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719. Revolution in the Soviet Empire: The Hungarian Uprising (Part 1)

1h 25m 28s

719. Revolution in the Soviet Empire: The Hungarian Uprising (Part 1)

The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 was a pivotal moment in Cold War history, sparked by widespread economic despair, political repression, and a growing demand for freedom. Under the brutal rule of Mátyás Rákosi, Hungary became a totalitarian state marked by purges, censorship, and forced collectivization. Imre Nagy, a moderate communist with a quiet, unassuming presence, stood as a symbol of a more humane socialism. The turning point came when Julia Royke, widow of a secret police founder, delivered a powerful public speech denouncing the regime, uniting intellectuals, workers, and citizens in protest. Dissent grew rapidly, with writers, students, and factory workers openly challenging the government. The public reburial of Rákosi and his allies at a massive ceremony ignited mass outrage, revealing the regime’s deep unpopularity. As Soviet leader Khrushchev criticized Stalin’s excesses, Rákosi lost both legitimacy and support. He was forced to resign and fled into obscurity, marking the beginning of a revolutionary wave. Though ultimately crushed by Soviet forces, the events of 1956 demonstrated the power of popular resistance and the fragility of authoritarian rule, leaving a lasting legacy of hope for political freedom in Eastern Europe.

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This episode is brought to you by Revolut. Standing still leaves no legacy. History is written by progress, by revolution. Fighting for independence, dismantling those broken systems, defying injustice. Every revolution begins with the refusal to accept the norm, a demand for more. My Revolut is founded on the same principle, originally established to push back the frontiers of traditional banking, it puts the power back into your hands. You can manage all of your money in one app, plus you can earn while you spend with the Rev Points reward system. As a fully authorized UK bank, your money is FSCS protected. Sign up to [email protected]/trih, that's all, lower case, and you'll get 20 pounds after the first time that you've spent. 18 plus, end date and promotion, T's and C's apply and Rev Points T's and C's apply. As I telephone this dispatch, I can hear the roar of delirious crowds made up of student girls and boys, of Hungarian soldiers still wearing their Russian-type uniforms, and overruled factory workers marching through Budapest and shouting defiance against Russia. Send the Red Army home they roar. We want free and secret elections. And then comes the ominous cry which one always seems to hear on these occasions, "Death to Rakoshi, death to the former Soviet puppet dictator." I have been the witness today of one of the great events of history. I have seen the people of Budapest catch the fire lit in Poznan and Warsaw, and come out into the streets in open rebellion against their Soviet overlords. I have marched with them and almost wept for joy with them, as the Soviet emblems in the Hungarian flags were torn out by the angry and exalted crowds. And the great point about the rebellion is that it looks like being "successful". So that was a report telephone to the daily express on the evening of the 23rd of October 1956 by the veteran foreign correspondent, Sefton Delma. And Sefton Delma, I mean, he sounds like a racehorse crossed with a serial killer, and I gather that he was in fact Australian but had developed a very clipped British accent. I mean, it's a thrilling scene that he's describing, as he says, it is one of the great events of history and milestone in the history of the Cold War. One of the most stirring stories of the mid 20th century, you claim Dominic, I'm going to put my hands up. I know literally nothing about this. Thank god you're presenting a podcast on it. But one thing I do know is that if you think Sefton Delma is a mad name, we've got a whole lot more for you today. We do. Yeah, so hi everybody. You're a master of tongues. I mean, you are going to be equal to the challenge, aren't you? Well, I hope so. I hope so, which you'll see. So last week, Tom, we were at Suez, weren't we, with Anthony Eden, and some great moustache work in last week's episodes. And I'm happy to say there's some more to come, some excellent moustaches. So what Sefton Delma is describing there is this, as you rightly say, this incredibly rousing moment, when after 11 years of repression and show trials and purges, the people of Hungary rise up against what he calls their Soviet overlords and they fight for their freedom. And so when he files that report on the evening of the 23rd of October, it looks as if they are actually going to win it. And of course, if they had, then the story of Europe in the 20th century might look very different. Maybe the Iron Curtain would have come down 30 years before it did. Maybe the Berlin Wall, which at this stage hasn't yet been built, would actually never have gone up at all. I have to tell people, big spoiler alert. This is quite a tragic story, a story of the Hungarian revolution, but it's a story full of amazing twists and sort of intimate betrayals. I mean, it definitely is a story of heroic freedom fighters against kind of repressive imperialists, but it's a story with a lot of nuances to it, which we will explore. Now Tom, I don't know how is your 20th century Hungarian history, would you say? Well, I'm obviously very familiar with probably the most celebrated figure from mid-century Hungary. And that is, of course, Imre Nagy. Right, Imre Norge, I think, is not how you pronounce it, Dominic. It's literally Nagy. I could read it. Not Norge, is it? So it is Norge, actually. It's anyone is Imre Norge? God. I'm guessing that a lot of listeners may not be super familiar with the details of Hungarian politics. So we're going to get into this through this central character, and this is Imre Norge. Now, it would be really satisfying if he was a dashing, glamorous and heroic figure. In fact, he's a man with an enormously round head. He's got a gigantic moustache and glasses. And everybody always said he looked like a bank manager from a small town. So basically, if you, if you're British, if you imagine him as Arthur Lowe, Captain Manoring a dad's army, if you were American, he would undoubtedly be played by Paul GMATI, the guy from John Adams and sideways and so on and so forth. So that's who he is. And Imre Norge is a protagonist. Imre Norge was born in the rural southern Kingdom of Hungary, which was then obviously one of the two halves of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1896. And his parents were peasants, and they worked for the local lieutenant general as respectively, the carriage driver and the maid, and they're pretty poor. And Imre becomes an apprentice locksmith and then a metal fitter and then a clock. And he's called up for the Austro-Hungarian Army in 1914. He fights on the Italian front, which we've discussed on the rest of his history, absolute shambles on every side. He was wounded in the third battle of the Isonso. He then went off to fight the Russians in Galicia, and he was captured by the Russians. And he was sent to a prisoner of war camp in Siberia. And there, a not uncommon story, he discovered communism and he volunteered to fight for the Red Army during the Russian Revolution and the Russian Civil War, so he's a card carrying paid up Bolshevik. And then in 1921 Norge is sent back to Hungary. Norge. There's a lot of Norge if you don't, if you're going to laugh every time you say Norge, you're going to be having a whale over time in this episode. Can I just ask, is he a goodie or a baddie? He's the hero of the story, Tom, okay. I just didn't want to kind of make a doctor of alverde style error. No, actually, and the Hungarians are very proud people and they could take great offense if you get this wrong, so just a word of warning, I just want to be on my guard. So he's sent back to Hungary in 1921, now at this point, of course, the Austro-Hungarian Empire has broken up, forcibly dissolved at the end of the First World War. The Hungarians become an independent state under Admiral Miklosh Horty, Admiral Horty. He's a badie, isn't he? But effectively, yes, but we don't need to worry about him. So Norge is there and he's meant to be working as part of an underground communist network. The police are always after him, he's always being arrested and he's got this sort of succession of jobs, working insurance and stuff that he keeps being sacked from because of his communism. I mean, you wouldn't want a communist running your do-your-insurance, would you? Really? No, I want an insurance man to be giving me money in the event of some disaster. I don't want him to be undermining capitalism, appropriating it. Right, exactly. So 1930, Imran Norge emigrates to Moscow, where loads of other European communists exiles have gathered. And there, because he's such a thrilling and interesting person, he works on agricultural policy for the International Agrary and Institute. And he also, probably, this is a live issue in Hungarian historiography. He probably acted as an informer for Stalin's secret police and formed me on the other exiles. Oh, he's a badie then. Well, hold on, but they're all doing that. I mean, literally all of them are doing that. So I don't necessarily hold that against him. Now, you may say mid-century Hungarian communist, probably quite a known glamorous figure, but even by those standards, Imran Norge is really very unglamorous. So he's a sort of good-humoured man. He's mild-mannered. His grace and enthusiasm is for football. But everybody says he's incredibly uncharismatic. He's a plotter. He's very dogged. And he's just sort of physically a bit charmless. And he just looks like a bank manager. His defining characteristic is probably his unswerving loyalty to the party. He's a massive institution man. He loves the Communist Party. He really believes in the Communist Party. But at the same time, he's very stubborn and sort of obstinate. And I think for people who've seen Dad's Army the sitcom from the 1970s, he really is Captain Manoring from Dad's Army. That's the way to think of Imran Norge. Sort of a decent man, but faintly ridiculous. Yeah. Now, he is of course not the only Hungarian exile in Moscow in the 1930s and 1940s. And the other major character in today's episode is another exile. And this is a man called Martiash Rakushy. So Rakushy was mentioned in "Septin Selma's Report". Yeah, he's the guy that they want to have. He's the guy that they want out. So I'm guessing that he is more of a baddie correct the rakushi a little bit older than Nodge he was born in 1992 into a Jewish family in What was then southern hungry, but it's now a voivodina in Serbia and His father was a grocer and they were politically active the rakushy family. He's a scholarship boy. He's clever He serves like Nodge in the Austro-Hungarian army. He's also captured by the Russians. He is also sent to a prisoner of war camp Borakushy escapes during the Russian Revolution Like Nodge, he was converted to communism when he was in the camps and he came back to hungry fluent in Russian He was a sort of junior supporting character in a very short-lived communist republic in hungry bloody and short-lived in 19. That's the one that what's his name escaped from? Not sure. He escaped in the by plane. We did a bonus on it exactly Yes rakushy was involved in that and he became an agent for the common turn and he was arrested in hungry in 1925 and put in prison And he wasn't released until 1940 and a slightly weird detail. He was released as part of a prisoner swap He was sent to Russia and in return the hungarians got a load of flags So they were battle flags that the Russians had captured in 1849. It's like when the Parthians returned the captured eagles That they taken from Krasas to Augustus. There you go very good So rakushy Who is avalan has gone off to Moscow and he becomes the leader of the Hungarian exiles at Stalin's court So rakushy He is very different from Nodge. He's clever He's got a brilliant memory. He's a brilliant gift for languages He is totally slavish to Stalin. So the parallels to you are mounting up. Thank you. Well, I'm going to continue with the parallels He is short. He's stout His vindictive vengeful sadistic godness. I think he would be played by Bob Hoskins right whether to be a film And subrion cartilage who was the British ambassador to hungry and it was written this huge sort of definitive English language history of hungry Said of rakushy his character was as unattractive as his squat dwarfish appearance His assumption of the leadership was non-mitigated misfortune for hungry Goodness so subrion is not a fan subrion is not I don't think anybody is a fan to be fair So anyway in the final months the Second World War rakushy Nodge and the other Moscow exiles returned to hungry Because of course hungry has now been occupied by the bread army. So hungry at this point 1940s hungry I can't exaggerate what a post apocalyptic Nightmarish condition that is in in the Second World War about the 10th of hungry's population. That's about a million people Have been killed more than half a million people are in prison camps in the Soviet Union Hungry has lost half of its factories. It's lost half its railways half of all its sort of farm animals The hungarian economy has been totally destroyed So people always say well, where was the worst place for inflation? Was it via my Germany? The answer is it was hungry in 1946 when inflation breached an all-time world record of 40 42 quadrillion percent what I know Absolutely. How do you even measure quadrillion? I didn't even know what quadrillion is I'm trying to remember this fact that the inflation rate was something like a thousand percent an hour A million billion trillion so basically money had lost any value Yeah, all meaning and there isn't anything left to barter exactly now The reason hungry is devastated hungry being a Nazi ally for four years And then it had basically been taken over by the bread army And because they'd been Nazi allies nobody in the West had any real sympathy for the Hungarians And so Stalin whose arm is entered Hungary in the autumn of 1944 Stalin can basically do with Hungary whatever he likes And obviously Stalin's long term aim is to install communism The problem for him is the communism in Hungary is very much a minority pursuit So we already mentioned how in 1919 there'd been this very short-lived Soviet Republic in Hungary And this had ended in total chaos It ended with a red terror and then after that a white terror And it ended with the country being occupied by their kind of bitter enemies the Romanians Which for the Hungarians was a terrible scandal And this rather tarnished to the communist brand So that when these guys rock up in 1944 There are only about 2,500 communists on Hungarian soil And Stalin says to these exiles Obviously you're going to have to work quite carefully and slowly with all this to establish yourselves And the tactic which is so common across Eastern Europe and Applebaum describes it brilliantly in her book Iron Curtain Is you pretend to be moderate You work with the so-called bourgeois political parties And you basically take power by stealth Rackoschi himself Called this salami politics You know your salami slicing Taking more and more ministries purging people all this kind of thing moving slowly and then one day it all falls into your lap So this is what they do they enter a coalition with the other Non-fascist parties So there's the party of the small holders The party of the social democrats, the national peasants party and so on But the communists make sure that they hold key roles in this regime So Rackoschi is the deputy prime minister And Nodge the bank manager is the minister of agriculture And Imran and Nodge is actually quite important He pushes through massive land reforms That break the power of the Hungarian nobility and the Hungarian gentry And they completely break the power of the Catholic Church The Catholic Church loses 90% of its estates In this period the late forties And meanwhile Rackoschi and the other communists Are actually you know their plan is working much more quickly than Stalin had anticipated So when there are elections in Hungary in November 1945 They're only one about 17% of the vote They're far behind the small holders which was the biggest party But they're cunning of it They said well you just have to give us the minister of the interior That's kind of all we need really Which controls the police Which controls the police That's what the Nazis did wasn't it Of course And the other thing is The red army have occupied Hungary So if there's ever a dispute they can rely on the red army to back them up So they've now got the minister in the interior And you know they're looking forward to sort of entrenching their power Now I mentioned that there are a few communists still in Hungary who weren't exiles Stalin is always a little bit suspicious of them Because you know he hasn't had them under his thumb So the two groups of communists are having to work with each other But the exiles and the homegrown communists You know there's a bit of tension between them and the exiles need them for the time being And the leader of the homegrown communists is a guy called Lozlor Rojke And Lozlor Rojke is much younger than Nodge and Rackoschi He is in his late 30s All the sources describe him as strikingly handsome Well I read that You don't think you don't agree He doesn't look handsome at all He's got an absolutely massive forehead Right Huge I discuss this with our producer Aliyah She sent me a message to say insane that people thought he was handsome So there you go That's that Okay, good, I'm glad that's settled So he's Ruth Lozlor Rojke Rojke had fought in the Spanish Civil War He'd been in the communist underground And he sets up a new secret police They went through various iterations We're just called it the AVH Got the acronyms Yeah They're starting Don't worry, this is the only acronym This is the only acronym So The AVH's just job was to bring people before people's courts And the people's courts have been set up supposedly to punish former fascists Of course the communists use them to punish anybody they don't really like And what follows is this absolutely textbook example of communist seizing power So in 1946 they, through the AVH They purge what they say are ex-fascists from the public institution 60,000 of them Then they start to shut down Sort of independent social groups Catholic youth association The boy scouts, for example, farmers, clubs and things Because they say they're riddled with fascism and conservatism In 1947 This book Rojke He says, oh, I've uncovered a campaign of treason Against the Hungarian Republic, led by And actually it's led by some major politicians And they're arrested and they're interrogated And then Rojke and the AVH say, wow, this This conspiracy is actually even bigger than we thought We have to arrest more people And just by a complete coincidence They're arresting rival politicians So this is very good for the communists And by 1949 They have purged so many people The raccoche can push through a new constitution That establishes Hungary As a people's republic of workers and working peasants Devoted to the building of socialism And the only functioning legal parties The Communist Party which calls itself the Hungarian Working People's Party So communism is entrenched Now sort of step back from this And to play devil's advocate for a second This will amaze you what I'm going to say now Tom I mean this is a man thing to say But you could try really hard You could make a case for some of the Eastern European Regimes in the kind of in the fifties Most obviously Yugoslavia You could say maybe it wasn't that bad It could have been worse Tito kept it together All this kind of thing However one country you can absolutely not do that for, is Hungary. Hungary is a terrible place in the early 1950s. Are you only saying that they, because you're a running dog of capitalism? No, as we will see, when British Communists went to Hungary and they saw what happened, I mean, we'll have one actually in the next episode. There were British Communists who went to Hungary who there in '56 and came back and said, "We have not been telling the truth about Hungary. Hungary is a terrible place." Right. The reason is terrible is this, because of his Marxist dogma, Rākoshī says, "We have to turn ourselves into an industrial power. We're very cultural. Lots of sort of small-holding peasants. That's no good. They have to be collectivized. And every last penny we have to spend on building tractor factories." So as a result, there's literally no money for anything else. Most people's incomes have fallen by a third since the war, but prices have doubled. So basically, you're much poorer and everything's more expensive. There's nothing in the shops. There are no imported goods. There's no fruits. There's no chocolate. There's nothing like that. The clothes, if you want to buy clothes, they're rubbish. They're the wrong size. They fall apart. You can't get them anyway. There's no bread. There's no meat. There's huge cues every day. It's a proper police state. So Tom, if you worked in a factory, let's imagine you work in a factory making a tractor. You would have to get up at 4.30 in the morning anyway, frankly. So I don't see what the problem is there? Yeah. You'd go to the factory. You'd have a compulsory briefing or reading from the daily newspaper, the daily communist newspaper. What does Comrade Sandbrook say? Exactly. We'd all sit there and listen to your thoughts. Oh God. Then you'd work all day building your tractor. Yeah. And then after work, you would have to go to a compulsory political education class, which might last until 10 pm. What? So you don't get an enormous amount of sleep? Okay, that is terrible. You're living in an overcrowded flat. It's awful. I hate it. Bring it down. There are no independent newspapers. Lots of Hungarian classic books have been banned. And in their place, libraries and bookshops have translations of Soviet classics. Oh God. It sounds awful. Your kids have to do Russian in school. They also have, if they go to university, they have to do Russian in the first two years of university as well. Now, you are not from, I would say, conspicuously underprivileged background. Yeah, yeah. No wrong. I'm from a peasant background, toiling in the fields of culture. Your children would have black marks against them in their school record for being bourgeois and note to say that they were from a gentry bourgeois family. And what is more, they would not have been allowed to go to university because of their bourgeois background? There's a lesson here for Andy Burnham, I think. Well, and what is the lesson? If you're going to do it, go all in. He just wants to be like, though. He does, yeah, he does. You know, he just wants to get everybody pints and things. Rackety, he's not buying pints. No. What's his favorite pub snack? The teeth of dissidents pull out of pliers. Yeah. Other party members fingernails. The teeth of capitalists. Right. So, if you question this, Rackety and his secret police have no mercy. So, Brian Cartledge in his book estimates that between 1949 and 1953, three quarters of a million Hungarians, this is in a country about nine to ten million, are charged with crimes against the state. And off these two thousand or executed two hundred thousand are imprisoned or interned or sentenced to hard labor, summer deported to the Soviet Union. Rackety gets all this from Stalin. He's absolutely explicit about this. He described himself as Stalin's best pupil. They had posters and slogans saying, "Rackety is Stalin's best pupil." And like Stalin, he believes that one of the biggest threats to building socialism is the ubiquity of traitors and informants within the party. So, he's always looking for enemies within. And this is turbocharged in the summer of 1948 when, and I know people love a bit of communist bulking geopolitics. The communist world splits. So, up to this point, people thought of communism as a kind of monolith. But in 1948, there is a rift between Stalin and Moscow and Tito in Belgrade. Tito is the president of Yugoslavia. In Yugoslavia, uniquely, the communist took power on their own. They basically, the Red Army didn't get involved at all. They won the Second World War. They've taken power on their own. And Tito thinks, I don't want to actually do what Stalin tells me. We'll do our own thing in Yugoslavia. Thank you very much. There's a great rift between Stalin and Tito. And this triggers a crack down across Eastern Europe and a kind of climate of fear. Because all Stalin's little puppets are desperate to prove their loyalty to Stalin. You know, I'm not going to do a Tito in Poland or Czechoslovakia or Hungary or whatever. And so, they want to stamp out any hints of kind of national independence and prove their loyalty. And for Rackushy, who's always branded himself as Stalin's prized pupil, this is a particularly good opportunity. Because there's a history of tension between Hungary and Yugoslavia. Rackushy himself came from a place that is now in Yugoslavia. And does Stalin admire this or does he despise Rackushy as a kind of expetal? I think he actually despised Rackushy. Stalin didn't really like anybody. But all this kind of pleases, look at me. I'm talking people. Yes. Stalin looks down on this. Stalin's contemptuous of this. Yeah. You're a little worm. I don't care. Yes. That's exactly. It's like Saruman and worm tongue. That's what it is. Or Saruman and Saruman. Or Saruman and Saruman, exactly. I think probably Stalin would want to be compared with Saruman, would need rather than Saruman. I think so. Yeah. So anyway, Rackushy intends to use this split with Tito to purchase enemies within the party. And he proceeds against his enemies. In one case, in particular, gets a lot of attention. And this is Alia's dreamboat, a large little roik. The huge for it. The guy looks like Dracula. The guy who's the leader of the home-based communists. Yeah. So, roik, he's the guy who founded the secret police in a stunningly predictable twist. He gets arrested by his own police. Yeah. By the secret police. In May 1949, and his accused of being a spy for Tito, roik is tortured. But he still says, I'm not a spy for Tito, I didn't do it. So, they send his closest friend in the party, who is a man, you know, who play a big part in this story, who was called Janosh Kardar. He is sent to persuade roik to confess. And Kardar says to him, look, if you confess, they will pardon you. They've promised, they'll pardon you, and they'll send you into exile in the Soviet Union. Are they keeping their fingers crossed? Right. Exactly. Roik does confess. But to his surprise, he is put on public trial anyway. No. And sentenced to be hanged. And his friend, Kardar, who is now the minister of the interior, Kardar is made to attend his friend's execution. And when roik mounts the scaffold, he sees Kardar, and he shouts at him, this isn't what you promised. Janosh, you have betrayed me. And afterwards, Kardar, his friend, was seen being physically sick. He was so upset by the betrayal of his friend. And you can anticipate what's going to happen. Next year, he's arrested as well. And he's, he undergoes some pretty horrible treatment. So, he was arrested by the AVH. He was accused of having been a spy for the fascists in the Second World War. He was beaten. He was smeared with mercury. I don't know why that would be bad, but it is bad, apparently. The mercury is quite dangerous, I think. I think it is. Yeah, you don't want to be smeared with mercury. His fingernails were torn out. And then the most gruesome, well, not gruesome, but the most just the most horrible detail. His mouth was forced open and held open while people urinated into it. Oh, no. So he, Kardar, was sentenced to life imprisonment. He served three years in solitary, and then eventually he was let out. Now, if, in case you're feeling sorry for him, Tom, I know you love a bit of a, a previously, you know, whose side you need to be on. Yeah. He turns out to be a massive baddie as well. Can I just ask? Yeah. Is anyone in this a goodie? No. Maybe Seth and Delma. But I'm guessing we're not going to be hearing much from him. There's loads of students polling at people. You can identify with them. Oh, the kind of you despise. We had some of them in the series, and I'm glad to say they're back. Okay. So 1953, but I guess she seems completely in utterly impregnable. He's the head of government as well as the party. He's got an iron grip on the party machine. He's eliminated all his rivals. The communists have just won 99% of the votes in there in an election. You say it's 99.3. So that's actually better than NASA. Yes, they're more popular than NASA because NASA only had 99, didn't me. But the difference is that people in Egypt actually genuinely do like NASA, whereas everybody in Hungary actually hates Rukashe. Right. So anyway, Rukashe thinks nothing could go wrong, but then there's a bombshell, an absolute bombshell. On Sunday, the 1st of March, his great model, Stalin, has a massive stroke. And he's found lying on the floor. He's, you know, sawed himself for whatever. And he dies four days later. So as in the, and Ando, you knew she fell. As in the young Ando, you knew she filmed the death of Stalin. And in the next few months, the new collective leadership of the Soviet Union begins to reform Stalin's regime. So they start releasing prisoners and close to some of the gulag. And they actually start to rebuild bridges with Tito and Yugoslavia. So Rukashe is kind of watching all this and he thinks, "Oh, this is not good." And then, June 1953, he's summoned to Moscow and he's told, "Pring that bloke with the moustache with you, bring him rain nudge with you." And the reason is the Soviet leadership are very anxious about their Eastern European empire. They worry that Stalinism went much too far and is going to provoke a backlash. And so they bring Rakhushche in, and, you know, they're all there, all the kind of the big Jesus, and they give him a massive dressing down. They say, "You've gone much too far. You've rushed industrialization. You've been forcing people into collective farms. You've had show trials. You've had a culture personality." They accuse him of trying to make yourself the Jewish king of Hungary, because they're all massively anti-Semitic. So they say, "Right, enough." We'll allow you to stay on as head of the Communist Party, but you've got to hand over the Prime Minister's ship to Nudge, who's kind of standing next to him with his moustache, looking kind of drab, glinking through his glasses. So from the summer of 1953, the two of them are sharing power, and Nudge adopts what he calls the new course. So he says, "Come on, we don't need to build so many tractor factories. We can let some people out of prison. Pessents don't have to work on collective farms if they don't want to. They can maybe do their own thing. We can just be a little bit gentler and kinder and whatnot." Rakhushche is still there, though. He still commands the party machine, is determined to get his own back. And two years later, he gets his chance. The Hungarian economy is in a complete mess, still. They're dependent on imports. Nudge wants to ask the West for loans. The Kremlin says, "No, we don't like that at all." And the Kremlin starts to think to themselves, "This boat Nudge is taking this a bit far, actually. It's tolerating factionalism within the party. It's encouraging counter-revolutionary politics. And he's also too keen on Hungarian patriotism. This is no good." So there's a massive turnaround in the spring of 1955. It's all change. Nudge, having just two years earlier been made Prime Minister, he's accused of rightist deviationism. He's kicked out as PM. In fact, he's kicked out of all his party offices, and they even take away his professorship and his membership of the Academy of Sciences. So what does he do? He just goes home and writes, "A boring essay is about communism." No, okay. He doesn't get sent to a kind of tractor factory or something. No, he doesn't. He just goes home to his villa in Budapest, and he writes, you know, extremely long treatises about the right road to socialism. That's his vibe, really. So the raccoche, a bad man, is back as the top dog, with a puppet as Prime Minister. And he celebrates by organising another purge of the party and arresting loads of people and killing some of them as an example to the others. So he breathes a sigh of relief. Thank God that anti-Style in business, you know. That's all gone away. But another bombshell follows in 1955. So in the Kremlin, there has been this big power struggle since Stalin's death. And the winner, a man much underestimated by his colleague, so was the way in Russia, is the boorish, ebullient, ruthless, cunning figure of Nikita Khrushchev, a former peasant, actually. And Khrushchev cements his ascendancy at the 20th party congress in February 1955 with something known as the secret speech. So basically, the way this works, the clothes of the doors, there's no press. And for four hours, I mean, it seems quite a long speech to me, but anyway, I mean, it's longer than, than NASA's, isn't it? Yeah, that's exactly. Nationalisation of the Suez Canal. You don't want to be longer than NASA. Fewer mentions of Ferdinand Alessops, though. No mention of Ferdinand Alessops. But more mentions of Stalin. Because basically, what Khrushchev does is he puts the boot into Stalin. He says, Stalin, we worship Stalin for 30 years, Stalin was a terrible man. Stalin was just trustful and sickly suspicious man. He created a culture personality. He presided over the cruelest repression of good communists. He tortured people, he executed people, he deported people, he even made a massive hallix of the beginning of the Second World War. I mean, it's not wrong, is he? Well, this is all true. Khrushchev could have gone a lot further. Anyway, when Khrushchev makes this speech, this is an absolutely incredible moment. I mean, we're rushing past it, but it's a, it's a kind of landmark in 20th century history. A lot of the delegates there were so shocked, they became physically unwell. And the leader of Poland, who was called Boroswav Byrut. Boroswav Byrut is so appalled that he had a heart attack and died because the secret speech was such a shock to him. Now, when word of this reaches Khrushchev, he is absolutely horrified. You know, he was Stalin's minimi, and now the Kremlin is slacking Stalin off. This is terrible. And he said to the Soviet ambassador in Budapest, Yuri Andropov. Hold on. Is that the Andropov who then becomes General Secretary and has terrible colds? Yeah. And sponsor's Gulbachev. Yeah. Good knowledge. Brand the KGB in 70s. Goodness. Yeah, that's him. So, Khrushchev says to Andropov, "What do you have done at your congress as a disaster? I don't know what will come of it either in your country or in mine." And he tries to stop the secret speech being circulated in Hungary, and they redact a lot of the texts, so people mockingly call it the children's version. I mean, it's probably not resutable for children. Anyway, in the next year or so, Rakhushchev tries to distance himself frantically from Stalin. He says, "I had nothing to do with all these purges. I didn't, I was never for them." I always hated Stalin. And you know, the execution of that guy, Luzlul Rwyk. I was never for that. And actually, Rwyk was framed by the secret police, and I knew I had nothing to do with it at all. But actually, in Budapest, something has changed, like his colleagues have turned against him. So, by early 1956, so Rakhushchev is still in power. People openly kind of dissing him inside the party. They call him "the bald-headed murderer." And a year ago, if you'd called him "the bald-headed murderer," you'd be, you know, murdered, shot or put in prison. But now you can kind of get away with it. In fact, you can get away with it so much that in March 1956, at a communist meeting, he is heckled by all people, a young history teacher. And the history teacher shouts at him, "Komre Rakhushchev, the Hungarian people no longer trust you." And not only is the teacher not executed, he's not even arrested. He's able to get away with this. Now, what all this reflects is the fact that Rakhushchev's kind of Stalinist experiment is running out of steam and has become incredibly unpopular. So, Hungarian newspapers, early 1956, are reporting loads of stories about shortages, low wages, young workers who've basically been promised. You can have a shiny new flat in one of our lovely new high-rise, communist blocks. But the block hasn't actually been built yet. And so, for example, in Simon Hall's book about 1956, he quotes a story in a communist party journal about factory workers who said, "Our lives are terrible and our bosses treat us like dirt. This is a steel worker in Budapest. I want to be treated as an adult who lives and knows how to think. I want to be able to speak my thoughts without having anything to fear and I want to be heard as well." This is bourgeois revisionism there. It is. Well, this is what Rakhushchev thinks is bourgeois counter-evolutionary revisionism. But there's a lot more bourgeois revisionism to come because in the summer of 1956, another dual-dropping moment. In another of the communist satellite states in Poland, in the industrial city of Poznan, factory workers go on strike in protest against their low wages and high prices and terrible housing and all this stuff. And the strikes escalate into mass protests across Poland. I mean, nobody really knows about this actually in the West, but it was a massive deal in Eastern Europe. And the Polish authorities at first tried to quell them with troops and tanks, but it didn't really work. And over the summer and the autumn, it escalates into this sort of Polish October, all these demands for political reform. And there were huge crowds, and they were demanding a change of leadership, and they had a bloke that they wanted to come in, who had the excellent name of Władysław Gomolka, and they wanted him in as a new sort of reforming leader of Poland. Anyway, Rakhushchev is watching all this from Budapest, and he can't believe it. He says, this is absolutely terrible. Here she's a public statement. He says, you know, Hungarian good patriotic communist Hungarians should ignore this business in Poland. It's terrible. It's counter-evolutionary. Don't listen, but of course nobody's listening to him. By this point, even loyal communists hate him. Christoph in the Kremlin said later, Rakhushchev's very name had the connotation of something despicable. And if Christoph's saying that, and he's supposedly your kind of patron, you're in trouble, it's not good, is it? So the question is, who is going to strike the first blow to bring your Rakhushche down? And Tom, you undoubtedly are expecting. Yeah, I think it's going to be not. So the blow will come from the most unlikely person imaginable with his moustache, in retirement, looks like Groza Imre-Nodge. And that would make it, that would make it a brilliant story. Is it him? It's not him. Oh, he has been writing all these essays about kind of gentle a communism. And in fact, there have been streams of people coming to his villa in Buda to pay their respects. But the truth is, Nodge at this point is 60. He's not really a populist. He's not a natural leader. He's just happy hanging around in his armchair, talking about socialism. So, who Who is going to strike the first blow? Which ruthless, gimlet-eyed killers are going to step forward and save Hungary? Do you know what? This is going to amaze you and this is a first. This is a first in the rest of history and possibly in all history, because the people who are going to strike the first blow and to do something really useful are a group of idealistic, beyond-pulsant intellectuals. No way. This is unheard of, would never happen in Britain. So in Budapest, in 1956, there was a debating club called The Pettophy Circle. And this, as you will undoubtedly know from the name, has been named after the great Hungarian poet and national hero from the 1840s, Shandor Pettophy, of course. And this debating club, they meet and they chat about history and art and stuff. But over the course of 1956, they're having more and more spoken meetings, they're talking about politics. And that summer, they hold a series of public debates and panels and stuff, challenging the Rakoship regime. And on the 18th of June, 1956, they have a debate on socialism that attracts a thousand people. Now, what makes this so incendiary is that one of the speakers is Lazlo Royke, the guy who was executed for a bloke, his widow, Hulia, and she herself has just been released from prison. Goodness, that is dramatic. She was a very striking woman, she was regarded in her heyday as one of the great beauties of Budapest. Oh, so that's why she married to the hunk, Royke, the dreamboat, a secret police-founding dreamboat, exactly. So she's 44, but she looks a lot older, she's really haggard, but she's incredibly kind of compelling in her gaunt way. And she takes the microphone and she says to the audience, she says, "I stand before you deeply moved after five years of prison and humiliation. Not only was my husband killed, but my little baby was torn from me, for I received no letters and no information about the fate of my little son." And then she says, "Rakoshi and his fellow criminals, not only murdered Lazlo Royke, they have trampled under foot all honesty in this country. I shall never rest until those who have ruined the country corrupted the party destroyed thousands and driven millions into despair, receive their just punishment. Comrades, help me. It is electrifying stuff. People jumped to their feet, they're all shouting and cheering and clapping. And Tom, the touch paper has been lit." Wow. Okay, that's incredible. So unbelievable drama. Before we leave for the break they've done with it, can I just ask one question about her? Yeah. What had happened to her son? He had been taken away and sort of put into care in some way, I think. Did she reunite with him? Yes. We'll be meeting him in the next in the second half. Oh great. Okay, so there's drama and there is a heartwarming reunion between mother and son. So so much to look forward to, we'll see you after the break. This episode is supported by Anthropic, the team behind Claude. Now history's biggest leaps, many of them started as hard questions that people didn't want asked. Yeah, there's a classic example of that Tom at the end of the 15th century. And the hard question in particular was, what is out there beyond the Atlantic Ocean to the West? And as you will know, the man who found the answer to that question was the explorer Christopher Columbus, great pioneering voyage of discovery and it is of course the Americas. So, you know, Anthropic knows the importance of questions and it's why Anthropic has founded on one hard question above all. How can we ensure that the AI revolution really goes well for ordinary people? Anthropic asked 100,000 people and what came back wasn't just fear. There was hope as well. People wanted to know, will cancer ever be cured? Can kids have a better future? It turns out that there is hope in hard questions. And keep thinking. Hello everyone and welcome back to the rest of history. We are in Budapest in Hungary. It's June 1956 and Julia, who is the widow of Luzlo Royke, the guy with the for it who founded the Secret Police and who I guess we now met, vaguely meant to think is a sympathetic figure kind of? Yeah. It's on the side of the angels now. It's been rehabilitated. She's just given this electrifying public speech and she's denounced the communist regime under Mattias Rakoshi. So what's going to happen next Dominic? Is there going to be a convulsive train of events that will attract for the attention of the entire world? Yes, there is. I'm delighted to say that there is. So her speech is the talk of Budapest, Julia Royke. And everyone is very excited. They're saying, well, what will the pit of the circle be talking about next? I can't wait for their next debate. I mean, if you're an intellectual in a polineg, the notion that the entire country is waiting for your next debate, I mean, this is the dream, isn't it? Yes. There's genuinely is the dream. It's like us with the Athol stands. Yeah. It's even better than a rest of this history club gathering because such massive interest, well, she's very similar, such massive interest. They have to move it to a bigger venue the next meeting. They move it to the office club in Budapest. The hall meant to hold 800 people, but they managed to get 1,600 people in there. And there are 6,000 people in the streets outside listening to the event on loudspeakers. And they're not just intellectuals at this point. They're not just people in cordroid jackets and polo necks. They are army officers and young professionals, and all the cool people at Budapest are there. And there's a succession of speakers whipping themselves into a lather, attacking the rakushi regime. There are communist officials there who keep saying to them, could you please stop attacking the party? We're meant to be affiliated with the party. And the crowds start shouting at them, we are the party. Yeah, it's great stuff. It goes on for 9 hours. I think it's quite long. I don't think I'd ever go to any debating event or anything. I wouldn't go to one anyway, frankly, but I definitely wouldn't go to one that lasted 9 hours. And then at the end of the 9 hours, somebody says, you know, we should get back in red norge because the memory of him is he's socialism with the human face. That kind of thing. Socialism with the human face. Exactly right. There's a seven minute standing evasion. Everyone starts chanting, long live norge, get norge back in the party. They're all very exciting. Now rakushi, when he hears about this, is horrified. He says, okay, well, I've been much too indulgent with his people time to crack the whip. He condemns their patuffy circle for bourgeois and counter-evolutionary views. It's got to come in his bingo. He says norge is behind all this. He's been plotting against the party and the people's democracy. He draws up plans to shut down the debate in club, to shut down the writers union and other groups. And he draws up a list. He loves doing this. He draws up a list of 400 people, norge among them, who he's going to put on trial and hopefully executes. But Tom, it never happens because rakushi's comrades in the Communist Party have had enough of them. And one of them rings the Soviet ambassador, Yuri Andropov. And he says, rakushi's planning a crack down and we're not in favor of it. He's got it. We decided he's got to go. Andropov has become a liability. Andropov reports this to Moscow. And so Khrushchev in Moscow says, again, well, I'm going to send someone to Budapest, check and look into all this. We can't have it. We're kicking off in Hungary. And the blokey sends, now we have a chopmer stash. His sense is number, is effective number two, who is an Armenian called Anastas Mikoyan. And Mikoyan is a veteran Bolshevik. He's a great survivor, so he's been around since the Russian Revolution. He's now in charge of foreign policy, Mikoyan, he's a foreign policy specialist. But in the 1920s, he was in charge of food, and Stalin always said about him, he cares more about ice cream than he does about Marxism. What's that? A criticism. Stalin tolerated it, because I think he thought that people probably workers' paradise would have ice cream. Yeah. Communist should have ice cream. They would be hanging around and trying to talk about Marxism and Mikoyan kept saying, "Well, I've got a whole lot of. " Mr. Whippy, I've felt on a bit of a rubber hole really where him, the other thing he was absolutely massively into was sausages. Oh, really? He was really interested in supplies of sausages in the 1920s and '30s. This guy. I like the sound of him. I mean, it's probably a dark side to him, because I mean, he was in Stalin's court and didn't get killed. So what does that tell you? So on the 14th of July, Mikoyan reports to Moscow to Kustruffin, he says, Hungary is in total meltdown. Party disciplines form a part. The party's losing the war of ideas, day by day the comrades are losing their grip on power. And Mikoyan, he convenes a meeting of the Hungarian Pollot Bureau and he says in front of everybody to Rackershe. I'm afraid you've got to go with all of us confidence in you. And Rackershe is horrified because his comrades, so he thought we were going to support him. They say, "Yeah, we didn't like him anyway, frankly." So it's like Chichesco suddenly realizing he's lost power. Suddenly realizing, "Yeah, everyone hates him." Rackershe rang Kustruffin Moscow and he said, "If I go, everything will collapse." And Kustruff said, "Listen. - Tom Raid too bad, you're out, you're done, you're finished. So four days later, Raku, she announced his resignation on health grounds and then he was flown to Moscow for urgent medical treatment. And he was sent to Kyrgyzstan, you know? The most remote of all the Central Asian Republics, kind of mountainous yurts on the Chinese border. - This is one of the ways in which I honestly think the West is better because Anthony Eden in a similar position, he has bad health. - He goes to Jamaica and I just think Jamaica is a nice destination. - Is it though, Kyrgyzstan, I think, is quite a cool place to go these days. - Yeah, but not then. I mean, it was like everywhere. It was kind of a spestos factories and things. - He lived there for 15 years. In total obscurity. I mean, he's Hungarian, he's what's he doing there? And then he died in 1971 and that was the end of a lacquer sheet. I mean, it was kind of a shame that he wasn't executed in a hideous way because I think that would have been more fitting end with Pialeua, yeah, correct. So now he's out. And Moscow has a fateful choice. We love a fateful choice. So they have to choose someone to succeed him. Not, yeah, well that's who I would pick. You and I are very much on the same page on this. They should pick Imran Nodge and move towards a kind of gentler kind of socialism. And if they had done, there would have been no Hungarian revolution, we'd be doing something else this week, you know? We'd be doing maybe a deeper dive into the Costa Rican Civil War. But no, they didn't choose Nodge. They chose, they made a terrible choice. They chose another former Stalinist, another Moscow exile. A man who's very dear and austere, his court. Erna Gera. And Erna Gera is austere, his humorous, everybody dislikes him. And he's also got a massive ulcer. So it's a stomach ulcer, so it's not quite him or the eighth. But it means he's in constant pain and is therefore very irritable and impatient. So I think a mad choice, but anyway, that's the choice they've made. So Gera comes in and he's inheriting quite a tough situation because the literary dissidents of Hungary have the bit between their teeth now. Not the literary dissident, they are pouring out. The Soviet Empire is quaking, it's quaking, it's their pouring out, plays, operas, ballet, poems, mocking the party and the system, my favorite one. I can't remember which book I read this in, but I just thought this is such central European literary bingo. I mean, this is beyond parody. The fate of an innocent man suddenly imprisoned seen through the eyes of his dog. Yeah, I mean, that's like, are not all Hungarian, Czech and Polish books about that. Anyway, so everyone's very excited. The journal of the writer's union, it's circulation goes up 10 times in the summer of 1956. Issues are changing hands for 50 times the cover price and there are claims, I cannot believe this is true. But anyway, the writer's union journal, when it came out, people would be waiting in the news stands, they'd physically be fighting each other to get copies. I mean, that's great, isn't it? I wouldn't believe that's great. Well, you may think Tom, if you're a skeptic, this is just a load of poets, cordroid jackets, who cares about them. I'm not like you, I'm not skeptical. Okay, good. I approve of poets and dissidents. Okay, well, real people are involved in this as well, because there were reports of peasants putting out of collective farms, very wearing for Gira. There are reports of factory workers in Budapest downing tools, smashing shop windows because they can't get goods, you know, all of this. A local communist committee in Budapest reported party headquarters. Everyone feels there is something fateful in the air. And all the time, people are thinking, well, you know, not just still the man of destiny, not necessarily. So he with his nice mustache is going on walks every day through Budapest. And he would take his children for ice cream, ice cream again, maybe Mikwayans ice cream. He's taking them to a place called Jebo. And listeners will be thrilled to hear that this is the very cafe that Alia managed to allow us to record there when we went to Budapest with Jonathan Wilson to talk about Wolverhampton Wondrous. So it all connects. And when he was going to get ice cream, people would stop him and they would say, "Prime Minister, when are you coming back? When are you coming back to run Hungary?" And he would just smile enigmatically and say nothing. And they'd go off to get the ice cream. So August and September pass off without event. People have gone on holiday. And then everyone's following the news in Poland where it's all been kicking off. But then on the 6th of October, something dramatic happens. Gera to demonstrate his commitment to destabilization. He has agreed to allow a state funeral for the Oslo Roike and three of his executed comrades. They've been buried in unmarked graves. So the bodies are dug out. They're put into the iron coffins. And they are going to be re-buried at Kerapecchi Cemetery, which is the grandest cemetery in Budapest for all the national heroes of buried. And they're going to hold the ceremony at the Mausoleum to Hungary's greatest hero, the martyr of the 1848 revolution. Loyos Koshut. Anyway, this is a huge public occasion. So they close all the factories in Budapest, all the shops are closed. There are black flags on the public buildings. They bring out the coffins and they're kind of draped in Hungarian flags and stuff. Gera is away on holiday, the new guy running Hungary, but all the big communist names are there. And who is also there is Julia Roike, the widow, who'd been separated from her child. And you know what, who's there standing next to her, holding a hand, seven-year-old son? At last something good has happened. A great moment. And Imre Nordsch is there as well. So all the stars. And Imre Nordsch embraces Julia and says to her, "Soon we will be burying Stalinism." So that's nice. So one of Roike's old Spanish civil war comrades, a guy called Fennant Munich, gives the eulogy for him. Munich says, you know, Roike should have died a hero's death. What a great man he was setting up. Secret police. Brilliant. But he was murdered by sadistic criminals who crawled into the sun from the stinking swamp of a cult of personality. Then they all sing the internationaly. And then 200,000 people. So that's factory workers, it's school groups, it's all kinds of people. File past this morselium. It's pouring with rain, it's bitterly cold. But they're all, you know, they all want to say farewell to this tremendous man. And Julia Roike said later, "I could see the hatred and the people's eyes. We all knew it meant a turning point in the political life of that country." Now the new boss of Hungary, Urna Gera, has been on a holiday, so he missed this. Where'd you go on holiday if you were a communist boss? The black sea or something? No, I think you would go to Lake Bulleton, which is the largest lake in central Europe. Very nice. And it's ringed with spartowns, Austro-Hungarian spartowns. God, you go for a spartown. Medicine balls. Or depending on the relations with Tito, you could go to the Adriatic to Croatian coast. OK, that would be nice. Yeah, that's lovely. You've got good options. Gera gets back from holiday. He's very worried about the situation and hungry. And he says to the Soviet ambassador, Antropov, this business with reburying that bloke has caused serious harm to the party leadership. You know, there's a lot of discontent. I've made a few gestures. I've released some political prisoners. I've started to be nice to Tito. But I think I'm going to have to go further. I'm going to have to let Norge back into the Hungarian working people's party. And this, hopefully, would defuse things. So Norge is formally re-admitted. The bad news for Gera, however, is that everything seems to be going wrong. So there's been a terrible harvest. Means there's empty shells, high prices. They don't have enough oil. They don't have enough coal. They've got massive problems with the trains. So presumably, reliant on rail replacement buses. And there are signs of growing anti-Soviet feeling. Because the Red Army is still stationed in Hungary, and people have had enough of it. Gera is due to go for a meeting actually with Tito on the Adriatic. So he misses some sort of warning signs in the next few days. The Republic meetings in provincial cities, people saying, "We want political change. Get the Red Army out of Hungary. Why are they still here?" And the key moment comes from the 20th of October in the southern city of Seged. And there's a big student meeting. It's always the students, isn't it? The students vote to break away from the communist youth organization and set up their own group. They want to have freedom of thought and they want to banish the legacy of Stalin and the Rackle sheep. Oh, this is great, isn't it? Students wanting freedom of thought. Yeah, times have changed. Times have changed. So they want an end to censorship and to press control. They want free elections and no more Soviet troops. So that was on the 20th. On the 21st of October, news arrived in Hungary from Poland. Remember, I told you that there was all this sort of reform movements in Poland. Positon. Positon. It started in Positon. It's now spread to Warsaw. Nikita Khrushchev. And basically, the entire Soviet top brass have just turned up in Warsaw. And everybody thought, oh no, this doesn't press a general thing good. This is the preface to a massive military crackdown on Poland. But the absolute opposite has happened. Christchruff is now. Listen to the people of Poland and to the Polish politicians. His come round and he said, "You can have that bloke of Wadyswów-Gomolka as your leader after all." And so people in Hungary think, "Wow, what happened in Poland could happen here as well. Maybe it can happen here." - Yeah. - So the next day, the 22nd of October, the students at Budapest's technical university meet in their huge main auditorium. Now, the irony of this, it was actually the communist student leaders who called the meetings, they thought, "If we call the meeting, we can get ahead of things and we can use it to kind of, you know, for-store descent." But it completely backfired. Far more students turned up than they expected, 5,000 off and they're all absolutely pumped because of the news from Poland. And also there is a student leader from the southern city of Seged. And he makes a passionate speech. He says, "You know, we in the south want to cast off the kind of communist yoke. Why don't you join with us here in the capital?" And everyone says, "Oh, brilliant, love it." They vote to split with the communist sort of umbrella organization and they draw up a list of demands, which they call the 16 points, which become the manifesto of the Hungarian revolution. Now, these are a mixture of kind of symbolic patriotic things and then more sort of profound things. So for example, there's a massive statue of Stalin in Budapest. They want that to come down. They want all their old national holidays back. They're kind of patriotic Hungarian holidays. They want the koschute coat of arms, as it is called, back as their national emblem in the middle of the flag, not the kind of communist symbol in the flag. So this is a kind of 1848 legacy kind of thing? 1848, exactly right. They want to rekindle the spirit of 1848 when they'd risen up against the hapsperts. And they also want freedom of speech. They want proper democratic elections. They want immigrant knowledge to come back as Prime Minister. And they want, and I quote, the immediate withdrawal of all Soviet troops. So a great moment for the students. Now, obviously, the state media is not going to report this. So the students do it themselves. They get a memograph machine and they crank out copies of this manifesto. Then they go out into the city and they hand them out on trams and in factories. They post them on the walls and lamp posts to Budapest. And this too is a deliberate echo of 1848 what people did back them. And above all, they say we want to have a massive demonstration tomorrow. And it's going to be a demonstration to show solidarity with the people of Poland. We're going to march along the embankments of the Danube on the Buddha side. And we're going to march to a memorial there to a Polish general called Josef Bim who had fought for Hungary in 1848. And we'll all meet there. We'll think songs about Poland and they'll be great. I mean, isn't this the classic illustration of the risk that the moment you liberalize in one satellite communist state? Yes, it just spreads that wildfire. And this is exactly the mistake that Gorbachevich is going to repeat that you should crack down hard and be brutal. Well, he might have drawn a different lesson, I don't know. But yeah, there were definite echoes in 1989. Absolutely there are. So we come to the morning of the 23rd. Gera, the leader, arrives back from Belgrade just before 10 o'clock and it's a lovely sunny autumn day. He's a very good spirit set of wonderful time, holidaying with Tito. And when he gets to the party headquarters, his staff say to him, "Oh, things are not good here." George, they describe it as Tom. They describe it as a Tinder box. Buddha Pest is a Tinder box. They literally call it a Tinder box. God. And Gera says, "We'll obviously you ban this student march." And they say, "No, we haven't. We thought we'd let it go ahead." So just before 1 o'clock, radio cautioned the state radio station says, "All public meetings are banned." Yeah, we're going to ban that much. At this point, the police chief in Budapest says, "Hold on, that's mad." The students are already gathering outside the technical university and there's a lot of them. I don't have remotely enough men to contain them. If we try to ban this march and fail, we'll look ludicrously weak. It's much better to actually let it go ahead. So just before 2.30, radio cautioned. Again, interrupts its programs and it says, "Actually, the band's been lifted. They're the marches back on." So at 3 o'clock, about 10,000 students set off from a technical university in Buda and they're marching north along the river Danube. And they're wearing arm bands and rosettes in red, white and green, the Hungarian colors, the singing patriotic hymns, and they're chanting, "We want Imre Nodge." Now meanwhile, on the other side of the Danube, on the pest side, another 12,000 students have set off from the Faculty of Arts. They're going to march in parallel. The pest ones will cross the river and they'll meet at this Blake statue. And as they pass, those people are cheering them and clapping, and lots of people are actually joining them, they're marching, "You aren't students." So school children, there are hundreds of army cadets who join the march. Office workers coming off their shift and so on. And there's more and more people join, the mood changes, and it starts to become more aggressive. People start chanting, "Let's throw Gera into the Danube." And they start cutting out the communist emblems from Hungarian flags. They call the communist emblem the raccoche badge, and they're waving these communist flags with the big sort of hole in the middle, which is a massive provocation to the authorities. So by five o'clock, there are 50,000 people in this square. They lay a wreath by the statue of this general, there are some sort of identicate boilerplate speeches, and then people shout, "To the Parliament, to the Parliament." Now, if anyone's been to Budapest, they know what an incredible building the Hungarian Parliament is. Kind of slightly inspired by the Palace of Westminster, but bigger, like if you think the Palace of Westminster is not grand enough, the Hungarian Parliament is the one for you. It's this enormous kind of gothic wedding cake of a building. They all stream back over the bridge to the Pest side towards this building. And as dusk falls, they're camped outside the Parliament. There are now 200,000 people. Loads of workers from the Factures have joined them. It's a much more militant edge. They're calling for Emory Norge, but they are all so chanting. Ruskick Hossel. Ruskick Hossel. And Tom, I know you know what Ruskick Hossel means. - Yeah, Ruskies go home. - Ruskies go home, exactly, yeah. You hide your Hungarian language skills under a bit of a bushel, I think. - Oh, I'm out of mystery. - Yeah, well, you like to play it down, don't you? - So at last, Emory Norge appears at a window of the Parliament building. And this is a thrilling moment, right? The hero of the hour. - Yes. - The Hodster. (laughing) - The nodster is there. People sobbing with joy. There he is. And in the app, in keeping really with his conduct throughout the Norge, it's a bit. He falls, he falls ludicrously short of the moment. Does he take off his spectacles and polish them? Blinking myopic. - Oh, well, your clouds of dandruff. Oh, he hasn't got any hair, has he? - No, all you can see from these glasses and this massive mustache. So Victor Sebastian, who ran a really good book about 1956, he basically looked like the family grosser turned up, and is at this window. And the thing is, Emory Norge has just come back. He's come back from a wine festival at Lake Boloton. - Oh, that's a very ass. So, so rest is his street. - We love a wine festival. - So, Emory Norge has turned up. He's been to the wine festival. - Ah, no, he's not. I think he's just been relaxing. I don't think he's hammered. He's a bit stunned by all this. 'Cause of course, he's a communist. Emory Norge still believes very much in communism and in the communist party. He's frightened by all this chaos on the streets. He doesn't like it. He wants to calm everything down. He says, you know, we should do things with the proper channels. So, his first word to the crowd. He says, comrades, boom. Yeah, everybody booze. And he's visibly shocked by this. And he goes on to make a really tone deaf speech. He says, I'm very pleased to see your commitment to democratic socialism. But of course, the best way to resolve this crisis is through negotiations and the bosom of the party. So, you should probably all go home now. And it ends with a lot of heckling from the crowd. And there's a general consensus that he's had an absolute nightmare. He's had a shocker. However, the good news for Emory Norge, he hasn't misjudged it as badly as Erna Gera, the leader of Hungary. Because that evening, Gera goes on the radio and he says, I'm absolutely appalled to hear that people have been rude about the Russians. You know, the glorious communist party of the Soviet Union and the Red Army, these are the people who liberated us from the Yoko fascism. And those demonstrators slacking them off are bourgeois reactionaries who've given international shauvinism. God says, communist bingo. This is communist bingo. There's a lot of communist bingo in these episodes. When the crowd hear this, they are whipped into a frenzy and they start, you know, laying into the buildings and tearing the red stars down and stuff. And thousands of people head for heroes Square, as it's called, which is a sort of patriotic pantheon of Hungarian history on the edge of the city park. And there stands this giant bronze statue of Stalin. And a load of people turn up a welding gear and they start cutting the statue of the legs. And at 9.37 pm, the statue kind of falls down and hundreds of people attack it, sort of trying to hack off bits of souvenirs. They cut off the head of Stalin and they drag it through the streets and they dump it outside the national theater. And very famously, in Sephora's Hungarian history is famous. all those left are Stalin's boots on the plinth and each of them is the height of a man. So Stalin's boots are still there. And actually there's a statue park on the edge of Budapest where I have to say when they discovered we were visiting from the rest of history to do socials clips, they gave us a free brochure which is very kind of them. Did they still have the feed? It's a replica of Stalin's boots in bronze on this plinth. But it's nice to see it. It's very nice to see it. So dramatic scenes of Stalin's statue, even more dramatic scenes at radio caution because they're state radio. Protesters have gone to demand they broadcast this manifesto, the 16 points. The protestors went inside. There were rumors that the protestors had been arrested by the secret police. The crowd went berserk. The crowd started trying to break into the building. They started using a truck to try to break through the doors. The AVH, the secret police started firing tear gas at them and then charged them with bayonets and then shooting broke out and three demonstrators were shot dead. A load of troops arrived on the scene conscripts. The crowd argued with them. They persuaded the conscripts to give them their guns. So now you've got complete chaos in the square. There's like gunfire. People are shooting to each other. Some of the secret police are turning in their own officers. Then a load of trucks turned up and the trucks have been commandeered by workers from the local factories who and they've picked up a load of rifles from some munitions factories and they're handing them out to the crowd. So all night the fighting continues. 16 protestors and five secret policemen are killed and by the small hours the revolutionists have taken over the radio station. So this is now not a protest anymore. This is a this is feeling like a proper revolution or counter revolution or counter revolution depending on your perspective. So Gera rings Nikita Khrushchev and he says I need red army support. I'm afraid I've lost control. You're going to have to send in the troops. And the Russians have a big decision to make. So at 11 o'clock that night at Moscow time, Khrushchev convenes an emergency meeting of the presidium in the Kremlin. They're now getting very melodramatic reports, small-ever hungry, mobs in the streets of Budapest, cities and flames, people attacking communist headquarters or of this kind of thing. The Soviet Union is not a dictatorship. Their leadership is still pretty collective, although Khrushchev is the top dog. And the presidium is split. So on the one side, you have Mikoyan, the ice cream guy from Armenia, and the defense minister Marshall Zhukov, the victor basically the second world war. What's his name in Death of Stalin? Tremendous Entrance. Jason Isaacs. Jason Isaacs. Yeah. And Mikoyan and Zhukov say, you know, I don't know, I think we should not get stuck into this. Let's just put Imran Nogin charge, let him sort this out. And I quote, "If our troops intervene, we will only make things worse." I kind of just ask what's happening in Suez at this point. So we are the 23rd. So the Israelis have not yet made their move. In fact, the Serf protocol has not yet been signed, but the British are gearing up to sign it. Okay. So that's not kicking off. So that's not a consideration for them. Not yet. No. Now on the other hand, you have a load of hawks. So a prominent example of a hawk, for example, is Molotov, of Molotov, Ribbentrop, Pact fame. And the hawks say, no, no, no, no. We should shut this down now, send in the troops. And Khrushchev for this stage decides he'll go with the hawks. Fine. We've got two divisions in barracks, and a Budapest will send them in. We'll send in two more divisions into Hungary from Romania. But while we're doing that, I'm going to send a delegation to talk to the Hungarians. Mikoyan is going to go, and also the head of the KGB, who is called Ivan Serov. And the chief communist ideologue, who is Mikhail Suslov, so he's kind of head of ideological conformity, will send these three guys to Budapest to talk to the Hungarians and see exactly what's going on. So that's the Russian decision. Now, meanwhile, what's happened to Imran Noj? He has gone to Communist Party headquarters in Budapest where everybody's in a massive funk. They don't know what to do. He's in a funk as well. He's given the speech and it went down really badly. They meet all night, and they finally agree, after a lot of talking, that they'll give Noj the prime ministership. Gera will stay on his head of the party, but Noj is going to run the government. And basically, Gera is thinking I'm going to use Noj to restore order. And of course, this means that Noj now kind of owns the crisis, so it's on him to sort this out. But it's slipping away from them all the time. So by dawn, the situation in the streets has taken this dramatic new turn. So the government have announced we've asked the Red Army for assistance because counter-revolutionary gangs and bandits are running a mock in the capital. And at about three o'clock on the morning of the 24th, two divisions of Soviet troops begin to move into the city from the southwest. And they are accompanied by hundreds of tanks and armour personnel carriers and artillery units. But right away, they meet resistance from Hungarian street fighters. Not the students. The students have gone home, probably wisely. But there are about 10,000 factory workers from the poorer districts of Budapest. And they've got these guns from the arms factories, and they've also taken guns from police stations and things. Now of course, these guns are largely just rifles, and they're facing the Red Army, so you'd expect them to be massively overpowered. But the Soviet troops are a bit out of their depth. They didn't expect much resistance. They definitely didn't expect as a street fighting. They're not familiar with the layout of Budapest, so they get kind of lost. Their tanks get stuck in small streets, and they become sitting ducks for kind of Molotov cocktails. How does Molotov feel about that? He's probably gutted. Yeah. I mean, if you're giving your name to a cocktail, you want it to be one that you can drink, I think. Well, I don't know. Unless you're a bloodthirsty foreign minister, he went to Spaks with Nazis. I think that made slightly different. That's true. Nord just gives a broadcast that afternoon, two o'clock. He begs people. Please get off the streets. If you get off the streets, there'll be a general amnesty. Order, calm discipline. These are now the slogans. Stand behind the party. Trust that we have learned from the mistakes of the past, and we'll find the right way for the prosperity of our country. But, of course, the fighting now has the same momentum, and people aren't really listening. There's the day where it's on. The Red Army become increasingly bogged down and fighting against the insurgents. The most famous place where this happens is a place called the Corvin Cinema. This is this quite cool Bauhaus building in downtown Peshed, and it's near a major traffic junction, and it's surrounded by five-story apartment buildings, and this becomes a rebel stronghold, and the Red Army are trying to get through to this cinema and get them out, but they can't do it. Now, amid all this fighting, the Soviet delegation that's Mikoyan, Suslov, and Seroth have flown into Budapest. They landed at an airfield that morning. They were met by Soviet troops, and they were driven to the Hungarian Ministry of Defense with a tank escort. Now, as a result of this, they haven't seen the fighting for themselves, because they've been kind of insulated from it. And, of course, the Hungarians tell them kind of what they want to hear. So, under control, it's all brilliant. Yeah. Mikoyan Cable's Moscow, he Cable's Krzysztoff in Moscow, and he says, "I think it's going to be fine. The Hungarians assure us all the hot beds of the insurgency have been crushed." And that night, Krzysztoff briefs other Eastern European leaders, so, of course, very anxious about this. They don't want to lose their power. And Krzysztoff says, "Don't worry. It's fine. Everything's under control. By morning, there will be total calm." And so he comes to the 25th of October. Dawn breaks, and there are more deluded proclamations on the state radio. The counter-revolutionary gangs have been liquidated. Workers must resume work, let factors produce and offices and enterprises function. But by 1030, there's an enormous crowd in Koshoot Square outside the parliament. Tens of thousands of people singing their national anthem, chanting down with Gira, "We are not fascists," and all this kind of thing. Soviet tanks close in on them. But the Soviet tanks don't fire. The protesters actually start chatting to the Soviet soldiers, and they start giving them cigarettes, and giving them leaflets in the Russian language. And the leaflets say, "Russian friends, do not shoot. They have tricked you. You are shooting not at fascists, but at workers, peasants, and university students." And actually, the Russian tank crews seem quite receptive to all this. Some of the protesters climb onto the tanks, and they sort of drape them with Hungarian flags. It's all quite jolly. It's all quite heartwarming, actually. And then just after 11 o'clock that morning, the first shots ring out across the square, and they were almost certainly fired by secret policemen on top of the Ministry of Agriculture overlooking the square as a kind of deliberate cold-blooded lethal provocation. The crowd scream. They start to scatter. This is kind of stampeding, total chaos. And in the chaos, some of the Soviet tank commanders started shooting as well. There's all kinds of gunfire. Everybody's shooting at everybody. About 100 people are killed in the crossfire. I mean, possibly hundreds more, actually. There's no definitive death toll. So there's all kinds of this fire from the rooftops. There's fire from the tanks. It's a render scene. A reporter for The New York Times, John McCormack, said he saw the square littered with dead and dying men and women. There's one eyewitness who said they saw a woman in a fur coat who'd obviously been a protester. Her head and arms had been blown off by bullets, and she's lying there in a pool of blood and around her three children in floods of tears. So, a terrible terrible scene. Now meanwhile the Central Committee of the Hungarian Communist Party is meeting just your seconds walk away and they can hear a machine gun fire and then the machine gun fire starts hitting their building and plaster starts falling from the ceiling while they're in the meeting. It's clear that this is now completely out of control and partly under pressure from Mikoyan and the other Russians. They say okay we've got to make drastic changes now we've got to do something massive. So half past twelve state radio announces that Gera has been sacked as General Secretary. We've got a new guy to replace him. We've got a man called Janosh Kadar. That's the guy who tricked what's his name? Big forward guy. Well was made to trick him and had his fingernails pulled out. Oh and and then it was sick. Yes exactly. People you're narrated in his mouth and covered him in mercury. Yes exactly. I think the mercury has now he's been washed off for well if you can wash off mercury. Good well I'm ready to hear that. He's now General Secretary of the Party so he's now and we'll have more about him next time don't worry about him. By the way what happened to Gera? He was flown out to Moscow he's given the job as an economics professor and then he came back to Hungary in the 1906 so I always think this is such a weird thing when this happens. He came back to Hungary the man who had briefly led Hungary and he lived in total obscurities a translator for more than a decade. What did he translate? Russian to Hungarian I think and then just died in 1980 and everyone forgot he'd ever existed. So he's out the guy who basically does own this now is Imran Nodge. He's got to try to fix this. He makes another broadcast in party headquarters. He's he's much more conciliatory this time. He says clearly the Communist Party's made massive mistakes. You know our young workers and our young people have shown the way and we will show them the spirit of reconciliation. Please lay down your arms I promise all Soviet troops that we were drawn from the streets. I promise you all embracing reforms to build a better more beautiful socialist future. But on the streets nobody is listening to him. The Hungarian troops in the main Budapest barracks have mutated. The senior officer who was sent to discipline them who's a guy Colonel Paul Malitir. He has he had served with the Soviets in the Second World War but he's a tank commander. He's now gone over to the revolution. He's organizing their defenses. There are thousands upon thousands of people in the streets. There are people shouting against the Red Army. They're singing the National Anthem. Every way you look you can see Hungarian flags with the Communist emblem cut out. There is a thrilling sense now of possibility and excitement but that night they've already begun to build barricades because they know that the Soviet Union are not going to take this lying down. So I suppose dominate the huge question is what will the Kremlin do now? Is Christchurch going to give in to the Hungarian revolutionaries, say find whatever do what you like? Or is he going to order the Red Army to crush the spirit of freedom? So unbelievable drama and rest of history club members can find out what happens right away. And if you're not a club member and you would like to join them then you know where to go. The rest is history.com. But for now thank you Dominic. Thank you everyone for listening. Bye bye. Fisseln the Tastra. With high confidence it was Russian. Holden the Russians accountable is world war. They took down a British passenger chair containing 350 people. Man in the Kremlin is playing Alex. Got to ask yourself, you want to play or not. You're the prime minister. If done, nothing. We would need to understand the policy context. All the relevant context will be structured as a framework today and disseminated into an operation order or frago. A frago that says to kill the president of Russia. Yes. New from Golhanger. Who is going to be able to pull this off? Dominic, shoulder are you. Sergeant Tom McDuff. Duffy. An audio drama journey like no other. Men like Duffy. They are our most valuable weapons. Divided as a technically rigorous geopolitical action forever. We have to take friendly key places. Strongest arm. He's the best. Against his strongest foe. Don't do it Duffy. Bear hunt. Available now wherever you get your podcasts.

Podcast Summary

Key Points:

  1. The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 began as a popular uprising against Soviet oppression and communist rule, fueled by widespread economic hardship and disillusionment.
  2. Imre Nagy, a moderate communist with unassuming traits, emerges as a symbol of hope, advocating for a gentler, more humane form of socialism.
  3. Mátyás Rákosi, the ruthless Stalinist leader, suppresses dissent through purges, secret police, and show trials, creating a repressive regime that deeply alienates the populace.
  4. A pivotal moment occurs when Julia Royke, widow of a secret police founder executed by Rákosi, delivers a powerful public speech denouncing the regime, sparking mass mobilization.
  5. Intellectuals and dissidents play a crucial role in challenging the regime, leading to a surge in dissent, free expression, and public protests.
  6. Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin’s abuses in 1956 undermines Rákosi’s legitimacy, creating internal instability within the communist hierarchy.
  7. Rákosi is forced to resign after losing support from party members and Soviet leadership, marking the beginning of the revolution’s momentum.
  8. The reburial of Rákosi and executed comrades in a public ceremony ignites nationwide anger and signals a decisive shift toward political change and resistance.

Summary:

The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 was a pivotal moment in Cold War history, sparked by widespread economic despair, political repression, and a growing demand for freedom. Under the brutal rule of Mátyás Rákosi, Hungary became a totalitarian state marked by purges, censorship, and forced collectivization. Imre Nagy, a moderate communist with a quiet, unassuming presence, stood as a symbol of a more humane socialism.

The turning point came when Julia Royke, widow of a secret police founder, delivered a powerful public speech denouncing the regime, uniting intellectuals, workers, and citizens in protest. Dissent grew rapidly, with writers, students, and factory workers openly challenging the government. The public reburial of Rákosi and his allies at a massive ceremony ignited mass outrage, revealing the regime’s deep unpopularity.

As Soviet leader Khrushchev criticized Stalin’s excesses, Rákosi lost both legitimacy and support. He was forced to resign and fled into obscurity, marking the beginning of a revolutionary wave. Though ultimately crushed by Soviet forces, the events of 1956 demonstrated the power of popular resistance and the fragility of authoritarian rule, leaving a lasting legacy of hope for political freedom in Eastern Europe.

FAQs

Imre Nagy was a central figure in Hungarian politics, known for his loyalty to the Communist Party and his uncharismatic, steady demeanor. He played a key role in implementing land reforms and breaking the power of the nobility and Catholic Church, making him a symbol of progressive change in post-war Hungary.

Rakosi was the leader of the Hungarian Communist Party and a staunch Stalinist who enforced strict control through purges, secret police, and forced industrialization. He is portrayed as a ruthless and authoritarian figure who implemented harsh policies that led to widespread suffering and discontent.

The AVH (People's Police) was established to suppress opposition, arrest political dissidents, and eliminate rivals. It conducted mass purges, targeted intellectuals and former fascists, and used show trials to intimidate the population, creating a climate of fear and repression.

Julia Roik, the widow of executed communist secret police founder Lazlo Roik, delivered a powerful speech denouncing the regime, sharing her personal trauma and calling for justice. Her speech ignited mass support for reform and became a pivotal moment in the rise of dissent against Rakosi's rule.

Mass protests in Poland over poor living conditions and lack of political freedom inspired similar unrest in Hungary. This led to growing public frustration with the Hungarian regime and fueled demands for political change and reform.

Facing growing opposition and public dissent, Rakosi was forced to resign in 1956 and was sent to Kyrgyzstan for medical treatment, where he lived in obscurity until his death in 1971. His removal marked a turning point in Hungary’s political direction.

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