Jonathan Bowden - Credo: A Nietzschean Testament (2007)

[Music] I think ideas are inborn and you're attracted, if you have any, to world certain systems of thinking and sensibility and response. From a very young age, I was always fascinated about meaning and purpose and philosophy and those elements of religion which impinge on real matters. From very early in life, I was attracted to vitalist, authoritarian and individualist ideas. And in my late teens, I came across Friedrich Nietzsche's writings in the 28 volume Carl Schlechter edition. Now those ideas predate my interest in them because I was drawn towards them in a particular way. As we look around us in this society now, our people have an absence of belief, they're very technically sophisticated. We still as a civilization, describe much of the rest of the world like a sort of empty technological colossus. But if you peer inside as to what we're supposed to believe and account for and what we think our destiny is individually and as a group, there's a zero, there's a nothingness, there's a blank space for many people. A hundred years ago, Christianity was an overarching system in our society. For those who went along with it socially, for those who believed in it in a deep core way, it's now virtually, apart from small minorities, invisible. It's extraordinary how a faith system that can shape a civilization, in part from millennia and a half to two millennia, can disappear. Those who say that certain ideas and ideals are impossible should look at what's happened to many of our belief systems. A hundred years ago, we had an elite, we actually had a government. We really haven't had a government in this country, pretty much, for about a hundred years. Not an elite that knows what it wants and understands its mission in life, understands its mission in life, and will hand on to people after it and that comes out of groups that exist before it. We're ruled by essentially a commercial elite, not an intellectual elite or a military elite or even a political one. But a commercial, profit and loss one. And things have slid to such a degree now that if asked, what does it mean to be British? Probably about eight million of our people would say posh and vex. That's what it means for many people inundated to the tube and its fact of nonsense. Now, there are many complicated reasons why much of what western and white people used to believe in have gone down. In the last century, nature prophesied that the collapse of Christianity for many people, even though he welcomed it personally, would be a disaster for them. Why so? Because it gave a structure and a meaning and an identity. A death without a context beyond it has no meaning. It's meat before you. I believe that we're hardwired for belief, philosophical and religious, that we had to have it as a species, as a group. Look at the number of people who go completely deaf-peasy when there is nothing outside and beyond them to live for beyond instantaneous things right in front of them. In fact, they teach philosophy from the age of six. For the last couple of hundred years in the Anglo-Saxon and Anglophone world, there's been hostility to theory. There's been hostility to abstraction. There's been a complete reaction against a thing called Thomas Hobbes. Here, in many ways, pre-figures many events on the continent in the last century. Many, many centuries before, we had an extremely violent and convulsive political and dynamic revolution during the Conwellian Interregnum. And since then, it could appear that we've had a cohesence in this society. Yes, we've had radical movements. But the last major political movement to occur was the forming of a party by the trade unions in 1900, which grew into the Labour Party after the Labour Representation Committee. But the idea that nothing's ever happening in Britain and that we're asleep is false. English life is often depoliticised, yes, but culturally, English life has always been quite vital, quite violent underneath the surface, quite emotional. In our Renaissance, which was really the Elizabethan period, we were renowned all over Europe for being vital, for being scientifically oriented, for having our minds completely open towards the picture. We were regarded as an aggressive and a powerful group that was coming of age. We created the greatest interconnected set of theatre that the world has seen at that time since the Greeks. We have lost our dynamism as a people, mentally and in every other way. Our people are still quite strong when it comes to the fix and a bit of pushing and shoving. But what's up here is lacking. A third is not a soldier and a soldier is not a warrior. And it's the strength which exists up here, which is the thing that we have to cultivate. I believe that strength comes from belief in things which are philosophically grounded and appear real to you. One answer that a critic, well, one response that a critic would give to what I've just said, mentally speaking, is that it's so individualised now and so broken down and everybody sort of makes it up as they go along. That's called heuristic thinking, technically. And if everyone does make it up as they go along, how will you ever have an organic culture again? But I think this is to misunderstand Western society on Western thought. When Blair says, when he used to be friendlier until a couple of months ago, when Blair says that tolerance and equality and forbearance and humanism are our virtues, he is talking about turning against us a tiny strand of our own civility, which is part of our nature. English and British people often don't like to impose their ideas on others, often will avoid conflict until it becomes actively necessary. Many of these characteristics have been turned on us and used against us. There's also a subtext to this country in the last four to five hundred years. And a lot of our Puritans and our obsessives and our fanatics and our extremists went abroad to found the United States. That's where our Puritans went. Now, many of them were Greg Grine and the New Model Army banned Shakespeare in Newcastle and flogged actors who dared to perform it. This is England's greatest writer, of course. So there's a sort of Taliban self-destructivity to that type of Puritanism. But we could do with an element, if not of Puritism, then of asceticism, of belief, and of asking foundational questions about what life is about. To me, this is what right-wing politics is really about. The issues that people campaign on at the level of the street are not incidentals. They are the expression of what's happened when you are ruled by liberal ideas. We've been ruled by liberal ideas for many centuries, but in the most acute form in the last fifty years. Liberal ideas say that men and women are the same and they're interchangeable. The war is morally bad and all races are the same and should all live together. So the population that just exists in the country is just a zone. It's just an economic area. So everything's based on nationalism and materialism and it's purely a calculation of economic self-interest. But there will be minutes of our people who say, "What is this chat talking about? This is all abstraction." Go out there in the street and you see the example of a society that's based on these sorts of ideas. Everybody is malding somebody else's ideas, even Brown and Blair and the others. They are coming out within their own way, in a tense-rate way, certain of the ideologies that they knew when they were at Edinburgh or Oxford or wherever. Because everybody speaks unless they are a universal genius who takes hold of reality and reshapes it as a cosmos for themselves. Everyone uses ideas that precede them and to which they are attracted. Even to say, "I haven't got any ideas and it's all a load of nonsense," is an idea. Everything is ideological. Every BBC news broadcast is totally ideological. And in some respects a soft form of communism, which is what liberalism is. (Applause) The last speaker today is Michael Thomas last evening. And he's brought home an Americanist, which is about the American role in the world. And of course America is the model for much of the development that's going on in every continent and in every group on Earth. America is the model. He said that, and don't forget, he's a Croatian and the Eastern Europeans have lived under communism. Middle-class lecturing students in the 1960s used to hold their fists in the air and talk about communism. But these people have actually had to live under it. And that is a totally different formulation in every respect. What was a protest against Mummy and Daddy in a desire to smoke a bit of pot and do what they wanted? What led to concentration camps and slavery and its genics and death in certain Eastern European societies? What was just the mantras of adult babies out of their cots in the West? What was terrorism in the East? And that's what people don't understand. But in that book he said something very revealing. He said that communism kills the body, but liberalism rocks the soul. And that's exactly the case. [Applause] We find the situation in the West where paradoxically, spiritually, we're in a far worse state than the people who lived under communism. And this is one of the great ironies, because amongst its manias and the rest of it, communism froze things, it froze things glacially for 50 years in many respects. And much of the decay, the voluntary decay, much of which we've imposed on ourselves because of ideas that successive generations of our leaders have adopted from themselves and from others, didn't occur to the same degree in the East. The idea of self-delegation, the patriotism's the worst evil on Earth. The patriotism's one stop from genocide, that your worst group is always, your own group's always the worst group. This isn't, hasn't been institutionalized and internalized quite to the same degree. It's perverse that peace and plenty can produce more decadence and decay than hard-line, puritanism, artistic, philistinism, queuing and terror. But that's what's happened. And in the East, of course, they now have the deliver of westernization. And that's joining us, because these are universal processes and they won't stop at the boundary between the old East and West Germany. I was born in 1962. At the beginning of the 20th century, this country ruled large stretches of the world. They're still relatively enormously powerful countries. The statistics say we're between the fourth and the 20th most significant country on Earth. But you also know, on all sorts of registers as you look around, that we don't believe in anything anymore, that we're in chaos, that a large number of our people are miseducated to the degree they hardly even know who they are. The patriotism, although it still exists in the blood and the bone and in the consciousness of many people, has been partially indoctrinated out of many. The people look behind them before they make an incorrect remark, even if they're in the wood. Even if they're by themselves, they still look around, because all these things are mental, they're in the mind. 5% of all groups rule their own groups, but 80% always conform to the ruling ideology. If somebody says he's a demon, he's in one of those far-right parties, he's in the national front. That's what they always say, because that's the generic term. I say political people for all right-wing groups. Even other BNPs, by far the biggest group, and it's had by far the greatest degree of electoral success, it's all the NF really. The mass attitude towards all this, it is dangerous and threatening, it's being a Catholic under high Protestantism. It's something that's a threat, and the masses are like this, and they always have been. In Eastern Europe, the present regimes would have you to believe that the dissidents were loved. I tell you as a fact that under Soviet tyranny, if you saw Shuang, if you saw Sakharon, if you saw one of these people walking towards you, you saw, "Oh my God!" And you did everything to pretend that he was an unperson, that he didn't exist, that you weren't in the street with him, because there could be a man in a watch tower watching you. Now everyone comes up and says, "Ah, we agreed with you all wrong." But in this society, liberalism has learned how to rule in a far more sophisticated way. Towards the end of the quasi-Saharan estate in Czechoslovakia, it was, particularly policemen were looking at the people's bets for abstract paintings and jazz music, and this sort of nonsense. The West allows people who do sense just to think in their own little foxes, and doesn't give a damn. It doesn't bother banned books, because 40% of the population can't read them anyway. This is how liberalism rules. It doesn't allow the privilege of dissent, because it disprivileges dissenting ideas, and if people can't think, and those ideas aren't worth anything anyway, it's invisible. And therefore, you don't even need to quote-on-quote persecute. You can put economic pressure on people. So you've got a choice to be sort of decanted from bourgeois life, if you are manifesting public certain types of opinion. That's one of the pressures that's put on people. That's done deliberately to stop people who have education forming in their head, forming a brain, forming an elite for the fist. And that's done quite deliberately, so that leaders will be choked off. If you go to a university, Blair and Brown says everybody should go to a university. At the University of Slough, stroke the Thames Valley, there are 28,000 students, and they do courses in golf and tourism and hairdressing. It's just mass training for a post-industrial society to sort of semi-robotic nerds to do repetitive tasks in trained environments where they've been timed and watched all the time. Now, because I believe it's thought, which characterizes our race and our group more than anything else, I think thinking is cardinal for many people. When the election in 1968 occurred, there were convulsive riots all across the Western world by left-wing Western youth. They could raise hundreds of thousands in the streets, and in the key event in Paris and elsewhere, there were a million in the street. There were also very large riots in the United States on many campuses, where some people have always been convulsed by ideals and by ideas. The idea that it's all in the past, the Fukuyama said that the world has ended, that history has ended, and then 9/11 happened. History never ends and things go on and repeat themselves and come back again at times even more violently than before. What our people are crying out for isn't really a religion or a belief system. It's a form of mental strengthening in and of themselves to overcome the disprivileging mechanisms that don't allow them to think and also allow them to reconnect with core areas of identity. I'm not a Christian, and I never was, although I went to a Catholic school and they educated me very well, and almost every book in that library was by a dead white European male. Almost everything that one learned culturally, from the rather gory sort of Grunerwald-type crucifixion as you went in, to the darling on the wall, the reverse crucifixion scene and the reverse perspective from above, that was next to the assembly point. Everything else, everything was European, and that's why people become Catholics. Do you notice how many parents become interested when their child's about 10? And that's because they want to get them into these schools. Why do they want to get them into these schools? Because they retain a structure and a discipline, and you don't leave when you're 16 and you don't even know what your name is, you can't read or write, you speak like a Jamaican gangster. No respect for what you are and who you become and what you could become. Now we hear a lot about youth crime, and we hear a lot about the uncontrollability of many people in our society. They're not controlled because there's no control out here. One of the cardinal weaknesses of the contemporary West is the feminization of all areas of life. Masculinity is a sacred thing, and yet it's been demonized and disgriblished in the Western world, regardless of just its useful brutality. Resonance is about self-control. It's about respect and power that's ventilated when it's necessary to use it. The only way in which you would cure many of the problems that presently exist with elements of lumpen and criminality at all levels of life is to reintroduce national service with maximum harshness in the electrical area. And if you would die because there'd be two of these to get through those tunnels, and over those rooms with serrated glass with people screaming at them in an unpleasant attitude. But you would need to do that, and the reason isn't physical, the reason is psychological. Some of our marines cried when the Revolutionary Guard in the Gulf took their iPods off them. This is why we decline. This is the Green Berets. These are the Royal Marines. The Revolutionary Guard in Iran, the Kutz Brigade, which is the elite brigade that reports directly to the Supreme Leader by a sort of honey. Couldn't believe it when they saw this sort of thing. The post-Imperial British truly have a tremble in the lip. But these things in the end are cultural and philosophical and psychological. Now, our civilization has had many religions and many dispensations of thought. But one of the things that we have forgotten is an open-mindedness to the future and respect for evidence does not mean willingness and an absence of certitude in what we are. There was a thinker who existed two and a half thousand years ago called Heraclitus, and my type of thinking is his linear descendant. He's a pre-Socratic. He's a Sophist. He begins right at the beginning of Western thought when we actually write down what we think. He wrote a book on nature, which Aristotle glossed, and which is fruit-survive in fragments. What did he believe? He believed that everything is a form of energy. The fire we call it. We call it energy today. But it exists in all forms of organic and inorganic matter. But thought and the sentience of nature is what we are. Nature has become sentient in us, which means we must incarnate natural law as a principle of being. It's called becoming in my philosophy. The right, even if you don't want to use that term, stands for nature and for that which is given. What does that mean? It means conflict is natural and good. It means domination is natural and good. It means that what you have to do in order to survive is natural and good. It means that we should not begin every sentence by apologising for our art or apologising for who we are. Tony Blair, I think, made several interconnected apologies when he was Premier, but he didn't apologise for being Premier. He apologised for the Irish man, then. I've got Irish blood, but I'm not interested in apologies for the Irish family. He apologised for the show-up. He apologised for slavery. He apologised for almost everything going. These animals even need them, meaningless. Some of the groups that they were targeted on had the courage to say it's just tempering sympathy. In my philosophy, sympathy multiplies misery. And if somebody is in pain in front of you, you give them some options. And if they can't get through it, suicide is always an option. Now, what does nature believe? He believes that strength is moral glory, but courage is the highest form of morality. That life is hierarchical, that everything's elitist. There's a hierarchy in each individual. There's a hierarchy in every group of individuals. There's a hierarchy between groups of individuals. Inequality is what right-wing ideas really mean. Right-wing ideas aren't just a bit of blackway of being invading a few Muslims. Right-wing ideas are spiritually about inequality. The left loves equality. He believes we're all the same, and we must be treated the same. And they believe that as a morality, as a moral good, which will be imposed, then Polkot shot everyone he'd read a book that he didn't approve of. Why do you do that? Because he wanted everyone to be the same, and everyone to think in the same way. Asiatics have a formal description. It's called the tall poppy syndrome. They look at the plants. They decide one's a bit out of filter. It's standing higher than the other's, so you snip it down so all are the same. Polkot's not his real name, by the way. It's a joke name. It means political potential. When he was very young, Maoists wrote down, "This man has political potential." Polkot. And that's where he took it from. This man is a terroristic psychopath. When he took over his society with a teenage militia high on drugs, and almost everything had been blitzed and was defenseless, he put into practice in a cardinal way what many of these western idiots in the '60s with their piss in the air had been proposing. He sat in Paris, in Saddam's, listening to Christopher, listening to Sartre, listening to the Pope bar, and he imposed it impeccably like the president he was. The family's immoral. Shoot all the Buddhist priests that have got people married. Shoot people who are a bit too keen on marriage. Shoot everyone who's read books about marriage. Shoot everybody who's ever said marriage is a good thing. That's quite a pile of bodies and you have to start it, yeah. That is communism in its rawest and its crudest form. It's sort of a morality of bestiality, essentially. And it's come even in pose equality because in the communist societies of yet the year, the elite will have its own shops and its own channels, and they'll have their own corrupt systems to keep their children out of military service and so on. Or just like sort of Clinton's America or Vietnam America before it. Every elite in that sense will recompose despite the figment. Even quality is the truth because nature is unjust but also fair in its injustice because there's always a balance. People who are very gifted in one area will have protest weaknesses in another. People who are strong in one area will be weak in another. People who are at the bottom within a hierarchy have a role and have a place in a naturally ordered society and will be looked after because panachism really is the only socialism. That's why the right appeals to all classes and to all groups within a culture because all have a place. Now, I believe that in the Greek civilization a peasant woman could kneel before an idol and could have a totally literalist, it's called metaphysically objectiveist view of a religion. She believed in it absolutely, a fundamentalist in contemporary terms. And you can go right through the culture to extremely sophisticated intellectuals, some of whom were agnostics and atheists who supported religion. Yes, they did. Charles Morwell believed to be an atheist but he led a Catholic fundamentalist movement in France. Why? Because if you are right-wing you don't want to tear a civilization down just because you privately can't believe. You understand the discourse of mass social becoming. What does a winning mean? What does a death mean? What does a birth of a child mean? Unless there's something beyond it. What does a war mean? Just killing for money? Unless there's another dimension to it. We're reduced as right people first and just as human second. But we have to understand that belief is not a narrowness. Belief is an understanding that there are truths outside nature and outside the Contingent University, in front of us, that are absolute. The left-wing view that it's all relative and we make it up here as we go along is false. Nature believes that we test ourselves here and now in relation to what's going on before us. And the more primordial we are, the more little we live in accordance with what we might become, the more we link with those concepts which are eternal and that exist outside us. So what appears with a half-eyed close to be an atheistic, a secular and a modern system, if you switch around and look at it from another perspective, is actually a form for traditional ideas of the most radical, the most far-reaching, the most reactionary and the most arcade and primordial sort to come back. To come back from the past. What the new rise as a Conception on the Consonant in the last 40 years has been is the reworking of certain ideas, including certain ideas associated with fascism. And they're reworking so that they come back into modernity where we are now. If you look at mass and popular culture, the heroic is still alive. It's still alive in junk films, in comic books, in forms that a culture studies aside intellectuals' privilege. Why is the heroic treated at that level? Because liberalism can't deal with the heroic. It doesn't have a space for it in its ideology, so if it can't sit, nothing can be destroyed. Liberalism, they destroyed the ideas in this room, but they hadn't. They just displaced them into other areas, and they've got new ways to come up and new sympathies that emerge. Massive popular culture involves the celebration of men, iconography, iconographic victims, films and so on, who are authoritarian, who are hierarchical, who are religious. How many cinema posters have you seen with a man alone with a gun staring into the distance? It's the primordial American myth. These are men who think quote unquote fascistically, and they fight against fascism. They fight against authoritarian ideas of what the West was and can be. This is always the trick, that they will use the ideology of the Marine Corps to fight for a liberal, a humanist and a democratic purpose. That's the trick. In every film, in every television program, in every comic, in every simple novel, in everything that the masses consume that isn't purely about sex or sport, that the road is there and they always fight for liberal causes, and their enemies are always grooming Japanese generals for Nazis. Use the gain and the gain and the gain and the stereotype of a stereotype of a stereotype to impose the idea that that which is core, primal, Indo-European, is morally wrong. There's one issue that I must have spoken in the four years I was in the British National Party, 100 events, 120 events, 150 events if you add anything together. Now, I've never mentioned this topic, which I'm going to talk briefly about now. And this is the topic known as the Shoah. Now, all my life, this has been used as a weapon. All my life, against any self assertion by us. Whenever the most mild and broken battery city thinks, you know, the immigration's going to say, "Ah, the thing will go down." And he will fall on the ground and say, "Oh, no, oh, no! I may have made a minor complaint before I was going to leave office." But no, don't drag me in that particular direction. And of course, what this is, is many of the people who use this as a weapon don't give a damn either way. It's a weapon they can use, and it shuts people up instantaneously. And it does so because it impinges a quite a deep level on what white and European people think about morality. And this is a deep problem, and it's a problem that all right-wing politics since the Second World War, which was in reality a Second European Civil War, the European equivalent of the American Civil War in some ways in the century before, in which in a very complicated way, it's both an attenuation and a reverse reflex. But this issue is very, very deep and very complicated and important, and goes beyond methodologies about the figures for the number of purported victims involved. Many Western people feel that because it is generally a given in the society and culture that they're in, that variants of our group have committed atrocities, that our civilization is therefore rendered worthless almost in its entirety, except when it apologizes before it even states that the right it has for us to exist. So every time Wagner is played on Radio 3, there will be a sort of 30-second health warning, like on a packet of cigarettes, it's as little as that. Because it's an ideology, it's doctrine, it imposes itself. Ideologies want to impose themselves, like Liquid finds its own level in the tank. If we were running things, if I was running the BBC, they would be slightly different from what's going on tonight. [Applause] I don't think that working at the BBC at the moment would hang themselves in their studios at the thought. But there's a degree to which the issue of the shower is very cardinal, because it is caused intergenerational hatred, particularly in Germany and elsewhere. It has caused a degree of self-hatred amongst our people. Something that the Benoit, the French new-rive theoretician from France, talks about a great deal. And this is the worst type of denigration, because denigration that comes from without means rain that bounces off and can be withstood, you can put it up on umbrella and get rid of it. But that which comes from inside is much more corrosive, much more deconstructive, much more disabling. And one of the reasons why this issue, as if this is the only event of frigging deeds that has ever occurred, but nevertheless, relativism deep down isn't enough. When the IRA committed an atrocity, they'd say, "Never mind ours, look at the British, look at the loyalists." I'd be like, "Well, what about this that you've done?" I'd say, "No, no, no, look at what they've done. Deep down in philosophy, that's not good enough." The problem we have is if you are very Christian or post-Christian in immorality, where there's a total dualism of good and evil. And if you think and have been indoctrinated at school from a very early age that our group has committed some monstrous evil, you are in dwarf to invent a word. You are semi-humiliated from the start. When you begin to assert yourself, you suddenly begin to remember, "Oh, I need to apologize before I do." And that's not just the sort of strange intellectual concept. Millions do that all the time. They say, "I'm not this, but..." They say, "I don't want to make an extremist remark." But they say, "Well, I don't really wish to get into the area of self-assertion." And the reason for all of that garbage is because of this shadow or those that relate to it in the background. And if you knocked out one another would emerge. Every black group in the United States wants a Holocaust and a museum of that slavery in their own cities. That's the next thing. And they say to a congressman, "We want our museum." "Well, I don't..." If you want our votes, you're going to get us our museum. This is straight to that. Each group claims status for strength through victimhood. That's what we face. I don't be strong because I've suffered and I'm going to get back because I've been weak in the park. And my strength is revenge and I'm morally entitled. And lots of our people think we were the primary and primordial and dominant group on Earth for quite a long time. And now we're losing it. In almost every area, also Spengler wrote "Decline of the West" after the Great War, which of course was a disgenic war which had a considerably destructive impact upon Western rulership at every level. But as you look around, you sense the decline. And if you have a decline and you have a desire to assert yourself, to arrest the decline, and you have to apologize to yourself about even having the idea of assertion to arrest the decline, you're not going to get anywhere, are you? No. And that's what this weapon is. Now, my view is the following. I'm technically a pagan. And pagans believe that creation and destruction go together. That love is fury. That whatever occurs, and whatever occurs, we don't have to apologize. We step over what exists. There's a concept in my philosophy which is called self-overbecoming, where you take things which exist at a lower level that you feel uncomfortable with, and you sublimate them. You throw them forward. You ventilate them. You take that which you don't like and you transmit it out chemically, psychologically and intellectually, and you change it, and you step forward and say no to past humiliations, to past indoctrination and degradation of the German people who are cardinal to the European identity, both because of their cultural linguistics, their specificity, and also because of the fact that they're at the heart of the European continent. If they have to apologize every day of the week for being what they are, our group as a whole can never assert itself. And my view is that when this is viewed as an issue, there are relativist dodges. There are things you can say. The deputy chairman of the party that I was in was asked about the show on Channel 4. And he said, "Well, which show are you referring to?" Are you talking about the Communist Holocaust, many of which were inspired by Jewish ideas? Silence. Very radical statement for a contemporary BNP leader. Silence. Silence. But of course, that's a clever answer and it's a political answer and it's a relativist answer. But my view is, I would say, we've overcome all of these events. And we will stride onto new forms of glory. New forms of that which is impactful. We can rebuild cities again. Every German city was completely destroyed. It was like Roche-Nin, Chechnya and that. Nothing at all. I have a friend of mine who's a well-known growing intellectual who's almost 80 now. His name is Bill Hopkins. After the war, he served in Hamburg. And during the summer in about 1948 when he was in the RAF, he said all the British troops used to go outside the city because the stench was so bad, because of all the bodies under the buildings that hadn't been reached and hadn't been dragged out or hadn't been put into line. But everything has been rebuilt. Because everything can be rebuilt and built beyond what even existed in the past. So if somebody says to you who are descended from brigands, which is in a sense, individually, what that sort of contrary ideology is, you say I'm not going to bother about dickers and who do what to who. I will overcome that. Oh, well, I don't like the sound of that. That's a bit illiberal. And I'd say, you just say liberalism is moral syphilis. And I'm stepping over it. Well, I don't like the sound of that. You sound like a bit of a fascist to me. And I'd say there's nothing wrong with fascism. Nothing wrong with fascism at all. Everyone now got to reverse semiotic and runs against what they actually think in order to convince people who don't agree with them anyway. There's democracy and I'm not a Democrat. I'm not a Democrat. When I supported the challenge in the parties that I used to be in, I did it for various reasons, but to encourage greater democracy wasn't necessarily one of them. For various reasons. For various reasons has to have morality with it. Those who make an absolute clone and who don't live up to the nature of that claim or don't even begin to live up to the nature of it can't advocate authority. Mostly, for example, was regarded as above the movements that he led. And therefore there was a degree of absolute respect, even if he would disagree with them totally on the European nation and there is other things, because of the respect he had as a man. And if you're the lead right wing movement, you have to have that degree of character. Character is integral to that type of authority. He will be selling a military commander, never mind a political one. If it's not there, you can't make authoritarian pledges and carry on in that sort of way, because you're just involved in the grubby game, which consists of labor, liberal, Tory, and different versions of the same thing. To make an absolute claim and not live up to it is worse than being in new labor, because they don't pretend, even though people have been fooled. So my view is that we must return again to sets of ideas which suit us, that are cardinal for us, that are metaphysically objective and subjective, that see the flux and walk and weft of life and its complicativeness, but know there are absolute standards upon which things are based. If we can't overcome the weapons which are used against us, we will disappear. These are the facts. And therefore we have to do so in our own minds. Every other group that has ever existed in human history has not had the albatross around it, but it only remembers as a form of guilt and expiation, and as a mollock before sacrifices must be made, their own moments of grief and of slaughter and of ferocity. They configure the world in another way. When the Greeks sacked the city in internal warfare, everyone would be enslaved. But they did not remember when their bards sang of their victories, that they had denied the human rights of other Greek city-state. No people can survive if it incorporates as a mental substructure an anti-heroic myth about itself. This is why war is largely fought in the mind of the mob world. When Iraq was invaded and that regime was taken down, the precedence for everything which occurred had been done earlier in the 20th century. De-barchification, removal of the army that allowed them to keep their weapons black, and those Americans had learnt the error of that subsequently. The removal of the top of the civil service, trials for those involved, their moral degradation and expiation hanging in public put on YouTube so the world can see it, that degradation of these deliverance. Not foreign statesmen to which we were opposing against Henry IV, but villains, criminals that we must deem and hide and destroy. Why is it done? Because it destroys the morally in the mind. And Iraq is taking us down is what it was about to be. Why do you say that, Abdul? Well, I've seen it on TV. That's what 80% of people are like. These extraordinary reversals, because this is a mass age, in the past countries were ruled by elites. You chopped off an elite, put another elite in place. Now the masses are allegedly in charge, so you have to indoctrinate the masses. You have to stimulate them to fury. Your enemy's not human, they're beasts. Beasts? No, what a bitch. Beasts, human rights abuser, genocide list. Saddam Arman in the Gulf for years. Now a demon, a demon! An anti-Zionist, ferocious, apostate and so on. But most of the chemicals that he used, in the three-way war, Kurds, Iranians on Iraqis, fought at the First World War level. Companies in Germany, in France, in Russia, in Belgium, in Britain. And in North America provided that. The gas was used by the Iranians as well, and the Kurds fought on both sides. But that is the complicatedness that people don't want to see. And it's also a problem to all groups. An American, a Kurd or an intellectual would be fighting in his own mind, physically, in a courageous way. At the level of him in the ground with the sand around him and the flies in his eyes. He's not thinking about grand theory. He's thinking about getting through that tour of duty and getting back to the whites and the kids in Maryland or something. That's that level. We always have to understand that individual white Americans have absolutely no control over their elites, just as we have no control over ours. Because they've gone to a global level, and they think they've left us behind. They think England and Britain's up trouble, and they can step out of it to universality. Well, they can't step out of it to universality, because if you're not rooted in something, you don't come from anywhere. There are no groups that go down into the earth, and you could be mingled about like a weed, which has very weak roots and just rips out. And somebody stronger will rip you out. So my role in all these white-winged parties and groups that I've been in, one way or another, for the last 15 years is to preach inequality. You should hear that. He says people are unequal. People are unequal. 75% of it's genetic and biological. Partly criminality is biological. Predisposition to drug addiction is biological. Intelligence is biological. Beauty is biological. Ferocity or a predisposition to it is biological. Intellect is biological. You can do a bit, but you're born to be what you are, and we should celebrate what we were born to be, because we have created 90% of value in modernity. I am a modernist in many ways, because I believe we've created a modern world that has been taken away from what it could have been. The modern amount which preceded it are not necessarily in complete opposition. If people with our sorts of values ruled modernity, everything about this society would be at one level the same, and in every other respect, completely different. They would still drive contemporary cars that would still be jets, and would still be supercomputers and so on, but the texture and the nature of life would be different in every respect. How so? Personally, cultures would be mono-ethnic. Secondly, there would be a respect for the past lawyers of our civilization. Thirdly, we would not preface every attempt to be strong by saying, "I'm sorry, I'm sorry for what we have done." We're not sorry! [Applause] And we step over the prospect of being sorry. And Mike Invagan in his autobiography, which is called, is it called My Struggle? It's called My Life. He was asked about the massacre of Palestinian villages, which was certainly instituted by his paramilitary group, and he said, "The sun comes up and goes down." It was necessary. We lived, we struggled, and they had died. Israel. And we have to be the same. We have to be the same. I was in the BMP meeting and the chapter came up to me and said, "You were a bit right-wing, aren't you?" He said, "I used to be in the Labour Party." "That's alright." And he said, "Don't you think this party is a bit too nationalistic?" And I said, "Well, what do you object of these flags?" And he said, "Well, I'm just being honest." I said, "Okay, you know, he's willing to stand in this sort of thing." And I said, "Why does it upset you?" And he said, "Well, wouldn't it be better if we presented ourselves as the victims?" He said, "I don't want to capture too much." But he said, "I'm obsessed by the case of the Red Squirrel." And I get me very strange. But what he meant was what he wants to configure, that we are the victims. And the problem with that is that it's what everyone else does. And it can't be done because there are many white victims in this society now, in the way that he's going. But if you concentrate on pain and defeat, you will breed resentment. And I believe that resentment and pity are the things to be avoided. Serozism should be our way. Courage should be our way. When somebody pushes you, you push them back. When somebody's forced to you, you're forced to them. When somebody's friendly to you, you are to them. Inside for your own country and your own group and your own culture and your own civilization, at your own level and in your own way. And when somebody says, "Apologize for this or that," you say, "No. I regret nothing." As a French singer once said, "I regret nothing." And it's a good answer. I have no regrets. Once life is a bullet that goes through screens, you hit a final screen in your day. What happens after? None of us know. Because either a spiritual world has all the cardinal and metaphysical objectivist religions of every type, for every culture and every group say there is, or there's not. In my philosophy, the energy that's in us goes out into everything which exists. But there is an end after the end, but it's not final as our conscious. That's what I think. That's why I believe in cremation. Because I believe in fire and the glory of fire. I remember when my mother was cremated. If there were anyone's ever been to a cremation, it was a bit of ghastly, simple, and this sort of thing, and they have a curtain because they don't want you to see the fire. Because it's a furnace, an absolute furnace. And I said to the vicar, "Look, I don't even give you some money. I want to see the fire." And he went, "Tough, huh?" I said, "I'm a pagan. I want to see the fire." And he went, "It's not lost." He said, "If you want those." And he said, "I thought he was going to say, 'It's a 20-cook more.'" But no. And I was about to stand near the coffin as it went in. And it's just a game of furnace. It opens the sort of, the sort of ecumenical and multidimensional curtain that they have over it, which is a peacock, and there is multi-faceted figures on it, goes up. And you see this ball of flame. This amazing ball of flame that's right the inside of the sun. And you see this, what, long, box going through it. And the flame finds every line and every plane. And every sort of mathematical conceit in the box. And soon it's completely combined, and then the dead can stand. And I believe that's what life's like. I believe that's what happens when a sun forms, when a galaxy forms, when one ends, when a life begins, and when a life ends. That for me is life. Fire, energy, glory, and thinking. Thinking is the important thing. Being white isn't enough. Being English isn't enough. Being British isn't enough. Know what you are in this book to read about your own culture as a revolutionary act. People have thought to rebel at school and hate our high culture, hate our folk culture. I've heard a Manchester club leader who I've only knew earlier in my life who died recently. And he was in charge of factory records. Very left wing, that's why he produced bands called New Order and Joy Division to make money out of it. He said I didn't like 80's new romantic music, and the Radio 5 jockeys had to... Why is that? And he said because it was too white. Too white? Because it's bass wasn't black enough, he said. Now if you have these sorts of ideas, you will mentally perish over time. And you will physically perish as well over time. But you have to know about our own forms to be able to deny the postulation of these people who would deny them. Knowledge is power. Listen to high music. Go into the National Gallery. It's free. You can stay hours in there. Look at what we've produced as a group. This is what the Muslims teach their people to be totally proud of what you are in your own confirmation of identity. Because identity is divine. It's just like that fire that consumed the box when I was younger. Nature's philosophy isn't for everybody, it's too harsh and too forbidding for many people. But it is a way of thinking which is reflexive and absolute. It's a way of thinking which is primordial and extraordinary Western. It's a way of thinking that enables people to be religious in the sense of the sacredness of life, but also to be open to that and to evidence and to science. It combines those things that lead to glory and express themselves through tenderness and porosity. I urge all white people in this era to look into the mirror and to ask themselves what do you know about what you are. And if you don't know enough, put your hand on that mirror and move towards greater knowledge of what you can become. We're all going to die and make use of that time which remains. Greatness is in the mind and in the fist. The glory of our title is not behind us. We can be great again. But the first thing that we have to do is to say I walk towards the tunnel and I'm on my own and I'm not afraid and I have no regrets. Thank you very much. [Music]