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Nate Silver Predicts: Democrats Take the House, Newsom Is Fading & AOC Might Win It All in 2028

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Nate Silver Predicts: Democrats Take the House, Newsom Is Fading & AOC Might Win It All in 2028

Partisanship is the central driver of U.S. elections, with deep polarization making outcomes highly predictable in most states—43 of 50 show 97% confidence in 2028 results. This is not due to fraud but to entrenched party loyalty and systemic voting behavior, such as Democrats voting by mail later than Republicans. California’s lengthy ballot-counting process fuels perceptions of irregularities, though no evidence of widespread fraud exists. Instead, differences in turnout timing and voter demographics—particularly among younger, progressive populations—explain statistical shifts in outcomes. The political divide is further fragmented into ideological subgroups: within Democrats, there are left-wing socialists, centrist economy-focused liberals, and resistance voters who support strong partisan identity. Republicans have shifted from traditional elites to populist movements. Nate Silver emphasizes that the U.S. political system remains decentralized and slow compared to global standards, with voting delays and algorithmic social media feeds amplifying polarization. Despite this, he sees a growing demand for functional, pragmatic governance—highlighted by New York’s mayor Gavin Newsom, whose hands-on, positive leadership resonates with voters. In the 2028 election cycle, Democrats are favored to retain control of the House and Senate, though risks remain in red states like Maine. External factors such as gas prices and geopolitical tensions could influence outcomes, but the overall trend points to a system where partisanship and voter behavior remain the primary determinants. The data suggests that while ideological shifts are occurring, the structural power of partisanship ensures political stability through predictable, though increasingly polarized, outcomes.

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Partisanship is the gravity that dictates every election in the US, right? Like my job, don't worry, I will get criticized if we say, oh, whatever, Gavin Newsom or AOC is a 55% favorite and they lose. But 43 of the 50 states stated, we could probably predict right now with 97% confidence who they'll vote for in 2028. And it's not because of rigging, it's because polarization and partisanship are very powerful forces that we can't seem to escape from. Starting a business usually means juggling a bunch of different services just to look legit. Not anymore. With Northwest Registered Agent, you get a complete business identity all in one place. A business address, domain, website, phone number, and more. With privacy protection built in from day one, don't spend hundreds or thousands on services you can get from. Northwest for free. Visit northwestregisteredagent.com slash all in free and start using free resources to build your business today. All right, everybody, welcome back to the all in interview program. We are delighted today to have the one, the only Nate Silver on the program, gambler, statistician, podcaster, sub stacker, go subscribe right now for a hundy, quick hundy at Silver Bulletin. Over at sub stack. It's a great sub stack. How are you doing, brother? Nice to see you with your Knicks hat on. I'm good. You know, I think I have like one more week to wear the Knicks hat. It's a little bulky, not super podcast video friendly, but I, you know, once in 53 years, once in my lifetime, at least. Did you go to any of the playoff games? I went to a bunch of the Philly series. I went to, um, I think as Jason did, I was in Philly for like the New York city takeover of Wells Fargo arena, where the hell it's called now. Infinity or something. Um, I went to the Trump game, which was not the right game to go to, but I wanted to be there. I wanted to kind of cover it for my readers. I felt like it was a moment where New York might triumph out of this shit show that it was to get into the arena. Um, it was a little bit different. You had to show up what, two hours early to get in? Three hours? I am, I am not a particularly prompt person. No, I got, I'm not, wasn't going to miss. So I got there at like six, six Oh five for an eight 30 game lined up. You're supposed to get in on sixth Avenue and 33rd. And I was like, I'm not going to miss. I'm not going to miss. I was like on sixth and 30th or 29th. It wasn't the worst. It wasn't the least efficient process I've ever seen. New York has a way of getting things done and you just kind of like follow people. And, and once you get in, I mean, it was like literally TSA security. They like literally like look at your wallet by hand and they take your lighters and, and, and your pens and your vapes and everything like that. And, uh, once you get in, it was pretty normal. I did feel like the crowd was a little bit fatigued by the second half, which was a choppy second half where there were some, you know, questionable officiating decisions. I actually, did you bet any of the games and like, did you find the odds were off anywhere? I had the Knicks to win the Eastern conference finals. And then after they wrapped up their series, I bet them, uh, to win the finals against either OKC or San Antonio. So I actually, I, the ticket was not cheap. I paid, it would not cover Jason's tickets, but I was able to cover, uh, cover my 200 level bowl seat with the profits from, from those non Homer bets. I thought the Knicks were legitimately. Overlooked in the East. And when you see a team that wins like that game against Atlanta, where we were up, like literally like 77 to 22 at some point or something, like I'm like, as somebody who like studies this stuff and builds models to see that kind of signature significance for that level of dominance over whatever it was, four rounds, the playoffs, like that's, that's real. That's like not noise. Do you bet prediction markets or how do you bet? Big Tony, if, if you are, I don't bet through big Tony, if you are someone who's perceived that way. So I've been limited by draft Kings and, and MGM, a lot of the, uh, traditional retail sports books limit you. The prediction markets do not, I consult for probably market, I should say. So if you're a sharp better, I have other issues, believe me with the prediction markets, but if you are a sharp better than it becomes easier to just concentrate your activity on the prediction markets where, you know, you have very smart people, you have hedge funds. You're probably making bets in these markets more and more, but yeah, more, more and more. I don't want to go through the rigmarole of like, can I even get my money down? So I've. I will admit I've gravitated toward, toward those. Yes. And, uh, when you look at this team, what do you attribute? Cause obviously during the season, it was up and down. We were 15 games from the end of the season. People were like, Hey, we got to trade for Giannis. We got to get cat outta here. But in January, February, we had this incredible run where we had used cat as the set point center. And then we backed off of it. And I was on Nick's fan TV talking with like the real deep folks and there was speculation, like. And they were like, let's hold this play. Mike Bronson, let's hold cat at the point from, you know, until the playoffs. Cause we know it works so good, but what makes this team so special? Is it the wings? Is it just Brunson's grit? Is it the three point shooting across the team? Selflessness, ball movement. There's so many things people talk about here with this team. I think it's Mike Brown and cat. I'm not saying the most important components of the next, I'm saying there, those are the deltas where things changed the most. On defense, a couple of things. Number one, you have, I love Jalen Brunson, might be my favorite player. He's not a terrific one-on-one defender. He gets a few seals, but like he's undersized the low center of gravity somehow doesn't work on defense as well. But like every other defender of the Knicks, including towns, which is a dissent, dissented point of view are, are at least average, if not better. And so like kind of figuring out that system, by the way, when you rely on a defensive system that requires high effort and transition play. Not play. You're playing your guys 37 minutes per game against like the Charlotte Hornets in the regular season. Probably a smart move. Yeah. This is why Tim's had to go. When you look back on it, Tim's going who ground these guys into submission for three seasons. And they were, yeah, it was like we were down one, two or three starters for every round of the previous playoffs. Yeah. Yeah. I remember going to the Indiana, I guess game seven of the semifinals against Indiana in 2024. You kind of see like OG was hobbling around out there. I guess Josh Hart kind of valiantly. Yeah. He played and you're like, these guys are like an infirmary ward and especially because you're relying on smart, high effort defense. So that part of defense and low key, they became like a much better defensive team in the second half. Right. I remember also going this year to the Knicks nets game in December, January, not the most fun part of the year in New York where where they had lost like seven out of nine games. And there was all the talk about like cat being traded. And I just wanted to go and check out the vibe. I actually bet on the Knicks to win by like 15 points or more because I thought this is either going to be like the beginning of the end for this regime or it's going to be a turnaround game against, you know, a team that's trying to lose, frankly, across town rebels trying to lose. And the fans were like pretty tolerant of cat. They wound up winning by like 60 points or something totally absurd or held the nets of one of the lowest scores in the modern NBA era. And like that team from there. They, by the way, they won the NBA cup, but like in the second half, they had something like the fifth best defense in the NBA. They had the best defense in the NBA in the playoffs, maybe not sustainable, but like, but that on defense and then cat presenting, like, again, like I love Jalen Brunson. The offense can be a little bit predictable, maybe in clutch possessions. Yeah. And it's amazing that Jalen Brunson, I mean, he shot like 53% between 16 and 22 feet, which is kind of insane. Given that, you know, what's coming. It's like Marian Rivera's like cut fastball, you know, what's coming. But just to have more optionality and variety in the offense and to have more ball movement. So to have those two spontaneous things happen, the coaching system led improvement on defense, plus like cat having a revelation, like I think he's like one of the 15 best players in the league. He was like, yeah, he's a really good player. And so those two things combined. They, you know, a little bit unusual for a veteran team, granted, but spontaneous improvement on both sides of the ball, coupled with the Knicks, by the way, have the most playoff games out of any team in the past four years, more than Boston, more than OKC, a lot more than San Antonio. There is empirical evidence that playoff experience does matter. This comes up in poker too. If you are in your first big tournament and maybe you're rated the GPI number one player, and you're playing in the main event of the world series of poker. Nerves are a thing. Even in golf, nerves are a huge thing. It's a physical ordeal, almost. And like you're operating a different operating system and to have had experience in a lot of high stakes games, not all of which were wins, but like it really does. It really does help. And when those two comebacks from the Pacers game from the Boston games where we just broke their backs last year, that I think made it obvious to anybody when we're down 10, 15 points. That's not a lead against the Knicks. That's not a lead against the Saints. That's not a lead against the Panthers. like a real election. Take us through what happened in your estimation in California with Spencer Pratt, fraud, just mail-in ballots. Yeah, that was just the LA election, Jason, just to be clear. Yeah, just to go with LA, but go ahead, build on it. Yeah. The question that I wanted to talk to you about, Nate, is when you look at the in-person return data, and then you look at the early mail-in data, and then the late mail-in data, where suddenly Nipia Rahman has this massive surge, and there's this huge statistical difference as the ballots start to get counted in the days and weeks that follow, she wins. It seems very improbable that there's a true statistical difference in the population that might be in-person, mail-in early, and mail-in late. And I just wanted to get your read on that. So I'd say, I think there's no evidence of fraud is the short summary version. The mistake that can be made is to assume that each ballot, like, comes in a different way. And I think that's a big mistake. independently, when there are systematic differences between groups and when they tend to cast their ballots. So Democrats have long been encouraged to vote by mail. Actually, it used to be more of a Republican thing, but under Trump, who discouraged mail voting in 2016 and 2020 and 2024 to some extent, that shifted. So look, I think California's system is completely unacceptable. I've done some consulting work on the Indian election where you like literally have polling stations in the Himalayas and they actually stagger their elections. But once election day happens, they count their vote within 24 hours. I think it's ridiculous and very failed state that California takes longer than that. But if you have one party who systematically tends to vote later, also Democrats in both the L.A. race and the governorship had more of a choice to make. You know, it wasn't clear, you know, for a while it looked like Eric Swalwell was going to was going to win and then Katie Porter and then and then, you know, Becerra finally emerges. Becerra, like, look, my dad is from L.A. I spent a lot of time in California and I am all on board with the criticisms of how the state is being governed, at least in parts of the state. I was in San Diego for New Year's and beautiful time of year to be in San Diego and like you can like literally run on the sand and the beach and everyone's kind of like hot and you have good fish tacos and everything else like that. I kind of understood the California. Of like my youth or my dad's youth or whatever else, understand the appeal of the state. And I understand why L.A. and SF, I think L.A. in particular kind of never really recovered from the pandemic. We can talk about that at the same time. It's a very partisan state. We have very partisan Democrats like Kamala Harris and Gavin Newsom who emerged from the state. We saw in the redistricting referendum, I guess it was in twenty twenty five, how like you can debate with this good idea or not, but like that traced with a Democratic march in a presidential year. very strongly even though for many years democrats had been the party against gerrymandering um it's a capital d democratic state it's not an idiosyncratic blue state like maine or something and like so like to expect even a very talented republican like spencer pratt to win the mayorship i mean even in new york we have a bit more heterodoxy historically we've had a you know socialist mayor we've had michael bloomberg and really gianni in recent years too california is not that way it's much more of a a machine state but when you look at that statistical difference i i get the idea that democrats mail in ballots and they show up late but when you look at the overwhelming votes for nipia rahman over karen bass that happened late in the counting cycle versus early in the counting cycle and the statistical kind of shift in the counting cycle and the statistical kind of shift in the counting cycle and the shift over that happened and you look at the difference between in person and mail-in being so statistically different and i get your point about republicans are more likely to go in person and maybe you can make that leap there but the difference in accounting that happened over time the ratio just seemed so different between rahman and bass and then people bring up this idea of ballot harvesting where there were homeless people from skid row and the number of ballots that came from that particular region in the late mail-in was kind of concentrated for nipia rahman do you get a sense of the difference between this idea of ballot harvesting where there were homeless that that actually is a true representation of individual voters and how they individually voted in that election i think the california vote count is an accurate tally of the votes that were cast i mean yeah look and we're going to mail in were they cast by the individuals that were supposed to cast them right this is one of the theories is that there's ballots that are getting filled out on mass in these ballot harvesting efforts or people walk around and they say hey fill out this ballot for this person and here's a free lunch or i don't know what's going on but like there's all these videos i don't know if they're true or not i think there is propaganda around this i also think that like mail and voting provides some verification challenges in different ways uh you know i don't inherently see anything that wrong with a system where you go to a physical place to vote and you sign um you sign your voter log and whether you show id or not and then if you have like a disability or you're really in bad straights you're traveling in albania or something then you can that makes sense but i want to ask i just want to ask you the empirical question what is the difference in states or districts or cities that don't have voter id and those that do politically like is that basically create a huge overweighting for democrats can you just help us understand the politics behind this from an empirical perspective not putting on a spin hat or anything so the theory used to be that democrats benefit from higher turnout by kind of any means at all and that was an era when democrats tended to dominate the world and they were able to dominate the country they were able to dominate among non-colleges created voters whereas republicans were like the the you know country club kiwanis club people who like show up in the first day of voting that has shifted look where democrats have really really overperformed it's in special elections it's in midterms as opposed to high turnout races like like when trump's been on the ballot um and so like i think if trump like look i think voter id would be pretty reasonable i'm not against motor id i'm not against voter id i'm not against voter id i'm not against voter id i'm not against voter id but if you show your id to do you know if you show id even at mid 40s to get into a bar you can probably show it to vote um but like at the same time um i don't think that explains what we saw in california i think it's a system that is much too slow we have different tranches of ballots that are kind of differently and where younger people that might be more progressive tend to vote later and or by mail and again it's not like this happened in alabama or something the prior on pratt advancing probably would be pretty low potentially and i wish that people were were less partisan i you know i have been um critical on on the newsletter silver bulletin about graham platner for example um because i think he's somebody who has not proven a reliable figure so to speak and i was critical of of joe biden and i'm not even registered as a democrat by the way despite what people assume um but if you're gonna have five different ways to vote and i say this someone with experience like actually trying to build election night models and being on national tv on election nights these blue shifts or red shifts are somewhat predictable and are going to be an inevitable consequence of of having different mechanisms to vote where you have like different cues in a line right if you're at msg and you have like a vip line the cohort that arrives to the vip line is going to be different than the one that arrives through like the main gates on on seventh avenue or whatever and i think the system should be simplified by the way also things like rank choice voting which i again as an election wonk i support giving voters more choice you shouldn't need like maine or new york city take um an extra two weeks to count rank choice voting where i could clod code a a rank choice voting algorithm that would resolve itself in seven minutes even with a hundred million votes in maine or half a million we have the appearance of impropriety and we have a highly politicized system i don't want to lead the witness here too much but we do find isolated cases like this woman annika brenda lee brown armstrong she was paying people three bucks or giving them cigarettes to register them you have these on the margin fraudulent looking behaviors and then if it takes this long that gives another appearance of impropriety but i keep bringing up the heritage foundation i'm sure you've looked at their data they have a lot of people trying to figure out where fraud exists investigating it and it's de minimis it's a couple of thousands of cases they can find so even if you extrapolated them 10x or 20x pick your multiple it would never swing a major election in fact the number of elections that have been swung based on what they told me is like the most local smallest election where there's tens of thousands of votes or thousands of votes so is that the issue that we're seeing here this collection of appearances of impropriety yes look the the american election system is very decentralized um which you know as kind of like a old school liberal in some ways who i'm kind of against centralized power i think is quite brilliant in some respects but yeah the scale there is certainly there are certainly cases of fraud when al franken one what was it 2006 right that came down to like a recount of like 200 votes we're never going to know that with any degree of certainty there is like a margin of error but in practice and we know those two when you do have recounts again i've studied this a lot you have an 0.5 percent percent recount threshold in most states almost never have you had a margin larger than 0.05 percent or so overturned the errors can also cancel out again you know the notion that someone can vote without physically being like the ward of their ballot understand why that bothers people and i think california has been complacent about this and i think perception does matter and i think you can there's a kind of certain arrogance i guess is a term that comes to mind um about saying well we want everyone to vote and so we're going to do things our way and it takes a long time because we're like taking time to verify things again you know having studied elections all around the world it's very unusual most countries we count much much faster than the u.s it's partly because we have an electoral college system it's decentralized but like in most elections in france or the uk where they keep having elections or wherever else or japan or india even you know the result of the vote within a few hours and the fact that the united states the technological leader of the world and the supposed like beacon of democracy can't do that i think is is a sign of atrophy of of the efficacy of the system or is it by design nate let me ask you a question if voter id laws don't change and mail-in ballot laws don't change and the system doesn't change is there a chance do you think from the data you've seen for republican governor to be elected again in california in california or for republicans to win more seats in the house or have a shot at winning a senate seat in california i mean fundamentally does this system not get set up in such a way that it creates a irreversible model for democrat establishment to maintain its control over elected seats in the state i mean democrats have lost plenty of elections recently but not in california partisanship is the gravity that dictates every election in the u.s right like my job don't worry i will get it done in california i will get it done in california i will get it done in california if if we say oh whatever gavin newsom or aoc is a 55 favorite and they lose but like but 43 of the 50 states stated we could probably predict right now with 97 confidence who they'll vote for in 2028 and it's not because of reading it's because polarization and partisanship are very powerful forces that we can't seem to to escape from you know again i would love um you see a little bit of this in new england actually right you see like a charlie baker or as phil scott in vermont right you see a little bit of like cross-partisanship in new england you see even in the south like basheer in kentucky is a moderate but democratic governor um for some reason you don't see it as much in california i don't know why california has like always been like the laboratory of weird and eccentric political ideas but it's come it's become a machine state maybe because it's so large that voters can't kind of touch the candidates up close and don't have a lot of like directly relatable experience um maybe california is just kind of like too large in general but i look i am very concerned about polarization and partisanship i think it leads to lower quality of governance i think it's exacerbated by gerrymandering this gerrymandering kind of war to the bottom um and democrats have paid the price where like the triangulation you pick the least worst nominee perfectly fine in blue states they're going to win the general election um it hasn't given the democrats very effective general election nominees right between um you know i consider like you know they're one of the last four i consider biden to have lost in 2024 but before harris lost instead um you know the one election that did win was during a once in a century pandemic that although i had my critiques of liberal handling of covid was kind of objectively handled well i don't know you can talk about operation worksheet i understand my voters are going to win but i don't think they're going to be very happy with 2020 the 2020 version of trump and and the greatest economic disruption since the 1930s um so they kind of won the gimme they haven't won the close elections recently except for obama who conspicuously at least kind of made rhetoric to trying to bridge a divide between the parties um you know obama still has a i looked at this today a 57 approval rating post-facto with with independence biden is at 20 percent um and like look i think a lot of democrats and republicans certainly were maybe even more so republicans frankly under trump feel as though you don't even have to try to turn out the other side or persuade people it's just a numbers game and in california if you're democrats you win the numbers game i'm going all in you run back-to-back calls all day decisions get made then the details slip plod fixes that clip plod note pro to your phone hit record and stay in the conversation plod intelligence captures word and turns it into structured notes action items and follow-ups not a transcript you'll never open the actual work done for you capture more miss nothing find plod note pro at plod.ai i think we want to really get to 2026 and 2028 and talk about what you were alluding to which is the polarization and how these parties have changed the republicans used to be you know this country club group uh rich people business owners now they're the populist party then the other side which used to be the working man and the working women's party they've become this liberal weird socialist party and that seems to be playing they're both what's going on with the vibes i guess between these two parties and how do you look at them because it does feel like inside of each of those parties you have two sub parties so you really have like some sort of four by four matrix here or two by two matrix with four different groups how is that going to play out in 2026 which still feels like the anti-trump vote like hey i'm not happy about trump but 2028 there's trump's not going to run a third time in all likelihood so let's take those two buckets as well as the vibes and these parties fracturing a bit yeah i think democrats really have three factions as i've described them um one is the left the avatars might be zoron um might be aoc might be bernie sanders all of whom by the way are quite effective politicians in their own way i mean zoron understood how to like be a nix cheerleader for example oh my god yeah that speech was like almost perfect whoever wrote it for him is a nix fan but look i'll be honest i i didn't vote for him but like i think find anyone who's like trying to like bridge gaps and expand a tent even if it's from a direction that i don't know i don't know they might not agree with i find that like somewhat appealing i suppose you know aoc you can take your leave she has become a more effective tactical politician you know bernie what he's built with um with being a freaking old guy from vermont the socialist mayor of burlington vermont coming within not a hair's breadth but coming you know quite close and beating clinton in 20 states in 2016 or whatever was quite impressive but like that's one constituency and historically the left has not had a lot of big wins out of it so i think that's a good thing i think that's a good side of the bluest states on the other side there are the abundance libs kind of named after as recline right they are more pro-free market they sometimes deny that they're centrist i think they're pretty centrist they are the ones who are very concerned with california as a case study of poor governance and whatever you think about parties at the national level um generally speaking it's the purple states sometimes the red states where things are more are more functional where there's more housing where when you get out of the airport to catch an uber there's not some convoluted system where you have to wait 20 minutes in line to go to some shuttle like an lax or whatever else right um where there's population growth i mean you want to talk about like hard data population data in the u.s and jobs data is pretty good and those are states where people have moved to and the abundance libs are critical of democratic governance and critical of of um culture war issues on policing and trans rights and and you have what i call the resistance lib faction they're the ones who say they're really fed up with democratic establishment but are still often very partisan and often very like cheerleading for the blue team they're the ones who thought that joe biden was railroaded out of the 2024 race for example they're really gavin newsom's constituency um why is gavin newsom going out of his way to support and endorse kind of the biden's when biden even among democrats is not all that popular and they're not going to be the ones who are going to be the ones who are going to be popular anymore everyone else wants to move on and what's because it's a signal to like the resistance libs that like i have your back i'm a fighter the reason why we didn't win in 2024 is because the media was unfair to biden and or because kamala harris was a black woman so pick a white guy who will fight for you and tweet in all caps and you'll win so it's kind of like ride or die we're gonna just our team our team our team's gonna win it doesn't matter we never apologize kind of the trump playbook never apologize go on the attack seems to be what gavin's doing right absolutely and he had some some proof of concept i mean the redistricting thing was a genuinely smart tactical move democrats are going to wind up losing seats but like without california they probably lose even more and so he did skate where the puck was going there instead of the party's like usual risk version that i've critiqued before um but at the same time the triangulating spirit of like let's pick kamala harris because she's like the least acceptable candidate or hillary or john kerry if you want to go back to 2004 um the establishment doesn't seem to have the fact that like almost every election now obama in 2012 was i guess the exception almost every election now is a change election we might ping pong back and forth for many cycles like i think democrats are slight favorites to win in 2028 it wouldn't shock me if aoc or newsom or shapiro or asaf or whomever wins if they're underdogs again in 2032 look what's happening in the uk where i mean it's kind of become like a running joke but we're going to be through like what like six prime ministers in nine years or something and they're probably the us's like closest comp um it's not a good time to be a defender of the status quo and i do think candidates like kamala harris who was unable to distance herself kind of literally unable or unwilling to distance herself from from biden or newsom who's kind of like defending that legacy in the same way like to me that seems like a failed strategy but like in a lot of these world cup games sometimes you know sometimes you win on penalties you know i i don't think that any of the gop nominees look to be particularly strong donald trump and our approval ratings now is down to 38 people are upset about iran they're upset about gas prices they're upset about just fatigue of having you know a singular center star of politics over the past you know trump kind of is like it's fatiguing a little bit and so like it's an uphill battle for the gop democrats might do their best to give republicans a fighting chance despite that so just to extrapolate from that like the point about needing change driving change on the progressive side we are seeing socialists getting elected as mayor socialists starting to rise at the state level and many of these candidates that you've mentioned are self-declared socialists at the national level we may potentially have a democratic socialist as president 2028 based on what you're saying is that ultimately where this goes where the populist movements drive the left further left and everyone in that party now seems to be jumping on this bandwagon proclaiming socialist principles as the only way to solve inequity and unfairness in this country and you know kind of jumping on what we were from empirical kind of history shown doesn't work as a governing system as a economic system but suddenly everyone's kind of been swept away by it and seems to think it's it's the the only way forward does that kind of the the output of the conditions that you're describing that the left the democrats basically become a socialist party and they embrace socialism fully and full-throated i think there are huge generational divides where you know so i grew up i'm 48 um so i still remember the kind of not last questions but like i still remember the cold war i still remember the berlin wall falling right so for me the connotations are of socialism are close adjacent to communism are a long history of failure of economic development in countries that adopted that system i think people who are a little bit older don't realize that like the socialism brand is much more popular among younger democrats by the same token america is still a supremely capitalist country you know if not for and again i in my book i have lots of critiques of the tech sector we still are attracting the best and brightest young talent from all around the world you know i personally think the ai capital boom whatever becomes of it is responsible for keeping our economy at least the stock market in relatively good shape um and you know also things like where have democrats lost support well actually the biggest differences are concentrated among hispanic and to some extent asian america voters you know who do you think are the most likely people to own small businesses in the u.s it's a cliche but 100 true that like a recent immigrant groups are very entrepreneurial it's one thing that i believe makes the united states great and one thing that makes me very pro-immigration um but you have seen shifts in those groups and the most entrepreneurial groups away from democrats yeah because i mean they all escape socialist countries and socialist backgrounds and the economic mobility that's afforded by free markets and capitalism and the degree of true liberalism we provide in this country is what's given folks opportunities that don't exist elsewhere but the second and third generation of the american middle class are probably you know more likely as you point out to kind of be convinced of the benefits of socialism this isn't your wheelhouse nate but if you were hired to give a playbook to either party for 2028 what would be in that playbook what would you tell them is the right platform for this moment in time a post-trump era and with socialism wealth disparity health care the there's a group of issues here that keep coming up the support of israel foreign wars what's the perfect platform for either party an independent or left-leaning or right-leaning what are going to be on the top of americans minds if you can look that far out yeah look i by most definitions am an elite as are you guys you can afford tickets to game three of the first nba finals game in new york and whatever 25 years and you're probably an elite and most elites like me say they're you know socially liberal economically moderate i can i use the term liberal meaning the way liberals use in europe meaning some role for the state but pro market in general and that's probably my view um i'm not sure that view is actually an electoral winner as much right um the most neglected voters in the u.s who are culturally a little bit more economically more progressive potentially but not quite in the same way that you get from like a an aoc they support small business they are wary of conglomerations of power maybe i'm putting that with with too generous a brush but like i do think that like when you have the worst world's first trillionaire when people have a lot of anxiety maybe the anxiety is not the right shape of anxiety but understandable anxiety about ai when you have ai leaders saying things like it's going to disappoint you it's going to disappoint you it's going to disappoint you it's going to disappoint all these white collar jobs i look i think a electorally i'm not saying morally or righteously whatever else right i think combining a little bit of the right kind of anti-oligarch rhetoric with moderation on some of the issues um you know on the woke stuff i get that term already feels like it's becoming outdated um but like still supporting small business especially for men right young men still want to feel as though they control their own destiny a lot of them feel like they don't do that anymore but i don't think they necessarily want like all that much hand-holding but no it's a difficult thing to to triangulate and the u.s is not alone in having a lot of resistance and dissatisfaction with with the status quo you know i mean again this is part of why and i'm sure about two percent of your audience will be sympathetic to this why i have like been with the u.s for a long time and i've been with the u.s for a long time and i've been defending of zaran mamdani living in new york is because like he's at least getting the ins and outs we'll see what happens in in after four years of like new york being like a a basically functional city right we have really nice new airports it's not so around doing that's quote a hell of a lot of money spent but like our crime is like relatively low compared to to california i used to live right near penn station madison square garden not the nicest block but like i never walked around feeling unsafe there when i visit sf um then you have to be more careful right and so i i think like combining functional performance in government with whatever message you want is part of it i think maybe even like having like a little bit more like optimism too i'm i'm kind of always a fan of like zigging where other people zag obama presented a more optimistic take about like kind of like the american spirit right you know look i see um all the enthusiasm around the world cup and the knicks i don't want to sound like cliched but you know tonight after we tape which is taping on a monday night new york time right i can like wander around the streets of new york and there'll be some like norwegian bar that has norway game on and like that does make america great and like rediscovering those values i don't know i mean maybe somebody like a you know i think maybe the most selectable democrat might be somebody like a john ossoff who was who was younger who is pretty progressive you look at his voting record but like but isn't like a brawler in quite the same way that that newsom is trying to be i mean the generational part is a lot of this uh you know i think it's insane that we had a candidate who was trying to be president until he was 86 and the alternative is someone who's trying to be president until he's 82 like i i don't you don't see very many warren buffett fine if warren buffett ran for president maybe i'd vote for him right but like you don't see very many leaders in other parts of the world you don't see very many ceos or leaders otherwise i you know i very much value the contribution of my older friends right but like to run the biggest country in the world um as an 82 year old to me seems kind of insane and so there's some basic level of competence that mandami's showing in new york he's positive he's fixing potholes he's making it you know a celebration of whatever the sports teams are he's fixing garbage like there are some basic things that need to be done but i think it's New Yorkers very much appreciate in quality of life. And that's not something you expect from a democrat or a socialist um and those kind of like blocking and tackling in the high level of engagement um which trump you mentioned kind of burns people out with that high level of engagement seems like mondami comes just under that he's a little more positive he doesn't use like the toxicity that much but he's he's engaging right and that seems to be working in new york and with the voter base no he's pretty popular here so far and again new york is a new york is a capitalist city i think i think it's different than somewhere like california it's not kind of as west coast uh freshwater progressive new york is a pragmatic place that people from all around the world migrate to it's a place where there's a lot of wealth all around you it's also a place that despite seeming like a chaotic shit show at times i mean it's look it's easy to be optimistic about new york and in mid-june when we have like the most beautiful weather of the year and everyone's coming to visit and everything else but like but new york is a success story in a way that i think california has become less of one maybe sorry let me just ask you a question on this capitalism have you seen data that underscores this main line that everyone's talking about that the youth are kind of disillusioned by capitalism and don't believe in capitalism i mean to see this happen in a city like new york to your point a city that is a bastion of capitalism and progress and opportunity for people for people to put in place a candidate as mayor that denounces the capitalism as a system and talks about collectivism just seems to indicate that maybe there's a real movement with the youth i mean one of the statistics i always quote to people is i think 45 million people graduated college in the last decade in the united states that have all of them or a large percentage of them i should say have a pretty significant debt burden that they feel is going to be very hard to get out of and i would argue that that's a function of the federal student loan program and it's underwriting processes and it really condemns people to a life that is going to be very hard to grow your way out of but what does the data tell you about capitalism and what that says about the next cycle here yeah where the cut point is is probably around age 40 i'd say obviously it kind of ages by a year every year and like you know we saw i saw before the new york mayoral race last year people who were able to make incredibly accurate almost blockbuster block by block neighborhood by neighborhood projections based on where zorn would be good versus cuomo just based on knowing the city and where younger people younger more progressive people live i would say you know i think part of it might have to do with economic anxiety for sure i think it's also your experience like growing up and exactly when you kind of came of age right again i grew up in like um i guess the first election i was old enough to vote and was clinton in 96 this is like the triumph of the world and i think it's also your experience like the triumph of the world and i think it's also your experience like growing up and exactly when you kind of came of age right again i grew up in like um i guess the first election i was old enough to vote and was clinton in 96 this is like the triumph of the world and i think it's also your experience like growing up and west and capitalism you had a very robust economy in the 1990s you had a lot of growth um and by the time you get to your you know when the great recession hit you know i already had by a year right i already had a job i already had a foothold i think that people kind of like born if you were in college when september 11th happened like that might be kind of the the cut point roughly speaking it doesn't cut quite cleanly from gen x through millennia it goes a few years into the millennials um but like sometimes i kind of joke it seems to be like people like in their 40s through early 50s are like the only like sane people in the u.s right that kind of like second half of of gen x in particular although we've never had a gen x president kamal harris would have been a boomer too technically speaking um but there are people who are like okay we grew up and we worked hard and we still felt like more or less the american system worked for us i think people wrongly or rightly that are half a generation younger don't have that experience also we should talk about like as much as i think that in certain ways the media is an overrated storyline how people consume their news um you know you look now at what's happening at cbs and paramount or cnn or whatever else right we had an era where you had very centralized news delivery systems under tv and radio i know i sound like i'm dating myself but i'm not i'm not dating myself the internet's been around for for a long time but when you have three or four major networks that have a huge amount of editorial control over the message and my used to work at the new york times right you know when i first got there you would still have like the page one meeting every day where it's like we are the people the editors in your times like deciding like what is news and what's not and now it's become very decentralized obviously social media plays a role in that too i think the evidence is pretty decent that like phones and social media affect youth satisfaction a lot you know you also have a culture i think among liberals where um where it's like no longer a stoic culture it's a culture where maybe you might express your grievance ironically maybe ai will change this a little bit there's some initial evidence that like the models actually gravitate toward consensus views expert opinion sometimes a a jaded or hallucinated version of what the media is doing and i think that's a very important part of the consensus really is um but you know clot or chat gpt is probably less polarizing than blue sky or twitter let's talk about social media for a second it used to be a paradigm of you follow people you build your filter you have your list you spend a lot of time curating that and then tiktok comes out with their for you page fyp youtube goes full algorithm and now x has gone basically full algorithm you can follow whoever you like but your follower count is not your viewer count and engagement count and obviously after elon took over twitter libs a lot of celebrities decided to leave business people stayed lots of anonymous accounts it's the free speech platform of all free speech platforms it's chaotic but what impact just in that very tiny nuance of followers to algorithm has changed it impacted politics because it feels like the filter bubble is becoming incredibly pronounced i mean you you give two or three things alike and now that's the rest of your entire day yeah look for me i don't think a person should have a correlated stance on taxes and abortion and and gaza and you know the free market and whatever else um partisanship is a very powerful force to squish this very complicated array of political issues we have in the united states on into into just one dimension blue versus red or left versus right and social media twitter in particular i think is a very powerful force to squish this very effective mechanism for that and i get i get totally yelled at for um any bit of heterodoxy like in particular like saying biden is obviously too old democrats you're gonna you're gonna lose unless you replace him like that even though it's a stance that like literally 80 percent of voters agree with will make you like seem like a heretic on twitter i've been critical by the way of of parts of what elon has done although some of the things predate him like the algorithmic feed wasn't purely invented by email on it was improved or perfected or worsened depending on your point of view by the current regime you know i do think it's a problem that like look if i choose to follow an account you jason of the new york times or whatever else or nick's account i want to see their tweets without having to give the algorithm an additional signal like that part bothers me i don't like the depreciation twitter debates it's about that's incredibly frustrating like you literally have to favorite or like things in order to keep them in your feed and i told the twitter team you should have a little button on the follow show me every post from this person like if i want to get my ski mountains reports or i want my nicks fan tv i want every single post and there's no way to do that except like every post and then your feed just goes off the rails yeah i mean it's very i look i actually think the for you algorithm is pretty decent for what it is you have to train it like you know for a while i got a bunch of like fight videos because they're compelling you see like a fight of teenagers and like oh i'm i spent eight minutes seconds watching this or whatever else right it's terribly if you click don't show me this anymore it is pretty responsive it is pretty good like the algorithm knows right now i just want to read tweets about the world cup and is yannis getting traded right and maybe a little bit about the new york and california elections um but i wish there were like you know i i don't like any algorithm that like presumes it's like smarter than the user and if i if i log in or if i subscribe to somebody and i want to see their tweets and i haven't muted them then show me their tweets you can mix in things like that and then you can see things that you think i'll like breaking the algorithmic or the time the chronological feed is also annoying to me right like i want um if i'm watching the world cup and there's a tweet about a match from six hours ago someone's like oh my god amazing right i'm like what just happened and like it's not surfacing things in quite the right order um look i think a lot of companies kind of make the mistake of uh twitter was i'm not sure if twitter was ever going to be like a hugely profitable company it was a very unique resource for following the news if like i am and like you guys are at least you jason are like total news addict like it was a very unique platform and i wish that functionality had been preserved again to be fair um this started before elon although it has been continued since let's wrap on 2028 and in particular gavin newsom oh no predictions for the midterms predictions for the midterms so prediction for the house and senate predictions what does the data tell us right now so we'll have a model out within a few weeks been a little bit laid by the world cup and they were districting stuff prediction markets say democrats are around i think 80 or 85 to take the house and 40 or 45 to take the senate those both seem pretty reasonable to me i think if anything it's a little bit low on the house um i think it might be more like 85 or 90 my model surprised me sometimes but like look we've been through a lot of elections that are inherently hard to forecast the house is the one where everything kind of points in the same direction democrats um are facing a very unpopular president and an economy that voters have a lot of anxiety about trump no new middle eastern wars on top of that the very very long history of the president's party drawing a backlash and performing poorly at the midterms the more recent history of incumbent backlash in the u.s and all around the world the good results democrats in like new jersey and virginia last year and special elections you know look the virginia interesting thing helps the gop a little bit in the end but you're fighting against a lot of gravity whereas the senate is more of a more of a numbers game even in a pretty blue environment democrats have to win some seats in red states it seems to me that taking a big risk in maine which is a state that by all rights they ought to win in a d plus eight year and a d plus 10 state but grand platner is only two points ahead of susan collins i think i take that polling at face value i think he is i take him at 55 but like that's a unnecessary risk potentially um but look um the gop will be able to in these red states a candidate like talarico who is also probably in roughly a toss-up race and paxton is a far less than ideal republican nominee like partisanship is still a powerful force people are saying why are they kind of attacking talarico on i think things that are are not above board you know critiquing your sexuality or whatever else what's because texas is like a really red state like trump's not popular so you're like you're kind of going for like the lowest common denominator but in our system that works a fair amount of the time so just a a polling and math and numbers game in the senate we're going to see more money spent than ever whereas the house 435 seats i think the partisan gravity is more likely than not just too much for trump to overcome is there anything that trump can do or that could change in a macro out of our control perspective that could change things more significantly for the house back to the republicans if he can get gas prices down it's such a visible indicator you drive by the chevron station whatever else right you you literally see it you know i think if you look at forecasts there is supposed to be some abatement but very contingent on how long the conflict war in iran persists in this quagmire um you know look maybe if we uh maybe if we have a hei right by by in october or something who knows what happens then but no it's his unfavorable ratings are very entrenched and democrats are very enthusiastic despite their misgivings about their own party and as much difficulty as i think they'll have in 2028 nominating a candidate to vote for your generic democrat against a generic republican is a pretty easy ask for for democrats who feel like democracy on the line and like and like so i think that's fairly baked in as someone who builds models i've been on politics i've been on sports but i'm always aware that like yeah there's the 10 chance the underdog you never see coming prevails you know cape verde ties with spain or something but like that's pretty fundamentally driven whereas on the on the flip side needing to pick up four senate seats when you might blow the opportunity in maine it's a toss-up probably probably slight edge the gop with maybe gas prices and iran determining whether it's more truly 50 50 or maybe it's a toss-up i don't know i don't know i don't know i don't know maybe 60 gop the chances of winning both is that you know 80 times 40 type situation and you or is it different because of politics and and the way the statistics work it's not 30 correlated yeah yeah they're they're almost perfectly correlated so if the odds democrats winning the senate but at the house are like are like one percent if you go to calci or polymarket whatever else they have to be like around one percent so conditional democrats winning the senate they'll almost certainly have won the house they'll almost certainly have won governorships which by the way these things are important you know i think people probably focus too much on the national picture and not enough on on what happens at the state level where people actually have executive power and you're picking the the candidates and the policies for the next generation state legislatures are important if i were talking to all the listeners right i'd say look for like a a city council candidate for whom your contribution might make a lot of difference but like you know if democrats win the senate that means it's a really blue year to overcome and i think that's a really important point and i think that's a really important point and i think that's a really important point and i think that's a really important point and i the fact that you're winning in places like ohio iowa alaska and if that happens therefore probably the rest of it all the dominoes fall that way all right gavin newsom in 2028 he's in an enigma of a politician worst run state in the union as far as i'm concerned but he's so polished and he speaks so well and people seem to like him with that great hair what should we take from gavin newsom's you know continued ascension am i correct that he's still you know on the up he's not so we have an article up on silver bulletin which will publish shortly after we finish this podcast newsom has fallen in democratic primary polls from around 25 to 15 he's fallen on polymarket from like 33 to 22 or something i think he was benefiting from some degree of name recognition whereas now democrats see a candidate like john ossoff in georgia um another good-looking young guy but like actually has credential which newsom will never have of having won an election in a purple state um and being a younger fresher face like whatever you say about graham platner and janet mills in maine i think mills and the abstract might be the face of safer choice i think it's good that democrats are showing a bias toward younger candidates right like that's a lot of what happened with zoran too you know i wouldn't discount by the way someone like an aoc i'm not sure if she'll run someone like chuck schumer might be very vulnerable in the 2028 primary for example she has a lot of time to wait but like i could see like i again in new york it's new york so therefore you can't extrapolate too much from new york however people saying we are sick and tired of the democratic establishment i'll take a more centrist version or more left-wing version but not the same i think ultimately newsom has like a a hard argument to make he's arguing for continuity with kamala harris and joe biden he's embracing joe biden when that strategy has failed and he's not going to hold electorally i would argue in california governance wise as well it to me it's like a i think newsom is actually in a pretty defensive position and that's why you see him having hunter biden or something on his podcast yeah yeah an aoc is now 36 years old so she qualifies you're saying it's not a zero chance that she could become the equivalent of trump the outside of the burn it down the i'm sick and tired vote she's my she's my bad yeah yes you're a bet okay what do you think let's talk about aoc she got that possibility with her charisma we've seen in states like maine we may see this in michigan as well where yeah i mean um look for many years in the republican primary the notion was that the establishment always won out that you'd have like the rick santorum's or sarah palin's or herman canes or whatever else's who would get 40 percent of the vote but the same country club establishment types we talked about at the top of the show would prevail at the end of the day and then it doesn't take that much of perpetually growing dissatisfaction or generational trouble like young people in general like don't understand like why the would i care about like a party brand anyway like the democratic party brand is like a a lame brand as certainly the gop is um interesting so if you're an avatar for that brand then like you know i look i think the best candidates even obama in 2008 obviously not even obama obama was a highly effective one of the you know generationally charismatic kind of but even he combined on the one hand positioning to the left of clinton on issues like iraq on the other hand he had a whole whatever we have gay sisters in blue states or red states and we play little league in the blue states and like that whole like post-partisan rhetoric i think the most effective candidates can exactly what he is he has made some efforts i mean he had charlie kirk on his podcast i think it was last year right he has tried to moderate i mean he's against the law and he's trying to moderate the billionaire tax um he's trying to moderate on some of the culture war issues like nominated a institutional candidate from california she didn't come that far from winning but she lost all the swing states by by you know two to five points and like i don't believe at the end of the day democrats will be persuaded that like oh just because you're white and you have different anatomy like that that fell from the one that every democrat was terrified by in 2024 all right an hour with our guy nate silver let us know if you have any questions or if you have any questions in the comments we will have you back on when we do our live election coverage for sure if you're available and the audience always loves when you get paid a lot on that night i don't think he's coming on all right whatever i mean he's a fan of the party he's a fan of all in he's part of the family i'll come in the next day whatever whenever you're not securing the bag to secure more nicks tickets for our repeat next year everybody go right now if you hear my voice to the silver bulleted pop out a hundy and subscribe you're gonna love it 95 bucks - That's what I said, I rounded up to a hundred. But yeah, listen, I know that you probably Probably done the metrics, 94.97 is the right number to get in there, folks. Five bucks for the guy at the door. Whatever. I would skim a little bit off the top. It's all good. And yeah, everybody go to Polymarket, place some bets. Our favorite partner, Nate's favorite partner. And yeah, we'll see you all next time on the All In interview show. Thanks, Nate. Great job, Nate. You rocked it. Thank you so much, guys. That was awesome. I'm going all in. I'm going all in.

Podcast Summary

Key Points:

  1. Partisanship is a dominant force in U.S. elections, with 43 of 50 states showing 97% confidence in predicting outcomes in 2028 due to deep polarization.
  2. Political systems like California’s mail-in ballot process face criticism for delays and perceived voter manipulation, though no large-scale fraud is proven, with systemic differences in voting behavior by party and timing being more significant.
  3. The political landscape is fracturing into distinct factions

Summary:

S. elections, with deep polarization making outcomes highly predictable in most states—43 of 50 show 97% confidence in 2028 results. This is not due to fraud but to entrenched party loyalty and systemic voting behavior, such as Democrats voting by mail later than Republicans.

California’s lengthy ballot-counting process fuels perceptions of irregularities, though no evidence of widespread fraud exists. Instead, differences in turnout timing and voter demographics—particularly among younger, progressive populations—explain statistical shifts in outcomes. The political divide is further fragmented into ideological subgroups: within Democrats, there are left-wing socialists, centrist economy-focused liberals, and resistance voters who support strong partisan identity.

Republicans have shifted from traditional elites to populist movements. S. political system remains decentralized and slow compared to global standards, with voting delays and algorithmic social media feeds amplifying polarization.

Despite this, he sees a growing demand for functional, pragmatic governance—highlighted by New York’s mayor Gavin Newsom, whose hands-on, positive leadership resonates with voters. In the 2028 election cycle, Democrats are favored to retain control of the House and Senate, though risks remain in red states like Maine. External factors such as gas prices and geopolitical tensions could influence outcomes, but the overall trend points to a system where partisanship and voter behavior remain the primary determinants.

The data suggests that while ideological shifts are occurring, the structural power of partisanship ensures political stability through predictable, though increasingly polarized, outcomes.

FAQs

Partisanship is a dominant force in U.S. elections, shaping outcomes across states with 43 out of 50 showing high prediction confidence. It's driven by polarization, not fraud, and creates a strong 'gravity' that makes electoral outcomes highly predictable.

No, there's no evidence of widespread fraud. The observed shifts are likely due to systematic differences in voting patterns, such as Democrats voting by mail and later, and the timing of ballot counting, rather than ballot harvesting or fraud.

Voter ID laws may create a slight advantage for Democrats, especially in states where they have historically been more likely to vote by mail. However, the impact is not large enough to explain major shifts, and the overall system is more influenced by timing and voter behavior.

The Democratic Party is fracturing into three factions: the left (e.g., Zoran, AOC), the 'abundance' or centrist group (pro-free markets), and the 'resistance' faction (frustrated with establishment, supportive of aggressive, anti-establishment candidates).

Social media algorithms amplify partisanship by creating filter bubbles, reducing exposure to diverse viewpoints. This reinforces left-right divides and makes complex policy issues seem binary, deepening political polarization.

Democrat predictions are strong, with 80–90% chance of winning the House and 40–45% for the Senate. The House is favored due to partisan gravity and voter backlash against Trump, while Senate outcomes depend on close races in red states like Maine.

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