This episode concludes a deep exploration of Sayyid Qutb, a pivotal figure in modern Islamist thought. Beginning with his poetic and aesthetic engagement with the Quran, Qutb’s interpretations evolved into a radical political vision rejecting Western civilization as corrupt and spiritually bankrupt. His time in the U.S. intensified his anti-colonial and anti-Western worldview, particularly through experiences of racism and cultural disconnection. After joining the Muslim Brotherhood in 1953, he became its chief ideological force, authoring *Milestones*, a comprehensive blueprint for establishing an Islamic state governed by Sharia and the "Kingdom of God on Earth." This ideology, which blends literalist theology with political revolution, profoundly influenced global jihadist movements including al-Qaeda, Hamas, and Iran’s Islamic Revolution. Despite being imprisoned and tortured by Egyptian authorities, Qutb remained unwavering in his faith and political convictions, ultimately being executed in 1966 as a martyr. His legacy is both powerful and controversial—fusing traditional Islamic thought with a militant, reactionary ideology that continues to resonate in extremist circles worldwide. The episode highlights not only Qutb’s theological and political contributions but also the broader resonance of his reactionary worldview in modern anti-modernist movements, from gender politics to anti-liberalism.
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products not available in every state. Welcome back, dear listeners, to another episode of
Conflicted. I'm Thomas Small, and Amon Dean is alongside me once again. Now, Amon, I'm always
throwing out quotes at you at the start of these episodes. But do you have one for me this time
about today's subject? Say it could up. Indeed, Thomas. It is one of St. Cotto's most famous
quotes always referenced by jihadists, by theologians, and by activists all over the Muslim world.
He said, "Our words are lifeless and let candles. Until we die for them, and once we die for them,
these candles will be lit and will live forever." Those are the words of a martyr, aren't they,
Amon? Of a man drawn to martyrdom. Say it could up was certainly drawn to martyrdom by the end
of his life as we will find out in the second episode in our two-part series on the life of Say it
could up. So without further ado, today we are completing our long journey looking at the Islamic
thinkers who have dominated the thoughts of Salafi jihadists. We discussed poets, scholars, warriors,
invasions from Byzantines, invasions from Mongols from Ottomans. We've been from Baghdad to Damascus,
to the Nege in Saudi Arabia, and now we're ending in Egypt with Say it could up. The radical romantic
turned idealist, Islamist, firebrand. Let's jump right in. We didn't talk in the first episode
in this series on Say it could up, Amon, about your own real personal interaction with his writing.
So how much of a Say it could up over have you read? I would say maybe about two-thirds of whatever
he written, and that's a lot. Two-thirds, that's a lot, given what he wrote, that's a lot. So I mean,
when did you start reading Say it could up? I started reading Say it could up at a vulnerable moment
in my life, I would say. My mother just died, I was 12, and I remember I went to see one of my teachers,
one of my theology tutors, and I've asked him about what should I read that would correspond
with coping with grief in Islam. And I remember him saying, really if you want to read something
that would really deeply touch you at this moment, then read the Lillal Qur'an
in the shades of the Qur'an written by Say it Kotum. He said to me that Say it Kotum wrote this book
over nine years period when he was in and out of prison in the 1950s and early 60s. It is a
4000 plus pages commentary on every single verse of the Qur'an. It's not a theological book,
it is a book of literary commentary on the Qur'an to extract lessons, to extract meanings,
to understand the Qur'an's beauty, elegance, eloquence while at the same time understanding the
intended lessons that God wanted to teach us through the trials and through the difficulties
and through the sadness that the Prophet himself experienced throughout his life. He himself was
orphaned, I'm talking about the Prophet Muhammad was orphaned at a very young age. I remember
like in the basically when I was reading the Lillal Qur'an, there was one particular passage that broke my heart completely
and actually healed me, healed me completely at that moment because he was talking about a prophet
Muhammad who was fatherless at the age of six coming back with his mother from Medina and when they
were with the Qur'an his mother got ill so she decided to stay behind next to a well with her son
until she recovers but hours later she died so there he is a six year old boy alone in the desert
completely alone next to a dead mother until another Qur'an came helped him to bury his mother
and then took him to Makkah this six year old boy would then change the world and be entrusted
with a divine message a message of love a message of morality a message of societal cohesion
and a message of law order safety and mercantile prosperity words that were so powerful and when I
saw it I cried so much I was 12 at the time but I cried because I thought that I'm 12 and I felt the
grief yet it's nothing compared to what the prophet went through and who actually taught me that
say it got through the beauty of his prose the language that he used to transform me to that
moment as if I was seeing a young six year old boy alone with his dead mother and I was thinking I
am in a better situation and that man is my savior so he saved me at that moment well you've done
a very good job of describing the softer side of said kutub as reflected in his great work of
Quranic exegesis in the shade of the Quran but that's not the only side of said kutub in that work
there's a harder more defiant more angry side what about that side didn't that have an impact on
the young amen dean as well now that said kutub has consoled me when I started to dive deeper and
deeper into his interpretations into his commentary on the Quran he started to comment on battles
on the everlasting struggle between good and evil between light and darkness between ignorance
and enlightenment wow goodness like in it this is when he ignited these revolutionary fires within me
I felt that yes this is what I wanted to read I wanted to have purpose in life and this man was
giving it to me now I understand that he wrote these words while he was under the lash while he
was being tortured while he was being persecuted for his faith and I really started to feel when he
interpreted and commented on verses about jihad he felt as if he wanted to be there on the front
lines fighting alongside those who wanted to sacrifice their lives for the faith when he talked
about martyrdom I felt as if he longed to it as if he was longing to be with a beautiful woman
I mean I saw his thirst for a Islamic empire empire that would protect his subjects that it
would subject the rest of the world to worship at the altar of morality and to actually finally
achieve a just society for everyone without having to undermine everyone's station in society
amen amen amen where do I sign up for this crusade wow this sounds great let's do it
you and I amen against the
the world. Come on. So you see, I finished reading all of this when I was 14 and a half
and a year and a half later, I was in Bosnia, joining the Jihad there because say it,
Koto showed me that I was I was watching Jurassic Park on repeat at the time. I was a very
different kind of 14 year old. Okay. Well, that, that, that's, that's it. Well, thank
you dear listeners. That's the end of our series. I'm saying good. Amon's taken us right
to the end to say it, say it, said Koto's, let's say his post-mortem state as the tutelary
spirit of all young would be Jihadist martyrs. But we're going to have to roll the timeline
back to where we left him at the end of the last episode just as World War II was breaking
out in the world. And the new post war world was going to emerge. The American dominated
post war world was going to emerge out of the ashes of the ruin of the European empires
everywhere in Egypt. Most Egyptian political activists favored Germany in the war, not
because they were Nazis or not necessarily because they were Nazis, but because they wanted
Britain out of Egypt. So they supported Britain's enemies. You know, the enemy of my enemy
is my friend. And though in this episode, we will draw some links between say it Koto's
thought and Nazi thought. At the outset, I want to be fair to him. Sayakotab was horrified
by German war atrocities. He actually found the concentration camps. He found the blitzkrieg.
He found the remorseless merciless conquest of the Nazi movement to be a symbol of what
he hated most about modern technical machine-oriented European civilization. So he did not fetish
eyes, not sism, holy at all. And he very much as a result of what he was seeing playing
out in the battlefields of Europe and elsewhere looked forward to that post war future where
Egypt could remain unattached from the West entirely and join with fellow Eastern countries
dedicated to the spiritual renewal of mankind. So, Amen. Just you agree, right? We're not
calling Sayakotab a Nazi. No, I don't think he was a Nazi sympathizer
in the classical sense. However, he did double with that idea because of Hajj al-Amin al-Hassani.
The Mufti of Jerusalem, and we talked about it before in the Israel-Palestine episode
in season three. Because there was the feeling that the anti-Semitic feelings of the Nazis
and of course they don't forget the concentration camps were not yet known about in the Middle
East. So, the idea that Hitler's anti-Zionism would be of use to the movements that wanted
to stop the Jewish migration to Palestine which was under British mandate at that time.
So there were many in Iraq, in Egypt and in the Levant who were sympathetic to the Germans
at the beginning of the World War II. But that sympathy started, of course, to decrease,
you know, slowly as the atrocities started to emerge and people started to know about
them. So, do we call them an Nazi? No. Do we call them someone who was influenced by
Nazis? Ah, yes, definitely. Yeah, and we mentioned in the previous episode that he had read
the French right-wing reactionary thinker Alexis Carole. And, you know, he also in the
30s read Mein Kampf. Yeah. He was reading these ideas. And, you know, and I tried to stress
in the last episode that said Kutub was a very modern figure, very recognizable as a
member of that reactionary, romantic class of thinkers who valorized nation, blood, culture,
spirit, over liberal, technocratic, utilitarian, industrial society. So, to that extent, there
was a lot of overlap with right-wing reactionary Nazi fascist ideas in the 1930s. There's no
question. And, and he would, as you say, to some extent, take that milieu of ideas,
Islamisize those ideas and create Islamism. But where we left him off and where we're
taking up the story again now, he hadn't yet fully made his Islamist turn. He was on
the verge of beginning that turn. And that turn began in the midst of the Second World War,
initially, through literary criticism of the Quran. Literary criticism, you know, we
have to point out. Again, he was not a theologian. He had not received a traditional religious
education. And his initial, you know, return to Islam came through poetry, through the
imagination, through aesthetics, through an appreciation of the Quran's beauty, in a book
that he published in 1944, artistic depiction in the Quran. In this book, he argued that the
Quran's real power was aesthetic, was its beauty. He argues that Quranic images, imagery within
the words, would impress themselves on your imagination, revealing truths. He called this
way of appreciating the Quran as opposed to Tefsir. Yes. And also the same time, I remember
when I was reading it, when I was young, I was thinking that once you read that book, you
will never look at the Quran the same way before. Because suddenly you start to become, you
know, more or less interested in what does this verse mean. You really start to transfer yourself
on your mind and your imagination into that event. There is a color. There are faces. There are
buildings. You know, it's like as if a drama is playing in front of you. So actually, once you read
that book, you never read the Quran the same way ever again. I'm feeling that in this regard,
unlike the other figures we've been studying in this series, Sayyid Kutab was not a mere literalist.
I don't think it would be fair to call him a literalist in the same way that Ahmed bin Hambal
and Ibn Taymiyah and bin Abdul Wahab were. Because Sayyid Kutab is like a poet assuming that the
literal images, the literal words of the Quran, which create in the imagination these powerful
images, are inclining in the direction of something beyond the mere words. And this is part of that
Sufi. And in fact, more traditional, I would argue, way of engaging with revelation than the
Salafi's tend to do. So in this way, like in so many other ways, Sayyid Kutab is unlike the other
figures who fed into Salafi jihadism. And at the end of this episode, we'll discuss this in greater
detail. I hope. For the time being, let's go back to the story. It's the Second World War
and then the war ends. You know, it's that we're in that period, the 1940s, the mid-40s. Egypt is in
political turmoil. There are riots. There are assassinations. The Muslim Brotherhood, which was founded,
as we said in the last episode, in 1928 by Hassan al-Bana is a big player on the scene. It has already
established its so-called secret apparatus, the sort of vaguely paramilitary wing of the Brotherhood,
which was oriented towards overthrowing the government. Now, we're going to actually do two
episodes on the Muslim Brotherhood after this episode. So I don't want to go too much into the Muslim
Brotherhood and its workings. The point that I want to make now is that Kutab throughout this period
is turning more and more anti-Western. He's writing that Westerners simply lack conscience. His
language is becoming more and more extreme. It's around this time that he's writing that quote that I
quoted at the beginning of the last episode about how much he hates Westerners. And it is at this
time that for the first time in his career, he begins openly to call for a comprehensive social
and political program that would solve Egypt's problems and create social justice. Now, I want to
talk about this because this kind of a call for a comprehensive social program is totally modern.
This call for a comprehensive social program is explicitly totalitarian alongside all sorts
of totalitarianism that were in the air, including Soviet totalitarianism, including Nazi totalitarianism.
He used the word nivam. He called for the establishment of an Islamic nivam, an integrated system,
a regime accomplishing every dimension of life, society, and politics. It's a modern word
that Kutab is employing to achieve a modern end, a totalitarian solution to the world's problems.
It became very clear to say it as we are going into the year 1948 that he couldn't find the solution
to Egypt's ills and problems through poetry, through literature. There was no denying it. At the time,
the Egyptian society was torn between extremes. Whether extreme left, you know, with the communists
gaining ground, whether with the nationalists who wanted to have purely nationalist Arab
Egyptian government, and, of course, the Islamists represented in the Muslim Brotherhood who wanted a
political salvation through Islamic regime. Say it when he started re-engaging with the Quran
in the 1940s, he started to come to that conclusion. That
that only through Islam, we could find a solution to Egypt's problems.
He articulated this growing conviction in a new journal that he founded at that time called
New Thought, but it was in this journal that he first began to invoke Islam as the underpinning,
as the foundation of the comprehensive social solution that he was yearning for.
The government noticed his new tone, and the journal New Thought was shut down after only
12 issues, because it was included amongst a list of banned publications, subversive publications,
the government called them, which brings us to the pivotal year, which listeners of the last
season will know is very pivotal, indeed, of 1948.
Year 1948, it is a year of the partition between the Jews and the Arabs and what was known there
as the mandate of Palestine, which was, of course, controlled by the British.
The United Nations announced the independence of Israel in 1948, and immediately seven Arab
armies invaded. Against the odds, the Israelis fought back, and there was a massive humiliation
against all the seven Arab armies, including the Egyptian army. The Egyptian army, in particular,
suffered significant casualties and a significant defeat, and that humiliation was felt throughout
all of Egypt, including, by Sayyid Qatim, which, of course, propelled him to write that book later,
Mara Qatim Aliahud, our battle with the Jews, and that formed some of his ideas that are yet to come.
Just to remind the listener, the Muslim Brotherhood participated in the Arab-Israeli war,
alongside Egyptian troops in the war, and this gained the initial respect of young army officers
in the Egyptian army, including a very key figure in the rest of the story and a key figure
in the last season of conflicted, soon to be President Nasr, Gamal Abdel Nasr. Let's just
bracket that for now, because, in fact, Sayyid, weirdly, Sayyid Qatim is going to leave Egypt
precisely at this time. At the end of the summer of 1948, he takes up the opportunity that the
Egyptian government gave him to travel to, of all places, the United States, where he goes on to
spend 21 months traveling around the country, learning and studying the United States' education
system. Well, two things I want to say about this, Amin. First of all, a lot of people think
that Sayyid Qatim became an Islamist because when he went to the United States, he saw American
culture and hated it, and so turned to Islamism. This is not true. This is a myth. He had already
made his Islamist turn, as we've just said, before he left. So it's simply not true.
Absolutely. This is a problem. It was simplistic, easy takes on, say, his life, for sure.
And just before he left, and this is proof, again, that he had already made his Islamist turn,
he completed the manuscript for the first of his three great and most influential works,
called Social Justice in Islam. So you see, he was already an Islamist. Social justice in Islam
is calling for an Islamist solution to the world's problems.
There's an anecdote here where he was traveling to the US, of course, in an ocean liner and across
the Atlantic. And one night, one lady who wasn't dressing modestly and clearly drunk knocked on his
door and in the middle of the night, and she really threw herself at him and just wanted to be in
his company. And the shock, how he was shocked, he just threw her out of the room, he threw her out
across the galley and, you know, it's just go away. And of course, this would have been a
traumatic experience for him. And he just started to realize, hey, I'm far away from the gentile,
gentleman saloons of Cairo, where even among the affinity classes, the segregation between
genders were still big practice. Yeah, it's good that you bring up that anecdote of this poor
drunk woman trying to get into his bed. But it also raises the question of Sayed Kutub and sex.
We didn't talk about sex in the first episode, but I want to talk about sex and Sayed Kutub.
It's like sex in the city, but sex and Sayed Kutub. Maybe we can make a new TV show.
No, no, we should call it sexless in the city. Sexless in the city. That's right. Sayed Kutub,
like Ibn Tamiya, in fact, never married. And most scholars of his life think that it's
extremely likely that he never had sex, that he died a virgin. He is only on record of having
fallen in love one time. He actually wrote a novel, a schwaak, it's called, about this experience,
about him falling passionately in love with a woman, and yet having to break off the love affair,
because she wasn't pure enough for him. There's something very telling in this fact about him,
a squeamishness about female sexuality, a squeamishness about male sexual desire,
and an antipathy to that side of life, to sex. Yeah, being afraid of sex does overlap,
quite nicely, as we discussed before, with the fundamentalist or the radical or the, you know,
literalist frame of mind. And Sayed Kutub had it in spades. In fact, you know, there is an anecdote
from his life where, you know, when he was at the University of North Colorado, of all places,
I mean, North Colorado, for God's sake. I recall you are a Colorado yourself, you know, Thomas.
I did spend five years of my childhood in Colorado. You know, it is, it is the middle of nowhere,
it is true. Yeah. My more like the middle of nowhere, in the middle of nowhere. Anyway, so, so when
he was in the middle of nowhere, in the middle of nowhere, he attended, you know, a church dance,
and he was commenting that I saw the men, you know, hugging the women so tight,
you know, putting their hands at the bottom of their backs. So he found that to be scandalous.
And oh my God, like, no, I'm just reading this and I'm thinking of poor say, poor, poor, poor say,
if he was alive today, he would have a heart attack. That story, that story of the church dance
in Greeley, Colorado, includes the detail of the song that he found particularly offensive.
It's the classic Christmas song, baby, it's cold outside. This has gone down in history. Sayed
Kutab hates that song. You know, he found it to be utterly provocative. We've sort of got off
track here. So he, you know, he lands in New York. He's walking down Broadway. Kiss me Kate is
in the theaters. This is the kind of world we're in. This is America in its glorious postwar
apotheosis. This is the America that Americans today in an nostalgic wave, you know, praise to the
skies and and said, Kutab's walking in this America, hating everything he sees, thinking that it's all just
the pits. He was writing letters and essays detailing his trip back home, constantly seeing
everything through an anti-Western lens that he had already largely been, you know, sort of built up
in his mind over the previous 15 years. After New York, he went to Washington, D.C., where he was
hospitalized for an illness that is that he never made clear about what it was. And while he
was in hospital, a very momentous event happened back home in Egypt. And that's that on the 12th
of February of that year, 1949, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hassan Albana was assassinated.
And said Kutab found out about this while recuperating in hospital in Washington, D.C.,
how is the death of Hassan Albana likely to have impacted him, Amen? And he wasn't a member of the
Muslim Brotherhood yet. But he must have respected greatly already by this time Albana's
anti-colonialist pro-Muslim stance. Given what he wrote about Hassan Albana later, you could tell
that he admired the man considerably. And there was no question that he felt that the death of Hassan
Albana was a great loss to Egypt and to the cause of Islamist nationalism. Yeah. He was aware at the time
that members of the American foreign policy establishment whom he was socializing within
Washington, D.C. as a representative of the Egyptian government were very aware of Hassan Albana's
significance. And he was disturbed by the glee that he felt he sensed in their descriptions of
Hassan Albana's assassination. And it planted the seeds of something that would definitely
continue to grow of a kind of paranoid conspiratorial way of thinking about America and British foreign
policy and foreign agents and intelligence. He always saw the American British kind of alliance
as secretly working to undermine Islam. And in that, again, he shared that with so many Muslim
activists at the time. So after his period in Washington, D.C., he crossed the country and landed
up in Greeley, Colorado. As we said, Greeley, Colorado, you can imagine this is classic Americana,
classic mid-20th century Americana. You know, again, a world that Americans, especially conservative
Americans, fetishized today. But for, say it could to it was like, it was like he was in hell.
Because for him, it lacked the spirituality of what he was feeling back home. And for him, it felt
As if it was detached from God in the moral sense, the desegregation of the genders, and also at the same time what he saw as the real sin of racism because he experiences himself.
He did. Yes, he went with an Egyptian friend while he was in Colorado. He went to the cinema.
Initially, they were denied entry because the cinema manager misidentified them as black.
Now, when he was told that in fact, no, they're Egyptians, the manager was very apologetic, but said could have refused his apology and stormed off.
So he was very offended by being at the receiving end of America's racism.
And yet, there's something slightly subtle in his offense because I think what really offended him was that he had been lumped in with black people.
You know, one of the things that he wrote about obsessively during his time in America was how disgusting he found jazz music because he believed that jazz music expressed the quote primitive inclinations of black people.
So he's not really offended at America's racism as much as he was offended at America's considering him to be black.
Indeed.
From Colorado, he then traveled to California, my native stomping ground. He lived in San Francisco and San Diego.
And that's where he drew his 21 months in the US to a close. Now, say it could have experience of America was not unlike that of many intellectuals at the time, especially European intellectuals of a radical or reactionary persuasion.
So from left or right, they found America to be crass, materialistic, consumeristic, et cetera, all of the things that in fact, right thinking intellectuals today still think of America.
And he left America absolutely convinced that Western society was decadent and corrupt and that the solution for the Muslim world lay in Islam.
We're going to take a break now. When we come back, he returns to Egypt and he launches on his full throated career as an Islamist ideologue, which will quickly land him in very hot water indeed with the new growing power at the center of Egyptian politics.
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We're back. We're rushing to the end of the great Sayyid kutub's life when we left him he was just returning to Egypt from his 21 months in America upon returning home to Egypt he immediately went on hedge while he was away in America.
His book social justice in Islam had been published and was warmly embraced across the Muslim world so on hedge he met up with other Muslim thinkers who were praising him for this work.
During the trip in conversation with an Indian pilgrim he was first introduced to Abul Ala Al Maududi's idea.
So this is another key key modern Islamist thinker Al Maududi.
He was introduced to his idea that the Muslim world had fallen back into jahlia.
This was absolutely formative for Sayyid kutub. It kind of was like the capstone to all of his thinking and he realized that yes.
And in this he was a bit like Muhammad ibn Abul Wahhab. Yes. That is what happening here.
The Muslim world is no longer properly Muslim. It has fallen back into jahlia. This is it. This is when he becomes the Islamist that we know him as. Is that right, Aiman?
Indeed. Because now more than ever you have this formative thinking in his mind that the Muslim world has abandoned Islam.
It has abandoned Islam as the basis of governance and that Muslim societies are no longer Muslim societies.
They are now experiencing what he calls jahlia. And jahlia means the pre-Islamic era in when people lived in ignorance.
The age of ignorance. Yes. Absolutely. And you see from his point of view you know how could a mosque be sandwiched in Egypt between a bank
and a nightclub. He opposed that and he said either you know we live fully as Muslims or the society as a whole has abandoned Islam. For him it's all or nothing.
And now convinced of this he returns to Egypt. He writes a book the Battle of Islam and capitalism. He also writes a book our struggle with the Jews. You've mentioned that book already Aiman. His writing becomes increasingly paranoid. He sees conspiracies everywhere. He starts writing against what he calls American Islam, a watered down form of Islam.
This is now say it could to the revolutionary radical firebrand and he is warmly embraced by a growing revolutionary ferment that is overwhelming Egypt at the time.
This is the ferment that would result in July 1952 with the overthrow of fat Farouk and the coming to power in time of Gamal Abdul Nasr initially not as president eventually as president.
Sayed Kutub was intimately and directly involved in that July revolution four days before the revolution. Nasr and the other officers who would overthrow the king met in Sayed Kutub's house in Cairo. Sayed Kutub knew some of the other officers.
Sayed Kutub was there with some members of the Muslim brotherhood to which Sayed Kutub was now much more directly linked, although not yet a member. The officers told them all of the coup plan.
The Muslim brotherhood was asked to take control of the streets when the coup would be launched four days later and Sayed Kutub was tasked with coordinating between the brothers and the officers.
And after the revolution, Nasr, still not president, the president was a man called Muhammad Nagib, would consult with Sayed Kutub on the progress of the revolution regularly. Sayed Kutub would claim that sometimes he and Nasr would meet for 12 hours a day.
This relationship between Nasr and Sayed Kutub is one of the great dramatic relationships of the 20th century, honestly.
Ardened student of Sayed Kutub and his writings. He was influenced by these writings even before they met when Nasr was on the front lines of the 1948 war against the fledgling state of Israel.
There is no question that Nasr admired said Kutub's writings and in particular his anti-colonialist writings. Nonetheless, Nasr in the end is a military man, a pragmatic man, and someone who already had a slight leaning towards socialism, more likely communism, Soviet style.
And more importantly, I think from Sayed Kutub's point of view, Nasr's ideology would become fully-fledged pan-Arabism.
Nasr wished to see himself at the head of a pan-Arab state, organized in a collectivist pseudo-socialist way, where as Sayed Kutub was more and more advocating for a pan-Islamist policy, overseen really by the Muslim Brotherhood.
This would inevitably lead to a clash between them. Despite the fact that for the first months after the revolution, Nasr was begging Kutub to come on board the regime in some official capacity.
But it never happened, you know, Kutub quickly realized that Nasr was only using the Muslim Brotherhood to take advantage of the Muslim Brotherhood's political organization. And when he realized this, that Nasr had no intention whatsoever of adopting an Islamist policy for Egypt, Kutub refused to meet with him anymore.
And even after Nasr offered him his pick of political position. Basically, Nasr said, "You can't be President, you can't be Vice President, but you can be anything else in this new regime."
He refused and it is in this context in February 1953 and it was partly out of his disappointment
with the new Nasser-dominated revolutionary regime that Seyed Kutub momentously joined
the Muslim Brotherhood only now in 1953 aged 47 did Seyed Kutub join the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Muslim Brotherhood thought that no one could ever replace Hassan al-Benna after his assassination
in 1949. However, 1953 Christmas came early for them. Seyed Kutub joined them and when
he joined them he gave them that much needed boost. They straight away appointed them
at the very top of the leadership. He was added as a member of the guidance council and
he was given the task of being the chief propagandist of the movement. So in a way the Muslim
Brotherhood got that momentum that they never had before and this scared the Nasserites
in the new government. It sure did. Especially since Seyed Kutub was traveling on Muslim
Brotherhood business from this time forward traveling to places like Syria and elsewhere
meeting other Islamists coordinating the Muslim Brotherhood's relations with other Islamist
pan-Islamist groups. All of this was very provocative and through a series of very complicated
political moves which we covered to some extent in last season of conflicted moves which
brought Nasser to power in Egypt as the president following an attempted Muslim Brotherhood
coordinated assassination of him. A thousand Muslim Brotherhood members were arrested including
Seyed Kutub. This is in October 1954. The following January Seyed Kutub appeared before
a show trial. I mean that he was going to be found guilty was had already been decided.
I'm sure and yet the court sentenced him to 15 years hard labor. So this is really where
Seyed Kutub will spend weirdly enough the most important years of his life in prison.
And I say weirdly enough because it is due to the books he wrote in prison. Books we've
already mentioned in the shade of the Quran and milestones that Seyed Kutub would leave
his most lasting mark on the world. It is important for the dear listener to know that
Nasser's prisons in the 1950s and 60s were no picnic at all. In fact he was aided by East
German Stasi agents to help him invent new ways of persuading prisoners to talk. Let's
call them torture torture methods. So you can imagine here that one of the methods which
Seyed Kutub himself mentioned is that they would douse him with animal fat and then they
would let German shepherds on him. Unbelievable. Hungry German shepherds. So you can imagine
what would that do to him. Also at the same time they would sometime take him into a room
along with another one or two fellow prisoners. And they will find in the room there will
be three, four, five snakes poisonous. And now it's either them who killed the snakes
or the snakes will kill them. And of course this kind of extreme physical and psychological
torture would take its toll on the most sane of people. So what do you expect the outcome
of, you know, his mind would be when he is commenting on the Quran under severe stress
from all of the torture, both physical and mental.
After an initial period of extreme deprivation and indeed torture, the authorities did allow
him the freedom to write. And it was during this period, as I said that he wrote in the
shape of the Quran and this very important book, Milestones, which you've mentioned, Amen.
And which I'd like to talk about here now in some greater detail, because Milestones,
you've described it to me, Amen. As basically the kind of constitution of the Salafi
jihadist movement, it's the book that all Salafi jihadists read. They don't memorize
it, but they they cherish it. It is the blueprint for the Salafi jihadist movement and for
all of their aims and ambitions, that only the Salafis, but many other groups and all
of those armed groups, insurgents, Taliban, Hamas, Da'aysh al-Qaeda, you know, al-Shabaab
and Somalia, not to mention even the Islamic revolution in Iran. I mean, even Ayatollah
al-Khamenei translated, and his brother Muhammad translated, you know, Milestones into
Farsi, because it is a ready made constitution for any Islamist movement that want to take
over a society and turn it into an Islamic state. I'm sure many of our dear listeners would
be wondering, what is the nature of Milestones, the books that led to the execution of
State Kotulm, his grand manifesto, which then became the ultimate constitution for many
jihadist and radical organizations around the world? Well, it's easy to summarize it.
The first chapter of Milestones talk about, well, Milestones, he is talking about the Milestones
on the journey towards the ultimate aim, an Islamic State, an Islamic society, the Kingdom
of God on earth, as he envisioned it. The second chapter there talks about a unique
Quranic generation. So he, of course, declaring his celifism. The third chapter explains the
nature of the Quranic struggle and where we are heading as a society, if we want to embrace
Quran as the constitution for everyday life. That is why in the fourth chapter he goes
on to talk about the foundation of the Islamic society and its special character. Then he
goes on to say how do we establish this Islamic society? Is it just by preaching? In fact,
in this chapter he talks about the fact that you cannot preach your way into power where
he is talking about jihad as an important instrument to remove the obstacles to the establishment
of a Islamic society, the Kingdom of God on earth. The following chapter talks about the
statement of faith, la ilaha illa Allah. There is no God but God as a way of life because
once you establish the state through jihad, then la ilaha illa Allah will reign supreme
and that is through what? In the next chapter he talks about universal sharia. He is talking
about sharia and not being only applicable to Islamic societies but to all societies. That
is why in the following chapter after that talks about the fact that Islam itself is a civilization.
Then he talks about culture within Islam. Then he talks about the fact that the nationality
of a Muslim is his faith. That's it. All other identities should be abolished based on the
modern nation state and that's why he called it in the next chapter a giant leap and that
is why in his second to last chapter he called it the mastery of faith. Echoing what Hassan
Al-Benna said about the mastery of the world as the final outcome of the Muslim brotherhood
creed, aim and goal. And the final chapter in milestones, something that our dear listeners
who are fans of Star Wars and the Mandalorian series would love it, it's called this is
a way. Well, you can see why milestones is called the jihadist constitution. You can see
why it has inspired Islamists of every stripe since its release in the 1960s. It is a comprehensive
plan, a comprehensive ideological plan on how to frame thinking about returning society
to its Quranic roots and establishing a modern Islamist society which he calls interestingly
the kingdom of God on earth. Very interesting. That is not a traditionally Muslim formulation.
That is a Christian formulation, the kingdom of God on earth. Very interesting. Why do you
think he chose that term, the kingdom of God on earth as the goal to which Islamists
be.
Aspiring because he wanted to convince the masses down with all this Republican nonsense down with all this
You know the republics of this and the Soviet this and the socialist this and democratic that you know there is nothing
Than a godly kingdom to establish God's rule on earth
Sovereignty is to the king and the king is God well if his great work milestones
Ends with a call to martyrdom say Ed Kutub would get it just after he finished writing the book
He had a heart attack in prison when word of this got out of various figures including the president of Iraq
Who by this time along with many other millions of people had learned to very much revere said Kutub because of his his writings
The president of Iraq
personally requested from Nasser that he released him from prison
Nasser did they had Kutub immediately returned to the brotherhood began helping the brotherhood reorganize its secret
Organization to set up paramilitary groups to strategize for the coming revolution which they had Kutub and and other brotherhood members were determined
To bring about milestones was published was read by the government the government said hey this
This is a comprehensive program for overthrowing us and so not long after being released from prison in august
1965 say had Kutub was arrested again
This was the biggest and most brutal crackdown against the Muslim brotherhood that Nasser would launch during his time as president of Egypt
Sayed Kutub was sent to a military prison. He was put in solitary confinement
At another show trial. He was accused of subversion of attempting to assassinate Nasser and overthrow the government
Despite that many people counseled Nasser to show mercy
Including interestingly enough King face of Saudi Arabia asking him to show clemency to this great thinker say had Kutub but
But Nasser refused in a final letter
Facing his execution said Kutub wrote
I have been able to discover God in a wonderful new way
I understand his path and way more clearly and perfectly than before
My confidence in his protection and promise to the believers is stronger than ever before
Moreover, I maintain my resolution to raise my head and not to bend it to anyone except God
There are echoes there a man of Ibn Taymiyah who died in prison indeed
There are echoes there of Ahmed bin Hambal who spent time in prison
Fewer echoes there have been Abdul Wahab but in that note of determination of
Total conviction of political
idealism based in Islam even Abdul Wahab is present
On the 29th of august 1966
Sayed Kutub was hanged he died a martyr
According to many many many
Millions of people so this leaves us a man discussing not only say it Kutub's legacy
Which is really unparalleled in modern Salafi jihadism and modern Islamism in general
Indeed, but the legacy of all the figures that we've explored now those three Hanbalis and
the one modern
Hanaphi Sufi
Nazi poet romantic reactionary dreamer say it Kutub so imagine if Wahabism and Salafism was an egg then
Sayed was a sperm that came in fertilized it with a political framework
With an ideological bent in order to propel it forward as a movement
To create that embryonic stage
Towards a proper militant Islamic revolutionary movement. I love that metaphor because it helps to explain
The relationship between the three Hanbalis that we discussed in the series and say it Kutub in the generation of modern
Radical Islamism say it Kutub took already existing Salafism and
Breathed ideological fire into it forming it into a political framework giving it a political goal
The kingdom of God on earth that inspired not only al-Qaeda not only the Egyptian Islamic jihad not only a shabab but also
The Ayatollah Khomeini and the Iranian Revolution, but also take your pick. Lave all been
Influenced by said Kutub. He gave Salafism. He gave that
psychological
Spiritual temperament that we've been exploring the temperament towards literalism the temperament towards purity the temperament towards
Nostalgia the temperament towards withdrawing from the world which is perceived as corrupt and corrupting
Infuse that temperament with an ideological
superstructure the combination of which gave birth to something very powerful indeed that thing which we have been exploring in different ways for
Five years now, Amin and which we call Islamism that brings to an end
It makes me depressed actually because I just think of all the things we could have talked about including you know
What you told me Amin you pointed out his little Hitler mustache you remember you said yeah, you had this whole thing
You know said Kutub wasn't entirely not a Nazi you said look at his little Hitler mustache
And also also all the modern-day resonances with said Kutub's mind
You know even outside of Islam because this is very important that you know the reactionary mentality does not
Exist only inside Islam far far from it my god people like Alexander Dougan the
Russian ideologue who sort of hangs over the war in Ukraine figures like Andrew Tate a recent convert to Islam
It must be said like in cells all around the world who also are very resentful at their inability to have sex with women
all sorts of reactionary movements
Resonate with say had Kutub's mentality
Anyway, Amin as I say there's so much that I wanted to discuss we're you know luckily conflicted will go on and on and on and no doubt
We'll have many opportunities to talk about all of these things as it stands our series on these four
Seminal thinkers that gave birth to Islamism has come to an end
But that doesn't mean conflicted comes to an end and when we come back next week
We're really going to continue this line of exploration when we devote two episodes to that organization which say had Kutub provided
The much needed ideological structure the Muslim brotherhood
Stay tuned
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Conflicted is a message heard production this episode was produced and edited by Harry Stott
Sandra Ferrari is our executive producer our theme music is by Matt Huxley and Tom Biddle
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Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Sayyid Qutb’s literary and poetic engagement with the Quran, especially in works like *The Shade of the Quran* and *Milestones*, shaped his revolutionary Islamist ideology and influenced global jihadist movements.
Though not a traditional theologian, Qutb reinterpreted Islam through aesthetic and imaginative lenses, emphasizing the Quran’s beauty and spiritual power as a path to moral and societal transformation.
His political evolution during the 1940s and 1950s led to a radical anti-Western stance, advocating for a comprehensive Islamic regime (*nivam*) to oppose colonialism and modern secularism.
Qutb’s critique of Western society—especially racism, materialism, and cultural decay—was rooted in personal experiences during his time in the U.S., reinforcing his belief in Islam as the only viable alternative for Muslim societies.
The assassination of Hassan al-Banna and his subsequent imprisonment in Egypt solidified Qutb’s revolutionary fervor, leading him to join the Muslim Brotherhood in 1953 and become its chief ideologue.
While imprisoned, Qutb wrote *Milestones*, a foundational text for Salafi jihadism that outlines an ideal Islamic state governed by universal Sharia and the "Kingdom of God on Earth," inspiring movements from al-Qaeda to Iran’s Islamic Revolution.
His ideological rigidity, rejection of gender and sexual norms, and paranoid worldview reflect a reactionary, romantic, and anti-modern mindset that resonates beyond Islam with broader global extremist ideologies.
Qutb’s legacy lies in fusing traditional Salafism with a politically militant framework, transforming it into a global revolutionary ideology that continues to influence extremist movements today.
Summary:
This episode concludes a deep exploration of Sayyid Qutb, a pivotal figure in modern Islamist thought. Beginning with his poetic and aesthetic engagement with the Quran, Qutb’s interpretations evolved into a radical political vision rejecting Western civilization as corrupt and spiritually bankrupt. S.
intensified his anti-colonial and anti-Western worldview, particularly through experiences of racism and cultural disconnection. " This ideology, which blends literalist theology with political revolution, profoundly influenced global jihadist movements including al-Qaeda, Hamas, and Iran’s Islamic Revolution. Despite being imprisoned and tortured by Egyptian authorities, Qutb remained unwavering in his faith and political convictions, ultimately being executed in 1966 as a martyr.
His legacy is both powerful and controversial—fusing traditional Islamic thought with a militant, reactionary ideology that continues to resonate in extremist circles worldwide. The episode highlights not only Qutb’s theological and political contributions but also the broader resonance of his reactionary worldview in modern anti-modernist movements, from gender politics to anti-liberalism.
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Sayyid Qutb's writings, especially 'Milestones,' serve as a foundational ideological blueprint for modern Islamist movements. It presents a comprehensive vision of establishing an Islamic state based on Quranic principles and a 'Kingdom of God on Earth.'
During his 21-month stay in the U.S., Qutb viewed American society as decadent, corrupt, and spiritually deficient. He rejected Western cultural elements like jazz and gender mixing, deepening his anti-Western stance and reinforcing his belief in Islamic revival.
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