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Inside the Groyper Campaign: What James Fishback's Florida Flop Reveals

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Inside the Groyper Campaign: What James Fishback's Florida Flop Reveals

The article explores James Fishback’s Florida gubernatorial campaign as a case study of how online extremism — particularly the "Gropers" movement — translates into real-world politics. Though Fishback began with inflammatory anti-Israel, anti-Asian, and anti-Semitic rhetoric, his actual campaign drew mostly ordinary voters focused on economic issues like immigration and taxes. At his final rally, a distinct group of young, ideologically driven supporters from outside Florida emerged, openly promoting racist and anti-Semitic views, confirming the existence of such ideologies beyond the digital sphere. However, the piece concludes that these extremists are not politically significant — their numbers are too small to influence outcomes. The author observes that while such figures may appear influential online, they often moderate over time as political realities set in. Institutional strength — such as think tanks and political offices — can shape these young activists into more mature, mainstream voices. A key contrast is Byron Donalds’ measured, principled response to Fishback’s attacks, demonstrating that political success can be achieved without provocation. Ultimately, the article suggests that extremist voices are fleeting, fueled by youthful rebellion, and unlikely to reshape the Republican Party — offering hope that politics can remain grounded in reason and stability.

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What if a few minutes with God could change the direction of your entire day with pray.com you can begin each morning with powerful daily prayers inspiring Bible stories and messages created to strengthen your faith whether you need peace encouragement or a fresh start pray.com helps you make prayer part of your everyday life. Download the pray.com app today. Hello, I'm Tim Rice. Welcome to another edition of Behind the Story. Joining me today is repeat guest my friend and colleague daily wire managing editor Dylan Houseman Dylan twice in two weeks man. I wouldn't have had you back right one after the other if the story wasn't really worth it, but it really is. So thanks for being here. Glad to be back. It is one of the burdens of writing regular bangers is that sometimes you have to do the show twice in a row, but you know, that's just the burden I bear. So speaking of the bangers and you do write them so frequently, there are many, but this one in particular is titled Here Lie the Groipers a Dispatch from podcast to stand. And this one took you a little bit out of your comfort zone. And out of the swamp, tell us tell us first just broadly what the piece was about. Yeah, we can start 30,000 feet above the swamps of Florida. I went from the swamps of DC to the swamps of Florida, literally down to Everglade, ish country. And people might recall that there was a governor election, a governor primary election last week in Florida. They might also recall that there was a fellow named James Fishback who was running it for governor and the Republican primary. And the short version of who James Fishback is is that he launched his campaign running very aggressively against Israel running against APEC. At various times running against the Jews, more explicitly, he was really dog whistling with very specific turns, phrase and messaging towards the neck, foot test, crowd, the Groipers is what they call themselves, hence the title of the piece. You started by there being goy slop being fed to the kids at school cafeterias, which is obviously an anti-Semitic dog whistle. Is it even a dog whistle actually at that point? No, I don't think it's just a whistle. Yeah, it's more of a shout. A dog shout. Yeah, anti-Semitic whistle. And yeah, he ran this very online, you know, targeted at these very young men, streamer watching anti-Semitic, anti-Israel, anti-APEC folks and gained a lot of attention on the internet as a result. Over the course of his campaign, he kind of shifted somewhat. He still maintained a lot of that base, but he also started running into more traditional kind of populist manner. I would say he was talking a lot about data centers. He lately started talking a lot about flock. He, you know, wanted to return to Old Florida as he put it, very harsh on immigration on H1B visas. So ran this kind of populist naturalist campaign, but it very much began with this anti-Israel anti-APEC anti-Jewish at times messaging that got all of the online kind of, you know, alt-right types really into him. And so I wanted to go down to Florida to see how does this translate into the real world? You know, this gets a ton of attention online. People are fighting on Twitter about it. They're fighting on Instagram about it. There's all these snipes back and forth between the various camps of the right and the online sphere. But most of these guys that have run for office this way as basically, you know, online provocateurs trying to just get attention by being racist and anti-Semitic on the internet. Most of them have flamed out completely when they actually run for anything. They don't really go anywhere. Fishback was a little different in the sense that he was running a real campaign. He wasn't able to raise much money, but he had some volunteers. He was doing a ton of campaign stops. He was taking, he got one on soccer Carlson. People might remember and got a big boost from that. He got backed by Nick Fuentes. So he had the, you know, alternative media support fully in his corner. And so I was like, okay, to the extent that any of these people are serious in their attempts to run for office fishback in a way. He's not a serious person as we can discuss more later. But in a way, he was running a more serious campaign than most of these other kind of provocateurs. So I want to go down there, talk to some of his supporters, go to some of his events. I actually ended up talking to him himself at one of his events and kind of observe what these people were about. Do they exist in real life? What do the greatpers look like outside their basements, that type of thing? Before we get further into the Grobers, and you already said all this, but this was just my favorite part of the piece. So I'm going to, I'm going to quote directly from it. Fishback, he launched his campaign with inflammatory Twitter tirades about Israel and APAC. He secured endorsements from both Tucker Carlson and Fuentes. He frequently lobbied racist attacks against the opponent Byron Donalds. But the critical difference from other Groeper grifters was the act of running a real campaign. He made dozens of stops in the closing days of the campaign alone, had a strong digital operation, an organized group of real volunteers, and as a gifted communicator, when he isn't triggered into telling a black voter, they should be lynched. Yeah, that is, I was hoping people would get the reference if I included in the piece. He literally told a black voter at one of his campaign stops because he, he, one step back, Fishback was incredibly accused of dating a 17 year old. I don't know if it was ever adjudicated, 100% but we can go incredibly accused and somebody asked him about this in a campaign event, a black man, and he told him he should be lynched for asking him this question. So that's like an example of, you know, just so people think this isn't like, oh, you know, pro clutching this guy's a racist. Now he's very actually racist. Yeah, that's, there's no, there's no two ways about that. But, as I said, of the piece in the line you just read, very talented communicator and speaker when he's not being completely unhitched, like you do have to hand it to him in that sense. All right, so you get down to the swamps of Florida. You got down what it was two days before. I got there Monday morning. I went Monday night to his final speech of his campaign, which is down again in kind of the swampish country down in South Florida. And then I went to his campaign watch party rally, victory party, as he would have called it, whatever you want to call it on Tuesday night on actual election day. All right. So just walk us through you get down there. Let's just start walking us through your experience in the land of the groggers. Yeah. So the first thing I did, I flew to Orlando. I knew that Byron Donald was going to be in Orlando on Tuesday for his election night event. I was hoping to potentially catch up with him if I was able to. I knew fishback was going to be a tampon, which is an hour and a half down the road. So I fly into Orlando. I don't know exactly what I'm going to do first, but then I find out about his closing speech. It's happening later that night. It's about three hours drive from where I was in a very rural town. Town of about 7,000 people. So I drove the three hours in Orlando. It was being held at this church. I believe it was the turning point. Church of God was the name of the church. Really out in the middle of nowhere. Very rural area. As I said, I get there. I see fishback in the parking lot, helping his volunteers, bring signs into the church and stuff. This is about 45 minutes before he started. Only a handful of people there at that point. I walk into the church. I see the pastor of the church who I looked up before getting there and to see if he was going to be directly involved with this. What his deal was, find out he was a fishback supporter. So I went into the church, went to talk to the pastor. He was very forthcoming with me. And the first thing I noticed was that I don't know his exact age, but I'd peg him as he had a 21 year old son. I'd peg him as being, you know, Gen X probably. Not a full boomer, but you know, an older guy. And he sounded very much like a typical kind of popular strunk voter in many ways. You know, he talked about data centers. He talked about immigration. He also talked about taxes. He wasn't big. He's an economic conservative. He didn't want to pay a lot of taxes once we had cut taxes, things like that. Didn't talk about Israel all. Didn't talk about the Jews. None of these kind of conspiracy, racist, bizarre online things that like the Nick Flintus types are into. None of that was present in this conversation. And so that was my first thing I noticed. I actually asked him about Israel at one point in the conversation because like you know, James, he got a lot of attention with his anti-Israel rhetoric. But I'm just curious like his pastor and a sport of his like where you stand on that. And he said he was probably Israel. And notably, as I noted in the piece, his church had foreign flags lining the side of it. I did a little research. And this seems to be something within his denomination that's kind of a common thing that it's kind of, you know, they view themselves as a global kind of entity summary. And so they were there flags lining the church. And one of them was these rarely flag. It was actually the one all the way at the front directly next to James Fishback while he was giving a speech. I got a photo of him with the Israeli flag in the front. He was 20 feet away from it. And so he was probably Israel. I noticed that. I thought that was weird. He said a son introduced him to James Fishback. So then I talked to his son. His son knew him from working with him at this nonprofit that he used to run years ago, where he was helping, you know, do like a debate club training for like teenagers, which connected into the 17 year old dating situation. But again, we don't know if you know that rabbit hole. But he met, he met him through his son. His son was a fan. Again, didn't mention anything about the Israel stuff, the Jews, any of that stuff. And then, you know, we went inside, he was about to give the speech before the speech. I started talking to a few other people. Again, nobody's talking about the Jews. Nobody's talking about Israel. It was an older crowd, more millennial in Gen X than like the young men who you would think will be watching Nick Vlint as all day. And they were talking about again, normal kind of populist issues, data centers, flock, wanting to reign an immigration, wanting to get a lot of affordability talk as well, a lot of talk about cost of living and wanting to get the economy in a better state than it is. And nobody's talking about these crazy online things. The only person who did bring up the kind of gripper stuff at this event was one campaign volunteer who I said next two minutes long. too. And he was the younger guy. I think he was 21 for a call correctly. And he said, yeah, he had gestured to the Israeli flag, which is actually how I noticed it was in the room. I hadn't even seen it yet. He gestured to the Israeli flag. And was like, yeah, I do have feelings about that flag, you know, over there. But like the Israel thing is really just a broken record at this point. And I was like, what do you mean by that? And he's like, well, you know, we've said what we want about it. Like people know where we stand. And people that just obsessively talk only about it all the time, you know, it's kind of grand. It's kind of a waste of time. Like they're it gets old. There are other things that we need to be talking about. They're important. Like the other issues we have discussed. I asked him what his media diet was. He very openly told me I listened to Nick Fuentes. I listened to Tucker Carlson. He had a very online Gen Z media diet, I would say. And again, Tucker Carlson talks about Israel every single episode. Nick Fuentes virulently anti Israel. But this kid was like, yeah, like I have those opinions, fish back as those opinions, but like we don't want to obsess over it. So that was that was the crux of the interesting observations from the first night at the church. And I guess I should close on the last point that fish back in his speech did not talk about Israel all really. He had one reference to APAC. If I recall correctly, I think he mentioned APAC once in the speech didn't mention Israel by name. I actually caught up with him after the speech and asked him why are you talking about Israel and APAC so much less. And he was like, well, I am still talking about it, but you know, I want to talk about the issues that matter to Floridians and talking about other things as well. And last had been about this. I guess actually before we move on to the next step is as soon as I got done talking to fish back, I spent a few minutes with him talk to him. I asked him a question of why he's not talking about Israel and APAC as much. He moves on to get a handshake with the supporters and a gentleman walks up to me who is older who I wanted to talk to already because he seemed like an interesting guy based on his actions throughout the night. And he walks up to me and introduces himself and said the first thing out of his mouth is, yeah, the Israel thing is dead. We're not talking about that anymore. I was like, what do you mean? Who are you? What is this? And he revealed himself to be an outside advisor to the fish back campaign who said that he would never support an anti-Israel candidate because Israel was the chosen people of God and the out theologically, you know, we can't oppose Israel. And he was a Florida political operator who had started advising the fish back campaign, you know, that a month and a half to two months prior. And said, yeah, I told James to cut that out essentially, like no more of the anti-Israel stuff that's stupid. And he's like, I don't think James Fishback is anti-Israel or else I wouldn't be advising his campaign. And I was like, okay, man, interesting thing. But that was a very interesting conversation. So you have you go to this kind of his his swan song rally, right? The last rally of the campaign and closing argument is closing arguments and you're thinking, okay, this is he's not talking about Israel. There seem to be some adults in the room. This if it looks like a political campaign and it quacks like a political campaign, like my god might Jimmy Fishback pull it off and then came election day and the crowd at the Fishback victory party was a beast of a different nature. Tell us about that. Yes. I, you know, we all knew that Fishback wasn't going to win. He was probably he was pulling, you know, the high single digits most polls, you know, maybe he gets 10%, 15%, but we knew he wasn't going to win. And so, you know, I come down here, I wanted to see these crazy supporters. And after this first event, I'm thinking to myself, maybe my premise was wrong here. Like, maybe there are none of these people in the real world. And like, I'm not going to get to talk to any of them and even Fishback himself. Is it really talking about this stuff anymore? Like, maybe, maybe I kind of missed the boat on this and he, you know, this is just going to flame out and not be that interesting. Not the case. I drove back to Orlando Tuesday night comes. I swing by the Byron Nautilus election party briefly. Say hello to a few folks there. Then I make the hour and a half drive to Tampa and get there at about 730 to 8 ish. And this is after the polls had closed. It was already clear that he was losing the results were officially end that show that he was not going to win. He ended up winning about 10% of the vote. It's at the airport. Helden, I believe, pick your rate hotel chain. It was the airport hotel. And I believe it was a help. I show up, walk in. There's no kind of signage or volunteers really anywhere. I go back to the, I finally followed the stream of young kids and suits and dresses as I put it in the piece that were kind of mingling about the hotel. I kind of followed them like bread crumbs back to where this big ballroom is and I see the event. I walk past the credential table. What the extent that it existed. Nobody stopped me. I just walked into the event. Started taking the measure of the room. And this was where you saw the grippers in full effect. This crowd, unlike the previous night's crowd, which was older, more kind of rural. I would say normal Americans, so to speak, real Americans, who I, even if I don't agree with them about James Fishback, I could have some similar concerns to them and, you know, crack a beer with them and have a good time. This was a bunch, this looked like a problem after party. This was a bunch of kids that looked like they're about 20 years old, dressed to the nines to the level that a 20 year old can dress to the nines. And they were very much talking about Israel and the Jews and all of these things much more openly. And so I talked to some of the folks there. Again, got the vibe that these were the actual grippers. But the thing that was interesting to me there, one of the things is that the people that were most worried about Israel and were attracted to the Israel stuff and the APEC stuff and racism and the edge lordness and all that stuff were people that were not by and large from Florida. There were people who had come from other places to, you know, I think as I put it in the piece, to kind of pilgrimage, it seemed like they thought James Fishback was like the leader of this movement, and they needed to come pay honor to him. So it was interesting that the people that were actually his constituents potentially seemed less concerned with it. But that was where I saw all these kids who were the Nick Fuentes types. And even then, even there, there was some degree of, I would say, confusion and kind of a disconnect between Fishback's rhetoric and who was supporting him. Because even there, I talked to a couple of people. I noted in the piece, there was this black girl, a teenager who'd volunteered for the campaign, who said that she liked Fishback because she was pro-life and was a Christian and he was strongly pro-life and he made a religion a big thing who this campaign. And she had just seen a social media clip of him talking about abortion and Christianity and stuff. And that's how she got to know him. And I asked her, I said, you know, a lot of people think James Fishback is racist and do you think he's racist? And she said, well, we all have our moments, right? But I don't think you'd be so nice to me if you're a racist. And I was like, that's an interesting answer. That's an interesting answer. But yeah, that crowd was very different and confirmed to me two things. One, the groipers are real, in a sense, they do exist in the real world. They can't get out, they can't vote, they can't volunteer to these things. The two, they're not, in my opinion, an electorally significant piece of puzzle. That was kind of, that was kind of big, been the broader debate here amongst Republicans is like, do we need to give in any area to these kids who are crazy on the internet? Because if we don't, or we're going to lose elections, if they don't vote for us, and my conclusion from this experiment is no, because I just don't think there's enough of them in numbers. Even if all 10% of James Fishback's voters were like this, then it may be a debate, but they're not as I learned. So that's one takeaway. The second takeaway, and you and I talked about this actually, when I got back, is like, there's a youthful energy to this that is real, but it also is the type of thing that tends to fade and evolve over time in my opinion. We've all, you know, all of us that are in DC have been involved in politics from a young age, have gone to these conventions and these conferences as, you know, high schoolers and college kids and early adults, where you are super jazzed about all these new ideas and these new figures and this energy and your movement. And like, it usually just doesn't pan out that way. Like the adults in the room usually still end up being the ones driving the ship, and the youth insurgency, you know, if the youth insurgency was real, Ron Paul would have impressed them. And if the youth insurgency was real, you would have seen a very different, even in this term of Trump, you would have seen a very different policy platform, I would say, from for Trump in a second term, if this youth insurgency was real and actually taking over the party. And so, you know, I came away from it not to not as concerned about this movement, I would say, as I may have previously done. So I think that's fair. And I think for those of us who, you know, are our chariot sentiments that are also happy that, you know, groipers do not represent the future of the Republican party. This is welcome news. But, you know, these kids aren't going any where. Nick Fuentes isn't going anywhere. James Fishback certainly isn't going anywhere. I mean, I guess the two questions are, what do you think happens next, right? What do you think happens, I suppose, in between now and 2028? And is it possible that something could happen that would actually make them more electorally relevant, right? Like, and is it maybe more of these candidates, more of these groipers adjacent candidates following James Fishback's example and trying to actually run real campaigns while also, you know, being racist and anti-Semitic? Yeah, I think there's two things that really come to mind. on this question. The first is that these people, these smart ones will moderate to some degree and the dumb ones will continue to to be crazy and they'll flam out. But they will moderate and we saw that with Fishbacks campaign himself. He ran for close to a year and at the beginning of that year, he was talking a very, you know, outlandish way and over time as that outside advisor, you know, pointedly put it to me. Uh, he evolved, you could say, and he started running in a more traditionally populist, you know, Trump like way than, than as crazy as he was at the beginning. And I would even say someone like Nick Flintaz, if you observe his rhetoric a little more closely in the past year or so, I would say he has started to get, and I would be clear, I'm not saying he's actually changed his underlying views. I have no way of knowing that I would assume that, but to the degree that his rhetoric represents what he is, is pushing. He's like outflanked people like Tucker and Candace from the same side. Like he has started to call those types of people crazy and point out times when they're being outlandish and ridiculous. And I think there's very clearly a tactical move by him. And he's the person that all of these people look up to and kind of take their cues from. There's a clear effort by him to at least be like, I'm not a, I'm not Candace of it. It's like, I'm not out there. I'm not Tucker Carlson. He's talking about Israel, every single episode. He's starting to kind of try and get laid back a little bit more towards the middle in a way with a lot of his rhetoric and what he's been talking about lately. And again, I don't think that means he's changed his views at all. But I think it represents an acknowledgement and an understanding that like being an insane, I don't know if I'm allowed to curse on this show, but we can try. Yeah. Being the idea that being just like an unhinged poster on the internet as your, as your political platform is like actually a way to attain power. There's clearly a recognition that that's not the move that's happening. So that's the first thing I would say. The second thing I would say is that a lot of this is going to depend on like the institutions within DC and within politics. A lot of these kids who I talk to at the second event are the type of kids that are going to end up being interns on the Capitol Hill. There are types of kids that are going to end up in like research assistant positions at think tanks and at media companies and things like that in a few years once they get out of college. The types of kids, you know, a lot of them that are going to get kind of absorbed into the political apparatus. And I think it's going to depend a lot. And we've seen this happen with places like Heritage, for instance, when they had the whole Tucker Carlson, Bruhav, Kevin Roberts and all that. It's going to be up to these institutions when those kind of inflection points happen to make clear where they stand on some of these key issues and to not succumb to what they perceive to be the hot thing of the moment. Because if you do have the heritage foundations and the, you know, pick your media companies of the world and the Senate offices of the Republican party and all these institutions that these kids filter into. If they all start to be like, well, I guess we kind of have to give it to the groupers a little bit. That is where the energy is. I guess we're going to give it. And maybe we'll be a little bit anti-Semitic or maybe we'll, maybe we'll turn on Israel a little bit. Maybe we'll be a little bit racist. Like if that starts to happen, then the kids won't grow up because they don't need to. But if these institutions do kind of maintain a firm line of like, yes, you may have been a little out there in college, whatever. We don't want to cancel you. But like if you come here to work at this think tank or this, you know, in the Senate office or whatever, like there's an expectation you're going to grow up and like be an adult now politically. If that happens, then I think this stuff kind of naturally filters out. But that's a big gift. I don't know. I mean, I think the other thing that could come into play and it's less of an active correction than what you just described. Obviously, well, it'll be obvious when I say it. But one thing that really struck me about this whole campaign was just how little Byron Donalds engaged with the most extreme rhetoric from fishback. And I was constantly impressed. I like Byron Donalds. I think he's a great politician. I think he's very good at this. Obviously, I think, you know, he handled one. I think it's reasonable to assume he'll be the next governor of Florida. But he really at no point. And that's rare these days, right? Everyone punches back and punches down. And if someone gives you a nickname, you give them a nickname back, right? I mean, it's what's made politics at times a little bit more entertaining, but generally really insufferable is everyone's meaming at each other and the Democrats are doing it to Trump. And Trump's doing it back. And at some point, it's just so exhausting. But Byron Donald is the rare thing of he, I mean, he engaged with him. He criticized them on the merits. And I believe a handful of times, you know, in response to some of the more extreme racist comments that fishback made. I think maybe once or twice, but Donald said something, but otherwise, he pretty much just ignored him, went about running his campaign. And I think that I don't know if that will motivate anyone to change or if it will inspire any candidates to follow Donald's lead in the future. But I do think it was an important campaign. I think the way that he ran the campaign was very important for this moment because he showed that you still can succeed in, especially in Republican primaries without necessarily giving into the kind of like drag down bear knuckle, just like game of constant insults and who can be the meaner meanie to their opponent. Yeah, I'm glad you mentioned that because that is a very important piece of the story. And I hope to talk to Byron at one point in the process of doing the story. And he was just very busy with the election night stuff, obviously. So it didn't man out. But I did talk to some people around him, leading up to the election and then on election night. And it was a very, you're right. He basically ignored him almost entirely throughout the campaign. And, you know, the people who I talked to were like, yeah, that's a very deliberate choice because one, on just a personal level like Byron is black man and having a guy make constant attacks. They own him about his race and use racial epithets towards him is not something he is going to want to dignify with a response. And so that obviously makes sense. But then also politically, it is unnecessary, especially in Byron's position where he has such a strong lead, it's unnecessary to get down in the mud and someone like that. And I've often, you know, it's hard to have counterfactuals and know for sure. I've often thought at a gut level that we the collective royal we as like saying the conservative media figures and political actors probably give too much thought and too much energy towards these provocateurs. And it depends which one you're talking about. They're all a little bit different. But certainly someone like Fuentes or someone at this point like Candace Owens. It's like, yes, they do have large audiences, but on the internet again, but it doesn't translate as we've seen to real world political power. And I think hinging on their every word, clipping every questionable statement took a course and makes on a show clipping every single crazy thing Candace Owens says on a show and freaking out about it on Twitter and doing entire podcast episodes dedicated to debunking them. You have to do some of that. You do have to make people aware and rebut some of the things that they're saying and make people, especially someone who, you know, some of these people who have, you know, different audiences that they cultivated previously in their career that may not realize how they've changed. You do have to do some of that. But I think at times we maybe give too much attention and too much air to these people. And I think I do hope as you alluded to that like some Republicans and other conservatives look at how Byron Donald's ran this campaign and say, oh, actually, like, if we're running or dealing with this insane person or having a, you know, Twitter fighter podcast fight with this insane person, like actually, maybe instead of getting in the mud and having a dramatic back and forth when every little thing they say, maybe just by being sane and presenting a positive alternative for people to support that people can be drawn to on their own without having to make it such a direct head to head conflict. Maybe that is actually a more more fruitful path because as well, though, kids love things that are rebellious. They love things that are that are, you know, dissident that really rattled the establishment and their parents and their grandparents that, you know, didn't love them enough or whatever. Like the kids love that stuff. And so if you are constantly scolding them and telling them that they're bad for what they're doing, that might backfire. Whereas if you're just presenting a more sane, reasonable alternative, that's more attractive to them and that they can put two and two together and say, hey, what I rather go with the funny guy that gets 10% of the vote that's really crazy and makes me, you know, you know, runs a tingle up my leg. Or when I rather go vote for the guy who like, it's still pretty good, but actually can win and like I can be an adult and like actually, you know, be part of something real. A lot of them might choose the latter option if you just, you know, aren't weird about it. We can only hope. Dylan Houseman is the managing editor of The Daily Wire. Go read his incredible, I guess we can now call it a post-mortem of the James Fishback campaign. Here live the groipers. It's up on dailywire.com. As we speak, Dylan, always a pleasure. Thanks for joining. Thanks Tim. I will do my best to turn in another banger in the next few days. I'll come back on next week and continue to monopolize the show. Continue the streak. And whether whether it's with Dylan or not, we will be back next week on Behind the Story. Thanks for tuning in.

Podcast Summary

Key Points:

  1. The piece examines James Fishback’s 2022 Florida gubernatorial campaign, which began with aggressive anti-Israel, anti-Asian, and anti-Jewish rhetoric online, aligning with "Gropers" — a term for online extremists who use racist and anti-Semitic dog whistles.
  2. Despite his online popularity, Fishback’s real-world campaign attracted mostly ordinary voters focused on economic issues like immigration, taxes, and data centers, with little to no discussion of Israel or racism in grassroots events.
  3. At his final rally, a distinct and intense "Gropers" subculture emerged — young, dressed-up attendees from outside Florida who openly supported anti-Israel and anti-Semitic views, indicating a real-world presence of such ideologies.
  4. A key realization is that while these online radicals exist, they lack electoral significance; even if all of Fishback’s voters were such extremists, their numbers and influence are too small to shift politics.
  5. The article argues that extremist voices, like Fishback and Nick Fuentes, are likely to moderate over time due to political pragmatism and institutional pressures.
  6. Major political institutions (e.g., think tanks, media, Senate offices) have the power to absorb and normalize these youth movements, potentially filtering out extremist rhetoric as these individuals enter adulthood and mainstream politics.
  7. A notable contrast is Byron Donalds’ calm, principled response to Fishback’s rhetoric — showing that political success can be achieved without engaging in mudslinging, offering a more sustainable model for future campaigns.

Summary:

The article explores James Fishback’s Florida gubernatorial campaign as a case study of how online extremism — particularly the "Gropers" movement — translates into real-world politics. Though Fishback began with inflammatory anti-Israel, anti-Asian, and anti-Semitic rhetoric, his actual campaign drew mostly ordinary voters focused on economic issues like immigration and taxes. At his final rally, a distinct group of young, ideologically driven supporters from outside Florida emerged, openly promoting racist and anti-Semitic views, confirming the existence of such ideologies beyond the digital sphere.

However, the piece concludes that these extremists are not politically significant — their numbers are too small to influence outcomes. The author observes that while such figures may appear influential online, they often moderate over time as political realities set in. Institutional strength — such as think tanks and political offices — can shape these young activists into more mature, mainstream voices.

A key contrast is Byron Donalds’ measured, principled response to Fishback’s attacks, demonstrating that political success can be achieved without provocation. Ultimately, the article suggests that extremist voices are fleeting, fueled by youthful rebellion, and unlikely to reshape the Republican Party — offering hope that politics can remain grounded in reason and stability.

FAQs

The 'Groipers' refers to a group of online anti-Israel, anti-Semitic, and extremist supporters who promote racist and conspiratorial views, often found on social media platforms. They are associated with figures like James Fishback, who ran a campaign with inflammatory rhetoric targeting Israel and Jewish communities.

James Fishback ran a real political campaign, despite starting with extreme online rhetoric. He made dozens of campaign stops, had volunteers, and a digital operation, indicating a more organized effort than typical online provocateurs.

At the final event, the audience was older and more mainstream, with few references to anti-Israel or anti-Semitic views. The crowd discussed typical populist issues like immigration and data centers, suggesting the movement was not widely influential among actual voters.

Yes, the victory party was very different, featuring young, well-dressed attendees who openly discussed anti-Israel and anti-Semitic views. Many of these attendees were not from Florida, indicating they had come for a 'pilgrimage' to support Fishback's ideology.

No, the Groipers are not electorally significant. The transcript notes that even if all of Fishback’s supporters were aligned with extremist views, their numbers are too small to influence election outcomes or shift political power.

Many supporters, especially older voters and political operators, distanced themselves from the rhetoric. A campaign advisor told Fishback to stop using anti-Israel messaging, and the audience at events generally focused on economic and immigration issues rather than extremist views.

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