.
Summary:
Cheerleading is more than a cultural symbol—it is a complex social institution rooted in history, race, gender, and class. Originating as a male-led military cheer in the 1860s, cheerleading evolved into a status symbol tied to masculinity and leadership, only becoming feminized in the 1950s. For Black girls in the mid-20th century, joining cheer squads was both a dream and a battleground—facing racial exclusion and colorism even as schools desegregated.
These girls used cheerleading as a form of activism, organizing protests for visibility and equality. Media depictions, such as *Bring It On*, revealed that audiences resonated most with Black cheer squads, highlighting the cultural significance of racial representation. Post-Title IX, cheer evolved with new athleticism, reflecting shifting gender norms and post-feminist ideals.
Yet, despite professionalization, cheer remains a middle-class, elite activity, limiting access for many. Professional cheerleaders face severe labor injustices, sexual abuse, and systemic neglect, including exclusion from the #MeToo movement. This underscores how cheerleading embodies both a powerful cultural symbol and a site of enduring inequality, where the gap between its iconic image and lived reality reveals deep societal assumptions about women, race, and labor.
FAQs
Cheerleading originated in 1869 during the first intercollegiate football game with white men, using a military-inspired cheer called the 'Princeton Locomotive.' It was a spontaneous, masculine expression of support that evolved over time.
After World War II, men left college to serve in the military, creating openings for women to join cheer squads. When they returned, women remained and took over, leading to the feminization of cheerleading by the 1950s.
Black girls often faced racial and colorist barriers, with lighter skin tones being favored. Being a cheerleader was seen as a marker of respectability and 'all-American girl' status, but it also reflected racial hierarchy and colorism.
Yes, Black girls actively sought cheerleading opportunities as a way to access full high school experiences. Their inability to join white cheer squads revealed the limits of integration, showing that visible Black presence was still resisted.
Movies like *Bring It On* reinforced a mid-century, white, wholesome cheerleader image. However, audiences resonated more with Black cheerleader scenes, showing that cheerleading is tied to racial politics and identity.
Cheerleading has evolved to reflect changing gender norms, emphasizing athleticism, confidence, and self-expression. It allows girls to embody 'alpha' or post-feminist identities while navigating ideals of wholeness and beauty.
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