720. Revolution in the Soviet Empire: Revenge of the Red Army (Part 2)
1h 13m
The 1956 Hungarian Revolution was a pivotal moment in Cold War history, sparked by widespread demands for political freedom, better living conditions, and national independence from Soviet control. Initially led by intellectuals, students, and workers, the uprising quickly gained nationwide support, with people from all classes—peasants, factory workers, and public officials—uniting under the banner of freedom. Imre Nádor, a moderate communist leader, attempted to negotiate reforms, including the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the abolition of the secret police, and initially achieved public euphoria. However, these promises were undermined when Soviet forces, under Khrushchev's orders, launched a violent invasion to restore order. The crackdown was devastating, involving mass executions, tank attacks, and the destruction of cities, with over 2,000 Hungarians killed—many civilians and children—and tens of thousands injured. Despite global outrage, Western powers, including the U.S., took no direct action, fearing a broader conflict. The revolution ended with the installation of a Soviet-aligned regime under Janos Kádár, who was brought to power through force and appeared as a moderate reformer. Though crushed, the uprising had a lasting legacy, symbolizing resistance to authoritarianism and inspiring future movements. The episode draws parallels to modern issues of power, ethics, and the role of technology—such as Anthropic's focus on ensuring AI benefits ordinary people—by emphasizing how revolutionary change begins with bold questions and the courage to challenge the status quo.
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Since the early morning hours,
Russian troops are attacking Budapest and our population.
Please tell the world of the treacherous attack against our struggle for liberty.
Our troops are already engaged in fighting.
Help, help, help.
SOS, SOS, SOS.
The people have just overturned a tram to use as a barricade near this building.
In the building, young people are making Molotov cocktails and hand grenades to fight tanks.
We are quiet, not afraid.
Send the news to the public of the world,
and say it should condemn the aggression.
The fighting is very close now,
and we haven't enough guns in the building.
I don't know how long we can resist.
Heavy shells are exploding.
Above, jet planes are roaring.
A shell just exploded nearby.
Now there is heavy fighting in the direction of the National Theatre,
near us in the centre of the city.
In our building, we have youngsters of 15, men of 40.
Don't worry about us.
We are strong, even if we are a small nation.
When the fighting is over, we will rebuild our unhappy country.
So those were telex messages sent from the Hungarian newspaper Sobod Nap,
which, of course, as all of us who speak Hungarian know,
translates as a free people.
And it was sent to the Associated Press newsroom in Vienna
on the morning of Sunday, the 4th of November, 1956.
And then just before 11am, the line went dead,
and the newsroom in Vienna heard nothing more.
And Dominic, just one of the many tragic scenes from the denouement of the Hungarian,
which is a milestone in the Cold War, of course,
a turning point in the history of communism.
Although, I mean, how much of a turning point is interesting to debate?
And we will explore these issues in today's episode.
But first, could we have a reminder of what's going on?
Because people remember that our previous episode was dominated by the charismatic. Swashbuckling.
The great blaze of charisma
that was Imre Nodj.
And I looked up and I discovered it actually means Mr. Big.
So like in Sex and the City.
Or indeed, Live and Let Die.
Yeah, well, that reflects our different perspectives, doesn't it, Dominic?
It does indeed.
Also, I'll tell you who else it reminds me of is Jorg,
which is the name that Andrew Ridgely called George Michael.
Really?
Yeah, because it was Jorgios, Jorg.
Right.
Anyway, that's by the by.
Remind us who Nodj is, why he's such a hero.
Or is he?
And what's going on?
All right, we'll come to Nodj in just a sec.
Just the big context.
So last time we entered, didn't we, on the 25th of October, 1956.
And that was three days into this popular uprising against the communist regime
that had ruled Hungary since the end of the Second World War.
And the revolution was originally inspired by intellectuals and students.
So people with a lot of Polonex.
You can't leave it alone, can you?
I can't.
Even when they're heroic and fighting for freedom.
It's just a knee-jerk.
It's a knee-jerk thing now.
I know.
They're protesting against general repression and censorship.
But then it became amalgamated with the anger of factory workers and peasants,
people who had terrible working and housing conditions, low wages, high prices.
And they felt that they were just downtrodden and they weren't being heard.
And it shot through with this sense of Hungarian patriotism,
fury at their leader's slavish loyalty to the Soviet Union.
And that, of course, was symbolized by the presence on Hungarian soil of so many Soviet troops.
So last time.
Successive Stalinist leaders Matias Rakosi and Erna Gera were kicked out.
And the man at the top, your hero, this sort of walrus-moustached family grocer lookalike, Imre Nodz, Mr. Big.
And Nodz, to remind people, he's a very sort of stolid, dogged man.
He's a party loyalist.
He wants to save socialism, restore order.
He's also a moderate who has been arguing for a kinder, gentler,
more authentically Hungarian path to socialism.
So Nodz has been pulled in different directions.
And spoiler alert, the tension between those two things will have tragic consequences for him.
So as we heard last time, on the morning of the 24th of October, Nikita Khrushchev,
the kind of paramount leader of the Soviet Union,
ordered the Red Army to move into Budapest and restore order.
They ran into heavy resistance on the streets.
They lost five tanks and 120 men that first day.
And so as night falls on the 25th,
the second day, there are massive crowds on the streets.
They're singing the national anthem,
waving these Hungarian flags with the communist emblem cut out.
And they are building barricades in preparation for the Soviet attack.
Now, we've talked almost entirely about Budapest.
But actually, this is now a nationwide uprising.
So in cities and towns across Hungary, there are big demonstrations.
And they unite people of all classes.
So workers, peasants, policemen, intellectuals, public officials, army officers,
and so on.
And in the cities, people are producing independent newspapers.
They've taken over radio stations.
Workers have taken over factories.
They're organising public transport themselves.
Workers' councils are kind of taking charge of people's food,
all of this kind of thing.
And in the countryside, the peasants in the villages
are organising food supplies into Budapest to support the revolutionaries.
So Simon Hall, in his book on 1956,
quotes a building worker who was driving through rural,
western Hungary on the 26th of October.
And this building worker said, you know, wherever he drove,
he could see people flying Hungarian flags in the villages.
And peasants huddled around, you know,
the single radio set in the village to try to find out what was going on.
And as he points out in his book, Simon Hall,
there are often big differences between the workers in the cities
and the peasants in the countryside.
But what seems to unite all of these different people
is the single word freedom.
That's the word that comes up again and again.
And it has different meanings, freedom of speech,
freedom of assembly, political freedom,
or simply national freedom from what they see as the Soviet jackboot.
Now, of course, all revolutions have different sides to them.
You know, we've done however many episodes on the French Revolution.
There's idealism and enthusiasm,
but there's also often a spirit of destruction.
And this is true in 1956 as well.
So by this point, there were reports from across Hungary
of people destroying statues and war memorials,
tearing down the red stars from buildings,
breaking into communist party or secret police
headquarters and things and this is not a bloodless revolution far from it so the most
famous incident on the afternoon of saturday the 27th of october western journalists were
taken across the border from austria to a little town of tom not bad i mean well not good to be
fair i think it's it's a very long word but it's got magiar in it so i know what that means that
means hungarian yeah but you know what magiar is actually pronounced mojor is it who knew they did
victor orban knew i suppose yeah he'd know and indeed the new leader of hungary who's called
we call peter magiar but i think they would call mojar mojor anyway wow i mean you learn a lot on
the rest of history don't you people must be astounded how much they're learning when it's
delivered with such authority that's what people really like about the show they can rely on us
all these journalists taken to mosul mojorva and they're taken
to a place where they're not allowed to talk about what they're doing and they're taken to
a place where they're not allowed to talk about what they're doing and they're taken to a place
which is crowded with bodies and the reason it's crowded with bodies is this the day before a
thousand people had marched on the secret police headquarters in this little town to demand the
removal of the communist red star they said take the red star down and put the hungarian flag up
and the secret police commander at first seemed willing to talk and he was talking to the crowd
then suddenly he pulled out his pistol and he fired it in the air and this was a signal and his
men opened fire from the secret police building with machine guns and hand grenades at least 50
and the crowd were blown or blasted to pieces and the ground was strewn with their body parts
the survivors were not enormously pleased it's fair to say they went to the local army base and
they persuaded the soldiers to give them weapons and they came back and they laid siege to the
secret police building most of the secret police had fled but two of them two young men were
captured and lynched and there's a hideous description what happened to them in victor
sebastian's book on 1956 the crowd threw itself upon them they were beaten and they were killed
until their bodies were bloody objects then they were split into pieces as if this had been the work
of wild animals so this is not you know it's not just sort of a fun and games revolution but anyway
let's return to budapest and to our hero imre noj who is now established in the parliament building
as prime minister and he obviously has been cast as the national savior in this story as we said
he's torn between various different impulses he wants to defend the party he wants to restore order
he wants to save socialism but also he wants to stand up for hungarian national dignity
and he wants to unite the country behind a kind of positive vision and he has been talking to the
emissaries from moscow anastas mikoyan armenian and mikhail suslov the chief ideologue about what
concessions he can make and they have said to him look if this is what it takes tell people that
you're going to have non-communists in the government you know we'll move almost backwards
as it were towards a coalition so on the 27th of october that's what he announces a new cabinet
most of them communists but some of them from the old smallholders party but it's a very familiar
story in revolutions if he'd announced this week ago people would have said unbelievable what a
tremendous moment but on the 27th of october it's a little bit too little too late so there
were still huge crowds and no sign of the sort of fighting with the soviet troops dying down
on the 28th he offers more he says i will recognize the just demands of the people
i'll order the security forces to stop firing i will offer an amnesty to everybody who's been
involved in this and we'll do little symbolic things that will bring back the old national
holidays and the old national flag and on top of all that i'll abolish the secret police
and now a big thing he says all soviet troops will return to their barracks and then we'll
have talks with moscow on the full red army withdrawal
from hungarian soil because that has become the issue that is the sort of symbolic
center of this this has become the one thing around which all hungarians have now united we
want every last russian soldier off hungarian soil and so there's a parallel there with the
suez canal and the egyptian desire to see the british removed from the the zone exactly so
yeah so again three days ago this would have been absolutely enormous
is it enough fighting does start to die down the next morning and soviet units do start returning
to their barracks but now outside budapest there are a lot of kind of provincial councils that
work as councils that have been set up and they're keeping up the pressure and they say we want to see
the red army out immediately we want elections you know we want free elections so on the afternoon
of the 30th notch goes even further he says okay fine we'll abolish the one party communist
state i'm going to form an entirely new coalition government there'll be social democrats there'll be
people from the old national peasants party there'll be smallholders and communists i'm going
to start talks with moscow immediately about withdrawing all of their troops so basically
i'm giving you everything you want and it seems to work by the next day which is the 31st of
october so now the sewers crisis in egypt is in full swing
the egyptians um are fighting to hold back the israelis and the sinai britain and france preparing
to start their air attacks but in hungary there is a sense that the drama is coming to an end now
in fact on the streets there is now a sense of national euphoria they've won almost everything
they wanted they have new political parties they have new independent newspapers there is this great
sense of freedom budapest the capital is being run by a revolutionary council not led by communists
but led by
people from the old smallholders and social democratic parties and on the 30th of october
the new york times correspondent begins his report home with the words the hungarian people
seem to have won their revolution so an extraordinary story and there's more
extraordinary things to come because in moscow in the kremlin the soviet presidium
have been meeting every day to discuss the news from budapest and
contrary to the sort of stereotype which is they're all hard-faced you know militaristic
imperialistic repressive all of this most of the presidium agree we need to play this really
carefully what we don't want is for everybody in the rest of the world to see us as repressive
imperialists no heaven for fend but of course they don't see themselves that way this is it's
an important point to make right they do they genuinely don't see themselves that way of course
not so on the 30th of october when they're discussing it
march
marshal zhukov you know jason isaacs in the death of stalin the hero of the second world war
says we do not want to go down quote the military path of occupation we should have a negotiated end
to all this zhukov says to his colleagues we should withdraw troops from budapest and if
necessary we should withdraw from hungary as a whole i don't want to get into a massive war
with the hungarians if this is the way to keep them in the tent then this is what we'll do and
so that's even more important than the fact that we're not going to go down the military path
even in the kremlin release an extraordinarily conciliatory statement we want peaceful coexistence
friendship and cooperation with imran nodger's government we have ordered our troops back to
their bases and we are perfectly happy to talk to the hungarians about the red army leaving their
territory again the slight parallel with uh the british attempt to get the arab countries that
have been in the british empire to sign up to this new military kind of middle eastern nato
yeah i mean i i suppose
i'd never really thought of it that way but um i suppose you could i suppose you could say it that
way if you want it yeah why not i do i'm throwing that into the mix why not throw it into the mix
brilliant this is creative historical thinking happening on the hoof uh that's great yeah it's
a spontaneity i'm so electrifying that's podcasting it is this is elite podcasting right so the next
day the hungarians feel like they've won the 31st of october imran nodger addresses crowds in the
revolution of which you were the heroes has been won we are living in the first days of our
sovereignty and independence the next day the 1st of november in the white house the u.s secretary
of state john foster dallas who we met last time when we're talking about suez he briefs president
eisenhower he says as far as we can tell the soviet troops have definitively left budapest
and returned to their barracks brilliant we don't need to worry about this anymore we can completely
focus on suez and basically giving the british and the french a massive kicking the revolution
is over and the hungarians have won but have they because even as this is happening in moscow
khrushchev and his colleagues are having second thoughts on the morning of the 31st of october
they met as usual the presidium on the second floor of the kremlin senate building and they
met at this long table not quite vladimir's table but they met at this long table not quite vladimir's
table it's sort of bay's table khrushchev at the head everybody's sitting around and khrushchev
has not been sleeping he later said that hungary was like a nail being driven into my head
now it may seem weird to have sympathy for nikita khrushchev the reason for this is that he's only
really been soviet leader for about a year he emerged from a power struggle after the death
of stalin his position is still pretty insecure which again is so like eden isn't it i mean the
Well, I suppose this is all politicians though. All politicians tend to be anxious about their
rivals worried about being outflanked worried about looking weak but you know eden has succeeded
churchill chris jeff has succeeded stalin they're both looking to kind of flex their muscles to
you know show that they're strong they can't afford to allow yeah you know fractious provinces
to make them look weak it's a very fair comparison because they're the similar the anxiety about
looking weak which is so often an important thing in politics i mean these are both brilliant
examples of that aren't they and this is what's on khrushchev's mind this is why like eden actually
he can't sleep that's what made me think of it that's the spontaneity of top podcasting podcasting
gold so he's had his latest report from mikolyan and suslov in budapest and when khrushchev looks
at it he doesn't think oh brilliant this has ended wonderfully he thinks this is terrible
the communist party has basically fallen apart the factories across hungary have shut down
newspapers and radio stations have been taken over by rebels
and i quote the political situation in the country and in budapest is not getting better
it is getting worse that's not all at this point khrushchev has almost certainly we can't be sure
but almost certainly had reports of another massacre this time in budapest on the morning
of the 30th of october and basically what happened in this massacre there are a group
of revolutionaries that laid siege to the headquarters of the budapest kind of municipal
communist party which was occupied by secret police and party officials the secret police
started shooting at them and they hit some bystanders in the crowd including women then
there was a massive gun battle and the boss of the budapest party who was a friend of
imre nodge a close friend of nodge he brokered a ceasefire but while he was trying to organize
a kind of full surrender and the evacuation of the building insurgents broke into the
building and they shot him and they shot his bodyguards and then there was this horrendous
scene where the people in the building most of whom were young army officers or young
secret police officers were led outside it was captured by a photojournalist from life magazine
british journalist called john sadovi and you can see his pictures online and they are pretty
you know haunting these very young men are led outside most of them are absolutely absolutely
terrified and they are shot in cold blood in full view of the cameras at point blank range 23 of them
were shot in all their bodies were beaten and mutilated and then they were strung up again in
full view of the cameras and they were shot in the front of the cameras and they were shot in the
from trees and from lampposts and people spat on their bodies as sadovi the photojournalist said i'd
spent three years in the war meaning second world war but nothing i saw then could compare with the
horror of this so khrushchev has almost certainly got this report about this massacre happening to
kind of party officials khrushchev is is not a stranger to violence it's not like he's no he's
a shrinking violet or something but this plays on his mind as does the fact that he's getting
messages from other communist countries to say what on earth is going on in hungary so the chinese
for example are saying oh you lost your minds you know hungary is in complete chaos you're doing
nothing about it and even more significantly the other countries of the warsaw pact you know
czechoslovakia romania and so on east germany they're very worried if you open the door to
multi-party elections in hungary or people will want them in poland they want them in czechoslovakia
reports already of student protests in some of these places most notably romania which has a big
ethnic hungarian minority population there have been student protests in the city in the west of
romania not far from hungary called timisoara actually a city that plays a massive part in
the eventual revolution in 1989 and clashes with the security forces and so on so the kremlin is
under pressure from all these people and also when they look at it they say if they see everything in
terms of the wider balance of power so khrushchev now
they're all assembled there he says to his colleagues if we withdraw from hungary this
would encourage the american british and french imperialists they would interpret it as a sign of
our weakness and they would go on to attack and our party would not understand us besides egypt
we would be giving away hungary too so we have no other choice but to intervene so in other words
this goes back to your point tom that as with the british in suez the motivation is
if we don't do this we look weak and then we lose the rest of our empire what will other people think
of us we we don't want to necessarily get stuck in but we feel like we have to and of course because
suez has kicked off now that does make khrushchev's task a little bit easier the west are divided
and distracted the americans have basically massively fallen out with britain and france
so if we were ever going to crack down on hungary this is the time they would have done it though
do you think anyway even if suez hadn't been going on yes i think they might have done it later but i
think they would have done it anyway so khrushchev says to his guys okay forget what we said about
withdrawing troops let us take the initiative in restoring order we will flood hungary with
troops in the next few days i want this to be led by another second world war veteran
marshal ivan konyev we will crush the revolution we'll find a new hungarian leader not just waste
of space let's get someone we can really trust now there is one person who really
disagrees with him about all this and this is anastas mikoyan ice cream guy ice cream armenian
he flew in that night from budapest and he is stunned when he realizes that they have decided
to invade after midnight mikoyan rang khrushchev at home and he said you know basically got him
out of bed he said what are you doing i want let's have another meeting i want to make my
case we should not use force i'm dead set against this whole thing and khrushchev said to him
look we've made the decision we've established the timetable and we'd have to rip up the timetable
for intervention if we meet again our whole plan would be ruined i personally think we made the
right decision and you're wrong and then he hangs up communists they love a plan yeah but it's
interesting isn't it because i think a lot of people think of the communist leadership as
top-down repressive monolithic monolithic and here they're ringing each other at midnight having
sort of shouting matches even more khrushchev gets up the next morning they live he lives like
a mascot he gets up the next morning he walks to his car which is a kind of zil black limousine at
the end of the drive and who's by the car mikoyan who lives basically next door and mikoyan says to
him before you get in the car i'm telling you this is a terrible mistake it will undermine
soviet union it will undermine the image of communism if blood is shed i don't know what
i'll do with myself mikoyan says well i mean he's behaving better than mcmillan did
or selwyn lloyd yeah he is the harold mcmillan of this story but he's behaving much better
yeah that's absolutely true well actually there's another candidate to be the harold mcmillan which
we'll come to in a second and khrushchev says to him look you know everybody else is telling us
we've got to do this the poles the czechoslovaks the romanians the bulgarians even tito's telling
us we've got to do this do you think this is easy for me khrushchev says we have to act we
have no other choice and then he gets in the car and off he goes to work
now already rumors of the decision have started to reach budapest so as early as the 31st
of october there were reports that soviet engineers were building bridges across the river
that motorized units were crossing into hungary from the border with what's now ukraine and by
the next day the 1st of november there are more reports soviet troops far from returning to their
barracks are actually moving in to secure the airports and there are tanks and thousands of
reinforcements now coming across the borders from ukraine and romania and that morning notch calls in
soviet ambassador yuri andropov and he says what's all this what's going on on drop off is totally
impassive not an unfamiliar thing with a soviet or russian ambassador he's totally kind of stone
faced and he says just troop movements yeah routine troop movements before we withdraw all
our troops from your country and uh notch says i'm not sure you're telling me the truth
and if you don't stop this we will leave the warsaw pact immediately and later that afternoon
they've now got confirmation red army is crossing the border in force notch meets his cabinet and
they all agree fine we're going to withdraw from the warsaw pact we're going to declare hungary a
neutral country and they call and drop off back to tell him at five o'clock what do they think is
going to happen do they seriously think that they can just slip the soviet leash like that it's
really hard to say so it was often it's often said you see it repeated often in sort of popular
media and i think the point of them doing this i think in an odd way notch thinks this might
reassure the kremlin because if he says we want to be neutral we're absolutely going to be neutral
that might reassure them that he's not going to go over to the capitalist camp which might be their
fear i think that's mad and that may be the case but i think it's going to be the case that they're
maybe they would look like martyrs in the eyes of the world i suppose i mean you of course if you
were being really hard-headed if you were like that american professor john meersheimer who's
always going on youtube and saying ukraine should surrender to the russians or whatever the realist
then you would say the hungarians should have known that the soviet union was bound to crack
down on them and they shouldn't have provoked them to this extent they should have done basically what
the polls did and they should have done basically what the polls did and they should have done
sort of made it clear that they would stay in the embrace. But I think the revolution has
now got its own momentum and you know nudge is a prisoner of that momentum to some degree
anyway they've called and drop off in to tell him it's five o'clock in the afternoon and they say
we're gonna you know leave the warsaw pact and the new general secretary of the hungarian communist
party janos kardar we met him last time he is mercury guy yeah mercury he'd been tortured
exactly and he's seen as the sort of occupying the center ground of the communist party he's not
an ultra moderate he's not a stalinist he's kind of in the middle kardar is very emotional and he
says to andropov he says i have given my whole life to the communist party but if the soviets
attempt to intervene in hungary with the use of arms he says i will take to the streets with a
pistol myself against russian tanks and i would give my life for my country yeah very sort of
stirring stirring yeah like churchill you know if this long island story of ours should end
let us end only when we're all choking our own blood on the ground all this kind of thing and
drop off says i'm gonna have to report all this to moscow off he goes and when he's gone nudge
sent a telegram to the secretary general of the united nations who is of course dog homoshold
and he says can the un please um guarantee hungarian neutrality we're asking all the
great powers the united states soviet union britain and france
wait to see britain on that list i know i was just thinking why get in even as we're behaving badly
yeah but he knows that was just a blip um to guarantee hungarian neutrality and then at that
evening nudge goes on the radio and he says to the hungarian people we are now a neutral country
we're leaving the warsaw pact now invoking the united nations is actually never going to work
of course it's not going to work because the united nations is completely distracted
this is the first of november 1956 britain and france have launched their
air war against egypt the general assembly of the united nations is arguing about whether there
should be a ceasefire in egypt and actually when britain and france try to get change the subject
and get them to talk about hungary the u.s secretary of state john foster dollar says
this is a smokescreen i know what the british and french are up to quote they want the limelight off
them i think it's a mockery for them to come in with bombs falling over egypt and to denounce
the soviet union i want no part of it no the americans would never bomb
the middle eastern country of course the very idea of course but actually even if suez hadn't
happened the un would have done nothing in the west would have done nothing so the american
radio station american backed radio station radio free europe you know all this time has been
encouraging young people in poland and hungary rise up you know rise up against your oppressors
one day the forces of freedom will liberate the captive nations of eastern europe but the truth
of the matter is they're never going to do anything to help them because you know the risk of
making a third world war is too great i mean we'll maybe come back to this after the break
meanwhile in budapest the tragic denouement is fast approaching so it's now dawn on the
2nd of november there are 11 soviet mechanized divisions inside hungary the soviet troops are
taking control of the railway stations and bridges and junctions that they've taken control of all
the roads leading to budapest nudge is sending these increasingly sort of helpless plaintive
messages to the united nations and the great powers rather pointlessly he decides to reshuffle
his government so he's going to get rid of more communists and he's going to bring in more of the
opposition parties but not the hapsburgs bring the hapsburgs back wow that would be that is
absolutely the thing you should have done but while he is reshuffling his government one of
his aides says to him the former interior minister ferenc munich and crucially the communist
party general secretary janos kardar have vanished nobody has seen them since the meeting with
andropov the soviet ambassador last night we've been looking for them but we cannot find them
anywhere so what's happened to them i mean a lot hangs on that question um so we will find out
what's happened to them and the tragic end of this incredible story after the break
you
this episode is brought to you by anthropic and they're the team behind claude so dominic we have
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hello everyone and welcome back to the rest is history we ended the first half
on a cliffhanger for the ages because
with marshall connev soviet troops surrounding budapest poised to strike two of imre nodges
closest colleagues have vanished into thin air a case for chief inspector sandbrook with his
incredible mastery of hungarian brilliant thank you um and a detection indeed so one of these men
is ferenc munich so he was a veteran communist he'd fought as a prisoner of war for the bolsheviks
people might remember him he's only been a sort of very side character in this in the first episode
he was the bloke who gave the eulogy at loslo roik's funeral and said you know people have
been staggering out of the swamp of the cult of personality or something that's munich but the
other person most significantly has vanished is the party's general secretary yarnosh kardar
so we heard from him just a couple of moments ago telling the soviet ambassador andropov
that he would fight the russian troops and he would fight the russian troops and he would fight the
russian tanks himself he'd give his life for his country if he had to and you will remember him
from the last episode tom he was the friend of loslo roik mercury guy yeah who was smeared with
mercury you know who was at his fingernails pulled out tortured in prison for three years
and he is the person who is he's the other person who's vanished now kardar is an absolutely central
figure in modern hungarian history and he's a riddle wrapped in an enigma and he's the key
speaker in what happens at the end of 56 so it's worth us talking a little bit about him who is
this guy who's vanished he was born yarnosh sermonic in fiume which is now rieka in croatia
in 1912 you see i'm just looking at him yeah i think he's a lot better looking than roik
do you he's suave he looks got a kind of yeah he looks quite suave are you championing the wrong
man though tom that's the question we're going to find out well
people can be awful that is possible well we'll find out so this guy he was born sermonic his
father was a hungarian soldier in the imperial army in the austro-hungarian army and his mother
was a slovak servant girl they weren't married when he was born his mother followed his father
back to hungary and she was trying to persuade his father to do the decent thing and marry her
but he refused so she ended up living in a little village near lake boloton with her son yarnosh
and they were very poor and at the end of the first world war she moved to budapest and got
work as a cleaner a little yarnosh he left school at 14 he worked as a servant for a pig herder
he worked as a newspaper boy and delivery boy then he was homeless for a bit and then he became
an apprentice typewriter repairer then in 1928 yarnosh won a chess tournament he was 16 years
old and his prize was a book by friedrich engels called
anti-during oh goody goody mummy look what i've been given and it was a an explanation of i mean
the anti-during basically tries to establish marxism as a scientific creed to prove the
scientific truth of marxism when he lost his job in the depression he became a full-time
communist activist he was in and out of prison and his alias he decided to take the alias cooper
which in hungarian is kardar so this is how he became yarnosh kardar and he became very
close to this Blake Royke. They became great pals.
they were promoted together to the hungarian politburo at the end of the second world war
now there's a really interesting description of kardar i mentioned already a bloke called
sir brian cartledge who was the british ambassador to hungary and also to the soviet union in the
80s i think and he wrote has written this sort of definitive english language history of hungary
from start to finish massive book and he met kardar and he was he's really interesting about
him he says kardar was a personally very modest man he was low-key he spoke quietly and simply
kardar didn't think of himself as an intellectual he genuinely saw himself as the kind of spokesman
for the ordinary working people of hungary and cartledge said of kardar the key to him
was not ideological marxism he wasn't the it wasn't his loyalty to the ideology but his loyalty
to the institution to the party the true protector or so he believed of the interests and well-being
of the hungarian people so every other consideration quote including those of morality
and personal honor were subordinate for kardar to the interests of the party so this is the guy who
has vanished what had happened to him was this when he left that emotional meeting where he said
i'd rather die you know i will die if russian troops invade our country the other bloke munich
said to him i'm going to the soviet embassy i think you should come with me and we can continue
this conversation
with the soviet ambassador they went to the soviet embassy and there andropov said to them
look i'm going to level with you we aren't going to invade your country and it's a fait accompli
there's nothing you can do to stop it nodges game is up and he is done for he said and andropov said
listen i'll tell you what i'll do i'll fly you to moscow you can come with me you can talk to the
presidium yourselves in the kremlin you can tell them
what you think is going on in hungary and you can help us as soviet friends to sort it out
and they said okay you know who knows what's going on in kardar's mind there
when he gets on that plane but anyway he gets on the plane they fly to moscow they land in moscow
they're driven straight to the kremlin to meet khrushchev and the presidium
and as victor sebastian says in his fun book i mean it's weird to say fun book but it's a really
dramatic book about the hungarian revolution and he says i'm going to level with you you can tell
me what's going on in the revolution effectively what's happening here is the presidium are
interviewing him for a job as the new dictator of hungary but kardar doesn't seem to realize this
because he's unbelievably honest with them they say well what do you think about the revolution
he says well to be honest i kind of was for it because i'm a hungarian patriot and you know i
felt like we had to make some changes and everybody in hungary he says wants to see your troops out
we want to see the back of the red army me
he said to them they said well we're about to invade and he said well i think that's a very bad
idea don't send in the tanks i quote if you do this the morale of the communists will be reduced
to zero if order in hungary is restored by force the authority of the socialist countries will be
eroded see how much he cares always he's thinking about what's good for socialism what's good for
the party and how do they uh how do the russians take this well they're not i mean they're not
pleased to hear this right because he's telling them that what they're doing is wrong
khrushchev is still not sure is this guy the man khrushchev speaks to tito and tito says oh obviously
you should pick this guy the fact that this guy has stood up to you a little bit you know that's
exactly what you want this guy people in hungary will say he's patriotic he was tortured he was
smeared in mercury and people urinated in his mouth people in hungary know this and they won't
see him as just a stalinist puppet they know that he has suffered and they will give him a little
bit of leeway because of it
so the obvious question is why does kardar himself go along with this is this just treachery
from him lots of listeners may say well he sounds like a terrible person it's like
kind of marshall peter i suppose you could see it that way yeah i mean both peter and kardar would
say i mean by the way i i despise peter but both of them would say well country's on its knees
we were gonna lose anyway country's on its knees somebody had to step up and do the dirty work
yeah
to bring us back and i think reading about him his reputation in hungary today is very contested
but there are there are a lot of people actually who are remarkably sympathetic so i mean a lot of
critics of course but there are a lot of people who are also very sympathetic to him and they
would say listen he knows the revolution is doomed he just wants to do the best for the party and he
wants to rebuild his country so kardar was in moscow meanwhile in budapest you know the tension
is at fever pitch so by the evening of the second anniversary of the revolution he's going to be
the second of november the red army has encircled the city but the red army commanders are still
keeping up pretense this is going to be solved by negotiations and in fact the next morning on
the third of november senior soviet commanders arrived at the hungarian parliament they said
we just come to chat about the withdrawal of all our troops from your country
in fact the talks actually went quite well and they said well we'll continue the talks this
evening at soviet military headquarters at the tukul base which is south of budapest
and the hungarians sent their military officers their own commanders to this base
and of course you know what's going to happen they walked in they started the negotiations
clang yeah just before midnight door opens and a load of soviet kgb men walk in with carrying
submachine guns and they're under the personal command of the soviet kgb chief evan seroff
and these hungarian commanders are all put under arrest and just a few hours later
4 a.m marshal konyev issues the signal thunder 444 which is the code word to trigger operation
whirlwind and this is the basically the final occupation of budapest so immediately 60 000 red
army troops and thousands of tanks begin to move into the city and within an hour they are closing
in on the city center they are meeting some resistance as they did before but this time
they have come in such an overwhelming number of soldiers and they have come in such an overwhelming
numbers and they are absolutely determined they're not going to be taking any prisoners
now nudge could have ordered the hungarian army onto the streets to resist them to fight back
but he decides not to he decides it's pointless we're outnumbered we're outgunned i don't want
to waste people's lives and at 5 19 in the morning he goes on the state radio you can hear the gunfire
in the background as he's talking and he says this is the president of the council of ministers of
the hungarian people's republic today at daybreak soviet forces launched an attack on our capital
with the obvious intention of overthrowing the legal democratic hungarian government
our troops are fighting the government is in its place i am notifying the people of our country and
the world so a little bit kind of lodomir zelensky february 2022 kind of vibe to this you know the
government is in its place i'm not going anywhere but the difference is that kiev held out in 2020
but soviet troops are closing in very quickly on the parliament in budapest so a couple of hours
later nudge and his family and about 30 of his close colleagues accepted an offer of sanctuary
at the yugoslavian embassy at eight o'clock soviet tanks entered the parliament square
and at 807 radio koshut the state radio broadcast its last message it was a woman's voice help
hungary help help
and then it went off air and that's not to say it was all done and dusted right there
so marshal konev's men did encounter some resistance from about 15 000 factory workers
and students but this time unlike a week or so earlier the soviet troops were absolutely
merciless so whenever they encounter resistors they hammer them with their tanks and with their
machine guns there's artillery that is shelling kind of rebel positions there are
jet fighters strafing the city and there are western journalists on hand who are absolutely
stunned and horrified by the carnage so a writer for francois for example describes tanks aiming
at apartment buildings and just blasting them again and again six eight ten cannon shots the
houses blown apart and crumbled the inhabitants either killed or lie wounded on the ground
how do they compare to the british and the french and port said i think the british and the french
are i mean they they there are some civilian casualties but nothing not on this scale yeah
they're not they're not i mean for one thing they don't really have that many tanks and the tanks
are not just absolutely pounding people's apartment buildings in the way that they are here
so anyway by the evening of that first day konev's troops control most of the major
buildings and intersections and stuff in budapest there are some rebels left they hold on for a few
more days but the soviet troops just hammer and hammer at them if you look at the map of sort of
across a block of about two square miles there are entire blocks of the city that are effectively
destroyed shops apartment blocks churches hospitals even a children's clinic the streets
are strewn with bodies now one of the reporters there was a communist a british communist called
peter fryer who was reporting for the daily worker the newspaper of the communist party
at great britain and in his report he wrote for four days and nights budapest was under
continuous bombardment i saw a once lovely city battered bludgeoned smashed and bled into
submission and when he sent this and other reports home
to the Daily Worker. Not only did they refuse to print them, but the editor wouldn't let other
members of staff even see them. And Fryer was so horrified by this that he left the paper and,
of course, the Communist Party in protest. And we'll come back to this aspect of the story in a
second. So there are loads of heartbreaking appeals. I mean, you read one right at the
beginning. In the final hours, this is another one picked up by a Vienna monitoring station on
the afternoon of the 4th of November. It was the last message from another rebel radio station.
Civilized people of the world, on the watchtower of 1,000-year-old Hungary, the last flames begin
to go out. Soviet tanks and guns are roaring over Hungarian soil. Our women are sitting in dread.
They still have terrible memories of the Red Army in 1945. Save our souls.
But by the 11th of November, the guns have fallen silent. The revolution is definitively over.
So about 2000 to
700 Hungarians have been killed in the Soviet attack. More than half of those are civilians,
200 of them children, and tens of thousands injured. The Red Army lost about 700 men killed.
There's also a massive kind of refugee exodus. So about 200,000 people fled the country across
the borders into Austria or Yugoslavia. Some of them ended up in Britain and other European
countries, but most of them ended up in Canada and the United States.
Now, what's the rest of the world been doing? The rest of the world has been watching in horror,
and doing absolutely nothing, really. So there were big demonstrations across Europe
in most capitals. There were attacks on Soviet embassies in some very unexpected places in
Luxembourg, in Iceland, in Switzerland, and so on. There were lots of offers of help for Hungarian
refugees. So in Simon Hall's book, he describes some nice British examples, heartwarming British
examples. So there was a place called Donington Hall in Leicestershire, sort of a big country house
that turned itself into a camp for a hundred people. And there were a lot of people who were
Hungarian children. There was a building firm in Wolverhampton, which built a free house,
semi-detached house for a Hungarian family. So much Wolverhampton history. So much Wolverhampton
in this, but some would say not enough, frankly. I mean, if you obviously listen to the bonus
series, you've had a bit extra, but I think we could have had more.
The end of the year, Time magazine picked the Hungarian freedom fighter as man of the year.
So the Hungarians fought bravely against the most brutal tyranny on earth. And of Schiegen,
history's greatest despotism to its foundations. That actually ended up being Kermit the Frog's
voice. No, that sounded really good. Really? That was an excellent impression of a 1950s cold warrior.
Yeah. Now the most famous example of solidarity with the Hungarians,
the most sort of sentimental story comes at the Melbourne Olympics. So a bit of Australian
history on the podcast. And this is actually one of the most celebrated moments in the history
of the Olympics. So it's the blood in the water, water polo match. Are you familiar with this match
Tom? I'm ashamed to say I'm not. So it was the semi-final of the water polo and the Hungarians
were playing the Soviet Union. Oh goodness. And the crowd, there were loads of kind of
Hungarian Australians in the crowd. It was a very, very raucous occasion and it turned violent
in the pool, which is why it was called blood in the water. The Hungarians won 4-0,
turned into a massive brawl, including the crowd. And the Hungarians went on to win the gold medal.
And half of the team promptly defected, refused to go home. So it's been made into a film,
two films, actually, this story, one of which was shown to George W. Bush in the White House.
The obvious question is why, I mean, it's all very well to have these fine words and
water polo crowds, but why didn't the West give them any practical help?
Third World War? Third World War, of course. For the Hungarians though,
this played into a familiar theme. So in 1848, 49, they'd risen against the Habsburgs.
Their revolution,
it was then crushed by Russian intervention in 1849.
Well, we will be exploring the life of the Tsar who commanded that.
Yeah. Nicholas I, right?
Nicholas I, the gendarme of Europe.
Exactly. So the Hungarians, to some extent, this is a familiar story for them. You know,
they try to rise up, people offer, you know, well-meaning sentiments,
but they don't offer practical help.
I mean, I suppose the Iranians might say the same.
I think there are probably quite a few,
people who might say the same, actually, Chinese in 1989, right?
So what was Eisenhower doing in all this?
Eisenhower actually told his Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles,
send a message to Moscow and tell Moscow, we do not see the Hungarians as potential allies.
Don't worry, we are not behind all this. You know, we're not doing this as a balance of power,
move against you, all of this. Now, of course, as the Hungarians themselves said,
looked a little bit hypocritical because the Americans, all through the late 40s and 50s,
had been talking about, you know, we're not doing this as a balance of power,
we're not talking about how they would help the captive nations of Eastern Europe,
and yet when it came to it, they would do nothing.
This is actually what John Foster Dulles himself said in late October.
Dulles said to his colleagues in Washington,
it will be said that here are the great moments,
and when they came and these fellows were ready to stand up and die,
we were caught napping and we did nothing.
I think he's not necessarily wrong. So the West did nothing,
the revolution lost, and what happened next, just to tie up the story.
So the revolution lost, and what happened next, just to tie up the story.
On the morning of the 4th, after the operation to retake Budapest had begun,
Kardar read a radio address to the Hungarian people.
He said, the revolution began, you know, it's an honest and patriotic thing,
but it's been taken over by reactionaries and fascists.
So I'm assuming power at the head of an emergency worker peasant government.
I've asked the Red Army to help us crush the sinister forces of reaction,
and after that, I promise the Red Army will leave.
And he was then escorted into Budapest by Soviet tanks,
sworn in as prime minister, and installed in the parliament building,
which has actually survived relatively unscathed from gunfire.
Now, at first, Kardar's authority and credibility are pretty much non-existent.
So he basically tries to win over people by appearing to be moderate.
In his first big speech, he promises them higher wages.
He says, I'll bring in. He makes a series of other promises.
He says, don't worry, I won't bring back the secret police.
And there won't be any witch hunt against the people who were in the revolution.
And actually, when the dust has settled, Kardar says,
we can have a multi-party system, and I'd love to have us. I'd love to see us have free elections.
That'd be really nice.
And what about the Nodzta?
The Nodzta is still. He's still in the Yugoslav embassy.
He's sheltering the Yugoslav. And Kardar says, listen, you know, I know that the Nodzta didn't want this to all go down as it did.
He is absolutely free to come out.
We won't pursue him.
He should just come out and retire to private life.
And obviously, no one would do anything to him.
Now, does Kardar mean this?
It's really impossible to say whether this is completely disingenuous or whether he's later reacting to pressure.
But what definitely happens is this.
He doesn't fulfill any of these promises.
He does bring back the secret police.
He begins to crack down on dissidents within weeks.
And above all, Kardar agrees to a Soviet plan to winkle Nodzta out of the Yugoslav embassy.
He sends Tito a letter.
And he says, look, if Nodzta and his friends come out, we will give them a safe conduct back to their families.
So on the 22nd of November, Nodzta and co. leave the Yugoslav embassy and they get on this big bus.
And to their horror, it turns out the bus has been organized by the KGB.
They're driven to a military academy.
They're told to get off the bus.
And then they're flown to Romania.
And in Romania, they're held under house arrest.
Meanwhile, so we're now well into the autumn and winter of 1956.
Kardar is coming under pressure from other communist governments.
Can you crack down a bit more, please?
Crack down harder.
In fact, in January 1957, a load of other Warsaw Pact leaders visited Budapest and said,
we've come here to show solidarity with you, but also to encourage you.
Stamp out all dissent, please.
So he does as he's encouraged.
He bans non-communist parties.
He bans workers' councils.
He shuts down the Writers' Association.
Oh, he's having a crack at the poets.
He's having a crack at the poets, exactly.
And he sets up new people's courts to try people for political offenses
with the power of imposing the death penalty.
And the most high-profile victim.
No!
I hate to break this to you.
Not Nodz.
Our old friend, Imre Nodz.
Friend of the show.
Oh, dear.
He's for the chop, I'm afraid.
So it was always thought that Kardar moved against him
because he was under pressure from the Kremlin.
But actually, in his book, Victor Sebastian makes the case
that actually Kardar decided to get rid of him himself
because Kardar thought, I will never be secure.
Order and stability will never be entrenched
as long as the Nodzster is out there inspiring people.
With his charisma and his powers of oratory.
So, in March 1957, Hungarian police traveled to Romania
and they arrested Nodz and co.
and they brought them all back to Budapest.
Now, Kardar couldn't quite decide.
He dithered for months.
Couldn't decide what to do with Nodz.
Nodz would not confess.
He wouldn't admit that he'd done anything wrong.
So a show trial was a bad idea.
So eventually, they put him on trial behind closed doors for treason.
The verdict, of course, is a foregone conclusion.
And poor old Nodz is sentenced to death.
And he gives a very good speech.
So very dignified, moving.
final statement why don't you read his final statement thomas since you're such a big fan of
the man my sole solace is my conviction that sooner or later the hungarian people and the
international working class will exonerate me of the grave accusations as a consequence of which
i must sacrifice my life but i offer it willingly after all that has happened it has no value any
longer i realize that there will be another imre nodge trial at which i shall be rehabilitated
and three times as many people will come to my re-interment as went to reich's
my only dread is that my eulogy will be given by those who betrayed me
so i think you could if you'd done that in a different voice it would be really moving
but it's quite moving i mean he's a you know he's he's a drab guy who has no powers of oratory
whatsoever yeah but it's still moving he's a dogged and decent man who tried to do his best
do you want me to give it a bit more zip no i think you've you've made your choice you've
made a you've made your dramatic choice and you've got to own it i think it's great to have
a drab uncharismatic figure yeah at the center of such dramatic events and i don't think it
diminishes the pathos of his end hungarian listeners who are poised to write in and complain
listen to what tom just said tom is saying that this terrible impression that he gave
is actually to nod his credits and that just shows how much we value him yeah you know a lack
of charisma in many ways is an appealing characteristic in a politician i think
so kia starmer joins us on the show it's the charismatic politicians who are always the
dangerous ones you're not wrong there so anyway notch and two of his colleagues were hanged on
the 16th of june 1958 and they were buried face down in an unmarked grave very sad and there were
some of 341 people executed in five years after 1956 as kardar tightened his grip there were 20,000
people imprisoned or interned tens of thousands of people lost their jobs and some were even
deported to the soviet union
and yet the paradox is that kardar did crack down and he did execute people and put people in prison
and yet at the same time his version of communism was much more moderate than what had gone before
so he's trying to win the hungarian people over he gives them pay increases he borrows a lot of
money abroad to try to improve their living standards and by about 1962 so that's about
five or six years after the revolution he's adopted a much more conciliatory line
so for example you don't have to be a communist in hungary to hold a sort of senior administrative
position and tom great news for you um in the first half remember i said all the um because
of your gentry background or the massive handicaps under which your family would have to operate
no more under kardar your middle-class children can go to university oh well i'm rallying to
kardar then yeah i mean just to say i think i don't think i have a gentry background i don't
have a gentry background i am after all of humble mining stock
sure but you're not a marxist are you and kardar would have wanted to appeal to you because he said
in 1962 i want to appeal to hundreds of thousands of people who are not marxists but who respect
our party and our government for having created a legal order and a normal atmosphere in the
country so is is hungary then the best place to be in the 60s do you think yes 60s 70s
80s apart from yugoslavia hungary is definitely the most liberal of the communist countries
so kardar's ethos his slogan his most famous saying those who are not against us are with us
that's a great slogan which is you know basically you don't have to be a communist you don't have
to like it but as long as you don't do anything it's fine and we'll look after you and this is
the ethos tom of something called goulash communism yeah great so if you like goulash you're laughing
so basically what this involves if you're hungarian you have to accept the communist party's
monopoly of power and you have to accept the alliance of the soviet union and if you just
accept those two things you know the party's not going to repress you particularly or i'm not going
to force you to live the sort of gray drab life that you might get somewhere else so you can go
to church you can travel to the west you have a bit more freedom there's a bit more free speech
you have more washing machines than other people
in the warsaw pact so it always comes back to washing machines so right up until the late
1980s when this all fell apart hungary was known as the happiest barracks in europe because of its
more liberal regime so is this being a terrible story of failure and misery not necessarily so
i mentioned brian cartledge and his massive history of hungary is massive history of hungary
is called the will to survive and it's all about kind of hungarian resilience and he sees the
as a sort of landmark in that story it's actually something to be proud of rather than as a failure
i mean it sounds like it was successful if you yeah you're getting your goulash and
well it basically gives you you've had a terrible time hungary's had a terrible history in the first
half of the 20th century you know fascism the holocaust occupation all of this and this is
something even though it lost it gives the hungarians something to be proud of they've
been able to wave their national flag sing their hymns
they've they've rediscovered what cartilage calls their national self-respect and actually
the big loser from all this is not hungary the big loser is soviet communism because the hungarian
revolution you know you were saying was it a turning point this deals an irreparable blow
to the moral image of soviet communism so until even in the 1950s there were people who said
you know stalin was an aberration actually
you know don't forget it was the red army who won the second world war communism is still the best
hope for a more equal kind of future all of this kind of thing but after 1956 and communist parties
across europe and indeed america intellectuals walk out and they say i can't stomach this you
know the soviet repression of the hungarian revolution was the final straw so people like
e.p thompson the great historian in britain italo calvino in italy even jean-paul saar
who was usually wrong about absolutely everything condemned the soviet invasion of hungary and said
that just shows the soviet union for what they are so i think up till 1956 there were loads of
left-wing idealists who were still idealizing the soviet union romanticizing it but after 1956
never again eric hobsbawm does doesn't he i think eric hobsbawm does but of course the reason that's
so well known is that eric hobsbawm is an outlier in staying loyal to the party when so many other
people say this is intolerable this is too much
yeah and i mentioned that guy peter fryer the reporter for the daily worker he wrote a brilliant
book all of which is online called hungarian tragedy and in the conclusion to that book he
writes as follows he says we british communists who visited hungary did not admit even to ourselves
the truth about what was taking place there we defended tyranny with all our heart and soul
this is before 56 but now he says we should admit what soviet communism has meant for eastern europe
hypocrisy without limit medieval
cruelty dogmas and slogans devoid of life or meaning national pride outrage poverty for all
but a tiny handful of leaders who lived in luxury well i think he's being harsh on the middle ages
there to be honest when is he writing that 1956 1956 right he's saying you know we have pretended
that this was great and actually let's be honest it's terrible and uniquely in the history the rest
is history i'm going to give the last word to the new york times so the new york times said
the hungarians have put a lot of pressure on the people of hungary and they've put a lot of pressure
put a brand upon communism as a philosophy of life and government from which it can never
recover and amazingly for once the new york times was right well the new york times is often right
i mean it does it runs excellent profiles of british historians it does it does it's always
right when it does that yeah so thank you dominic that was that was tremendous um and is there a a
sporting angle on this story perhaps featuring a wolverhampton yes so a lot of people have said
a lot of people may may be saying i'd like to hear more about hungary and i'd like to hear it from
somebody who leans even more into mad hungarian names than dominic did it's such a man is he is he
part of your contact book he is and he's also part of yours so he's a man you play cricket with
he is the world's greatest football writer jonathan wilson and jonathan wilson has written
the definitive history of hungarian football using football as a lens through which to understand all
kinds of interesting things and to understand all kinds of interesting things and to understand
about hungarian history so jewish hungarians coffee houses the holocaust the cold war all of
this kind of stuff is there in his tremendous book and we have done a bonus series with jonathan
wilson exploring really two stories one is the mighty magyars football team of the 1950s the
greatest football team of the time and what happened to them and how they were affected
by the hungarian revolution but also how their most celebrated opponents so that the the honved
team played a very famous match in 1954 against then the greatest team in the world the greatest
club side in the world the champions of the world some would say which was wolverhampton
wanderers and in doing so they invented europe so this bonus series explores these incredible
issues and only club members can get that treat can get that treat yeah incredible scenes and
you went on location didn't you we did to budapest and to wolverhampton and to molyneux absolutely i
- Unbelievable.
- The glamor, the exotic glamor.
of it all incredible okay so next time this um past series we featured the british and the french
teaming up and yeah launching a disastrous military expedition and we have featured the
russians behaving badly and i'm delighted to say that in our next series the same themes will be
reappearing um but in a slightly more aristocratic ambiance because we are going to be looking at
the charge of the light brigade lord cardigan lord lucan lord raglan there are a lot of lords
there's a lot of disastrous blunders um it's all going to kick off uh and it's going to be great
fun so the crimean war we're focusing very much on the charge of the light brigade okay which is
the most glamorous incident in the in the crimean war and it's a total debacle but a glorious
debacle and club members will be able to get all four episodes on monday
and if you're not a club member then go to the rest of history.com but for now thank you dominic
thanks everyone for listening bye-bye bye-bye
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Podcast Summary
Key Points:
The 1956 Hungarian Revolution began as a peaceful uprising against communist rule, fueled by demands for freedom, better living conditions, and national sovereignty.
Imre Nádor, the de facto leader, initially sought compromise, promising political reforms and the withdrawal of Soviet troops, reflecting a desire to balance order and national independence.
Soviet forces, under Khrushchev's orders, invaded Hungary to crush the revolution, despite initial diplomatic efforts, after realizing the uprising threatened Soviet control.
Key figures like Janos Kádár were captured and brought to Moscow, where they were pressured into supporting the Soviet takeover, highlighting internal contradictions within the communist leadership.
The Soviet crackdown was brutal, resulting in thousands of deaths, mass displacement, and the destruction of much of Budapest, with minimal international intervention.
Despite widespread global condemnation, Western powers, including the U.S., refrained from direct military action due to fears of a broader third-world war.
The Hungarian resistance, including youth and civilians, demonstrated unwavering patriotism, with symbolic acts like destroying Soviet symbols and organizing barricades.
The revolution ultimately failed, but it became a defining moment in Cold War history, exposing the limits of Soviet influence and inspiring future anti-authoritarian movements.
Summary:
The 1956 Hungarian Revolution was a pivotal moment in Cold War history, sparked by widespread demands for political freedom, better living conditions, and national independence from Soviet control. Initially led by intellectuals, students, and workers, the uprising quickly gained nationwide support, with people from all classes—peasants, factory workers, and public officials—uniting under the banner of freedom. Imre Nádor, a moderate communist leader, attempted to negotiate reforms, including the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the abolition of the secret police, and initially achieved public euphoria.
However, these promises were undermined when Soviet forces, under Khrushchev's orders, launched a violent invasion to restore order. The crackdown was devastating, involving mass executions, tank attacks, and the destruction of cities, with over 2,000 Hungarians killed—many civilians and children—and tens of thousands injured. , took no direct action, fearing a broader conflict.
The revolution ended with the installation of a Soviet-aligned regime under Janos Kádár, who was brought to power through force and appeared as a moderate reformer. Though crushed, the uprising had a lasting legacy, symbolizing resistance to authoritarianism and inspiring future movements. The episode draws parallels to modern issues of power, ethics, and the role of technology—such as Anthropic's focus on ensuring AI benefits ordinary people—by emphasizing how revolutionary change begins with bold questions and the courage to challenge the status quo.
FAQs
The 1956 Hungarian Revolution was a nationwide uprising against Soviet-backed communist rule, symbolizing a struggle for national independence and freedom. It highlighted the tension between popular demands for political reform and the Soviet Union's efforts to maintain control, ultimately resulting in a violent suppression by Soviet forces.
Imre Nádor was the Prime Minister of Hungary during the revolution. He was a loyalist communist who tried to balance nationalist ideals with party loyalty, initially gaining support for reforms but later being forced to surrender to Soviet demands, which led to his political downfall and the eventual Soviet invasion.
The Soviet Union launched a military intervention in November 1956 to crush the Hungarian uprising. Soviet forces overwhelmed Hungarian resistance, bombed cities, and killed thousands, including civilians. The revolution was violently suppressed, and Hungary was reinstalled under Soviet control.
Hungarian citizens demanded the withdrawal of Soviet troops, political freedom, freedom of speech, and the end of communist repression. They sought national sovereignty and a government that represented their will, not Soviet interests.
The West, including the U.S., feared a wider conflict that could escalate into a third world war. Despite public sympathy, they chose not to act, citing Cold War containment strategies and the risk of escalating tensions with the Soviet Union.
János Kádár, a moderate communist who had been tortured and imprisoned, was installed by the Soviets as Hungary’s new leader. He initially claimed to represent the revolution’s ideals but quickly aligned with Soviet interests, leading to a new era of repressive rule under communist control.
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