Impeachment Looms Over Trump After the Pentagon’s Leaked Nuclear Plans. Joe Kent on What Comes Next.
70m 21s
How close are we to nuclear war? According to Joe Kent, a lot closer than you think.(00:00) Monologue
(23:19) Are We Heading Toward Nuclear War?
(36:24) Israel's Escalation Into Lebanon and America's Response
(51:39) Ukraine Drafting Women Into the War
(56:19) What Was the CIA Director Doing in Moscow?
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Transcription
12658 Words, 70335 Characters
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There's something about catastrophe that's very difficult for the human brain to process.
Something terrible happens, and most people refuse to acknowledge it as it begins.
Talk to anybody who's seen a shooting, for example,
and they'll tell you, most of them will tell you, if you interview them,
I thought it was fireworks or a car backfiring.
Most people perceive a house fire in the first moments as burning,
again, there's something about people that pushes away evidence of disaster.
And so with that in mind, how would the average person assess the risk of nuclear war?
Which, to state the obvious, or what used to be obvious, is the worst possible thing.
A nuclear war ends inevitably in the destruction of all human life on the planet.
So there's nothing worse than nuclear war.
Ask your average American, are we close to nuclear war?
And, I haven't seen polling on it, but 9 out of 10 would almost certainly say,
well, no, of course not, because it's just not imaginable.
And let's hope it remains unimaginable.
But the evidence is mounting that some people are imagining it,
and therefore we are moving much closer to it.
What's the evidence? Well, it's all around us.
And it's only our unwillingness, our native hesitancy,
to add it all up that prevents us from seeing that.
But here are a couple facts that might be worth considering if you're trying to assess,
are we actually close to nuclear war?
Are we really close to a nuclear war?
Russia has revised its nuclear doctrine.
Nuclear doctrine is exactly what it sounds like.
It's the rules that a country sets for itself
about when and under what circumstances it will use nuclear weapons.
Most countries that possess nuclear weapons, not all,
but most, have what's called a no-first-use policy,
meaning they pledge to the world, but also to themselves,
we will not be the first to press the button.
We will use nuclear weapons in defense only.
Notably, the United States and Israel,
they do not have a no-first-use policy.
They have reserved the right to use nuclear weapons offensively if they so desire.
But until very recently, no one imagined that the United States or Israel
or any country would ever launch nuclear weapons
unless nuclear weapons have been launched against them.
And that's why for over 80 years, nuclear weapons have basically preserved the peace.
Horrifying as they are, or perhaps because they are so horrifying,
we haven't had. a global war since 1945.
Because the idea is nobody would win.
Mutually assured destruction is the phrase that people often used for this.
And so it's a big change when states start to think about using nuclear weapons
in the same way that you would use, say, artillery or bombs or missiles.
That has never been considered before.
But now, clearly, it is under consideration by. a couple or maybe several different countries.
And those would include Russia, the United States, and Israel.
Again, how do we know that?
Well, Russia has revised its nuclear doctrine.
The United States is now in the process of revising its nuclear doctrine.
As for Israel, well, the government of Israel and successive governments of Israel
have over more than 50 years, at various points,
threatened the use of offensive nuclear weapons.
So we sort of know that Israel is capable of that.
At least if you take them at their word.
But the United States is a country most Americans never imagined
would seriously consider lobbing nukes into another country,
unless it was attacked first.
But it is a fact that that is now under consideration.
And not just under consideration.
It has been proposed in writing within the Pentagon.
Reports in the last two weeks indicate that during meetings within the Pentagon about how to
respond to Iran in that current war, the possibility, the option has been floated of using what
are called tactical nuclear weapons, which are just nuclear weapons detonated at a higher
altitude or at a lower strength.
But they're still nuclear weapons.
That discussions about their use have taken place in the Pentagon.
And we're here to confirm that that is absolutely true.
And not only have there been discussions about the use of nuclear weapons, tactical nukes
against, say, Karg Islands.
Or pickaxe mountain or various spots within Iran.
Those discussions have included slide decks, which is to say, somebody wrote down on a computer screen,
hey, maybe we should use nuclear weapons in this war, this war of choice.
This war that we started for objectives that have nothing to do with America's national security or national interest.
Now, you would think at that point.
The meeting would stop and the person in charge of the meeting would say, who wrote this?
Who wrote that?
Who's suggesting that?
Who actually put on a screen in letters in English, the idea that we would use nuclear
weapons in the Persian Gulf?
And the person running the meeting would find out that he would call the president.
And then legal proceedings, criminal proceedings would begin against the person who wrote that
down.
Because anyone who suggests the use, the voluntary use, the offensive use of nuclear weapons
is putting at risk.
And that's what's happening right now.
And it's happening right now.
life on this planet probably should face some kind of sanction. And the rest of us should join
in in saying that's not acceptable. And again, anyone who suggests that is dangerous, is a crazy
person, is in fact a criminal, because that's true. People who suggest killing every human
being are criminals. But nobody said that, in part because the president of the United States
has repeatedly suggested using nuclear weapons in the war against Iran. Now, if you were to pose
this question to the White House press office, they would say the president has never suggested
using nukes. But of course, that's not true. Because in statement after statement posted on
the internet on True Social, the president has threatened the total destruction of Iran, of the
civilization itself. And of course, you can't achieve that with any conventional weapon.
There's only one way to achieve that, the total destruction of a civilization. And that's with
nuclear weapons.
And so openly, in public, for the world to see, the president has threatened, the U.S. president
has threatened the use of nuclear weapons in this war. And so we should consider that a real
possibility. But of course, we don't, because we can't metabolize something that horrible.
So in recent weeks, we've been hearing that the situation in Russia, not in Iran, but in the war
ongoing against Russia, has deteriorated to the point that the Russians are considering using
nuclear weapons. And so we've done everything we could by calling people to find out, is that true?
And it's hard to know exactly if that's true. But here's the way to think about it.
So the war in Russia, despite getting almost no attention in American media,
is not only ongoing, but it's accelerating. That's the first thing.
First thing to know. And it's accelerating because NATO, the United States and the Western
European powers, are hitting targets, including civilian targets and energy targets, deep within
mainland Russia. And that would include a school, killing people on beaches with drones, hitting the
Kremlin itself multiple times in drone attacks. So that's becoming more intense. Public opinion in
this country is moving in a more bellicose direction. There are elections underway in Russia
right now, which end September 20th, the Duma elections, the lawmakers elections. And it's very
clear that more and more Russians, and it's hard to quantify this precisely, but are surprised and
dismayed that their government is allowing attacks, not by Ukraine, but by Ukraine sponsors, NATO and
the United States, to attack Ukraine.
And that's exactly what's happening. And if you're a Russian, then your average Russian is beginning to wonder, why aren't we do anything about this? And so there is mounting pressure on the leadership of that country, Vladimir Putin, who, despite American and Western propaganda, is not an absolute totalitarian dictator, which is to say, you're not a totalitarian dictator, you're not a totalitarian dictator.
he can't make any decision he wants. He is subject to the opinions, influenced by the opinions of all
kinds of different power centers within that country, including public opinion. So the point
is, pressure is mounting on Putin to do something to stop these attacks on Russia. And of course,
the people mounting the attacks, paying for them, it's not the Ukrainians. By the way, there is no
real Ukraine anymore. Its population has been decimated in this war. The big decisions were
made by outside powers. Ukraine has no sovereignty, unfortunately, for Ukraine. But the people who
are making the decisions, and that would include the CIA in the United States, the NSA in the
United States, the heads of state of Great Britain and France and Germany and basically the rest of
the West, those people clearly understand that we're moving toward some sort of more open
conflict with Russia. And that's kind of the point. Push Russia to do something,
radical against the West, blow up Kiev, for example, the Ukrainian capital, hit Poland,
maybe even lob some kind of weapon into Western Europe. And at that point, you get what they've
wanted since day one, which is an open war with Russia that they expect that they'll win somehow.
Of course, they won't. But the delusion that Western powers can control Russia by force
is longstanding. I mean, many,
many leaders have fallen to that delusion. Napoleon himself, in 1812, famously invaded
Russia, got all the way to Moscow, occupied Moscow for a month in 1812, and then retreated
and destroyed the entire French army. Hundreds of thousands of French soldiers died on the march
back to Paris. But totally undeterred, crazed with hubris, Napoleon continued to pick other
wars. And in less than three years, he was defeated.
Finally, famously, in a fight with the Brits at Waterloo and died at 51 in exile. And France was
never again, to this day, a global power. So he destroyed France and the French empire
because he thought that he can control Russia through force. And of course,
you know, 130 years later, almost within living memory, the German government under Adolf Hitler
did exactly the same thing in Operation Barbarossa and marched all the way to Moscow once again and
was, once again, totally destroyed. So there's something about Russia and the idea that outside
powers can conquer it, take its resources or something, prevent it from becoming a global power
that is very alluring to Western leaders. But there is zero track record of success.
Now, once again, within living memory of the last attempt, which was the German attempt in 1941 to
do the same thing, European and American leaders have decided that, no, this time it will be
different. And we will. control Russia through force. But of course, that's not going to happen. It will not work.
And it could lead to nuclear war. So in any case, we have been talking to as many people as we can
about this. And one of them we interviewed yesterday from Moscow, Lena Tseletsky, who is
the leader of a political party in Russia, a sophisticated, very knowledgeable person,
very well connected within Russia.
And to ask him, how close are we to some kind of conflict? Most Americans are not paying attention.
The American administration is totally distracted by the war with Iran. Do you think that we are
moving toward some kind of nuclear conflict? Now, unfortunately, that interview is. it's
not possible to air most of it because it got screwed up by a translator. But we're going to
show you one clip. So in this, Tseletsky says, look, we don't plan to use nuclear weapons unless,
and until, some other power, some Western power, sends nuclear weapons to Ukraine. Here he is.
If tactical nuclear weapons supplied by Tseletsky's patrons are used against us,
perhaps we will ultimately have to consider the possibility of taking asymmetric steps.
But so far, this has not happened. And I very much hope. I repeat,
I've been. I've been. I've been. I very much hope it will not happen.
NATO sending nukes to Ukraine? Is there a crazier idea? Well, no, because, of course,
this war began in the first place because Russia didn't want other people's nuclear weapons on its
Western border, its border with Ukraine. And it was the threat of that, the threat of Ukraine
joining NATO, provoked by the Biden administration and administrations before Biden, including the
Russian government. It was that threat that pushed the Russians into invading Eastern Ukraine. And the war, now more than four years old, is the result. And the deaths of hundreds of thousands, hundreds and hundreds of thousands, total unknown, but clearly the depopulation of Ukraine, was the result. The total destruction of the nation of Ukraine was the result. And that was predictable. It was knowable. But less than five years later, we can say that if you push Russia hard enough, you can do it. And if you push Russia hard enough, you can do it.
And if you threaten to put nuclear weapons on its border, you will get a maximalist response. Of course, as you would from any power. You tried to do that, too. So the question is, are the European powers, is the United States crazy enough to do something like that? Well, of course. So the two things to know, and we're going to speak to Joe Ken about this in just a minute, but the two things to know, as you try to assess where is this all going,
is one, the United States, despite claims to the contrary, is in charge of the war against Russia. It's not a war to liberate Ukraine. No one in the West wants to liberate Ukraine. Of course. The United States sponsored a coup in Ukraine in 2014 to make certain that we could control its governance. So there's no interest at the policymaking level in any Western country in allowing an autonomous sovereign Ukraine. We don't want that. We've never done that.
We've never allowed it. So ignore those claims. This is not about liberating Ukraine. This is a war against Russia. And its purpose is to separate Russia from Ukraine, because as Zbigniew Brzezinski famously said, if you combine Russia and Ukraine, you have a superpower, the resources of Ukraine, the manufacturing capacity of Russia, the size of Russia, you have, by definition, a superpower. So if you want to prevent Russia from becoming a superpower, you have to have a superpower.
You have to divide Russia from Ukraine. Of course, it's not as simple as saying so, but that has always been the object. And there are probably other motives here, complicated, historic motives for what we're doing, ugly motives, motives that have to do very much with the reimposition of Christianity on Russia by Vladimir Putin over the last 26 years. But whatever the motive, you should know that the United States is now waging a war against Russia. That's just a fact. And there's a lot of pretending that, oh, no, we're not.
We can't control the Europeans. But that's a lie. And we know it's a lie, because a couple of days ago, John Ratcliffe, who's the director of central intelligence, who runs the CIA, flew into Moscow on an American military plane. And we don't know exactly what the conversation was between Ratcliffe and his counterparts in Russia. But we do know, because the CIA has told us out loud, that before he left, before the plane took off from, I think, Latvia, John Ratcliffe called the Ukrainians and told them to stop any offensive activities.
He called the Ukrainians and told them to stop any offensive action against Russia for the time that he was there. He halted the Ukrainian offensive while he was in Moscow. Well, the person who can stop the fighting is in charge, of course, by definition. And so in doing that, John Ratcliffe showed the rest of us who's actually running the war against Russia. And it's him. It's the Central Intelligence Agency and the Trump administration. The Trump administration is waging a war against Russia. And it's important to say that out loud in the United States, because most people don't know.
Most people don't know it here. But in the rest of the world, and certainly within Russia, everybody knows it. So once you start waging a war against the country with the world's largest nuclear arsenal, there are risks involved, of course. And the main risk to you, if you're an American, is you don't even know what's happening. And so it's impossible to protest against it, to protest against the risk that is being imposed on you, the risk of the total destruction of your country and the world, the death of your children.
That's exactly what they're risking. So that's the first thing to know. The second thing to know is that powers, nations, like people, become much more dangerous when they become weaker.
The world has very little to fear from a legitimately strong country. A strong country simply wants to preserve the status quo, its own interests, its trade routes. It doesn't want to be threatened by other countries, but it doesn't seek, say, territorial expansion, because why would you take the risk when you're strong, when things are going well?
Why would you want to change them? The risk always comes from the weaker party, the party that is cornered, like an animal or a short man in a bar fight. That's the dangerous opponent, is the opponent who feels that his options are running out, that he has no choice. And that is exactly why there are conversations now in the Pentagon about using offensive nuclear weapons against Iran, a non-nuclear armed power.
A strong country would never have that discussion because a strong country would, for example, use its navy.
it's trillion-dollar Navy to, I don't know, open the Strait of Hormuz and restore balance to global
energy markets. That's the point of having a Navy. But we have demonstrated over the last six months
that we can't do that. Our Navy is not, for a bunch of reasons, capable of opening the Strait
of Hormuz. And so the United States is facing a very tough decision. And you do have, as reckless
and crazy as this is, you do have some sympathy for it. If the U.S. leaves the Persian Gulf with
Iran in control of the Strait of Hormuz, there's no lying about what just happened. We lost the war.
The U.S. is much weaker than it was at the outset. And we're going to have to live with
the consequences of that up to and including a monetary reset globally, which is to say the loss
of global reserve status for the U.S. dollar. And that has
huge implications for this country domestically. The end of empire is always ugly, and it can be
extremely ugly for the nation that administers the empire. And so the U.S. has an awful lot to
lose. It's hard to walk back from what we've done in a graceful way that preserves our power
and our prosperity at home. So the Trump administration is in a really, really tough
position. The question is, will it make it much worse? Will it get ever worse?
Will it make everyone on Earth killed rather than accepting the inevitable loss? And at this point,
that loss is inevitable, unfortunately, tragically. So in this case, and it pains me as an American to
say that, the dangerous party here is not Iran and not Russia. And it hurts even to use those words
because it was unimaginable even 10 years ago that the United States would be the threat to world
peace. But in this specific instance, yes.
Because the United States doesn't actually have many options left. There is no conventional way
to beat Iran in this war. There is no conventional way to beat Russia in this war. And so at this
point, the option is pull back or accelerate into nuclear holocaust. And it's important to
say this out loud, not to scare people, but so that people know where we are right now at this
point.
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Rep number 10004. And with that, we're grateful to have one of the wisest and best informed people
we know assess where exactly we are. That's Joe Kent, most recently the head of the Counterterrorism
Center in Washington, and our friend, Joe Kent. Joe, thanks for doing this. Don't want to be
scared. But the evidence suggests that the U.S. is running out of options, and the logic of this
escalation gets us to a first-use nuclear strike. That's my interpretation of where we are. Do you
think that's right? I think if you zoom out and you get beyond the day-to-day kind of back and
forth, are we sanctioning them? Are we going back to some kind of a conflict? And you play out the
parameters that our leaders, especially the president, have outlined. I mean, the president
has, he's said a bunch of different things throughout this entire conflict. But he started
out with, hey, we need a total surrender. And we were using the rhetoric of regime change,
and at times we walked that back. But every time that we appear to get a deal, the MOU is a great
example. We're in another period right now where we're trying to get a deal. But we're still
implying that the Iranian regime, as we know it, must collapse, that there has to be some kind of
total victory.
And, you know, that sounds like, okay, maybe we could do that. Maybe people thought that, you know,
in February, March timeframe. But now here we are at the end of August, and that still hasn't
happened with the military tools that we have, you know, at our disposal. And so if our goal is
to completely and totally, you know, collapse the regime, have the regime crumble or surrender in
some way, shape, or form, we've kind of got two options. Because it's not going to happen through
sanctions. It's not going to happen through the limited air campaign that we've done up to this
point. Because if that was going to work, then we're going to have to do something about it.
It would have worked by now, or we'd be doing more limited air campaign. So we've got two options,
and that's to escalate by putting boots on the ground. And if you just take a look at how big
Iran is, how big, you know, how the terrain actually is, even if we had the full scope of
our military called up like we did for the 2003 invasion, and even if we had a coalition like we
had in 2003, a ground invasion inside Iran just is not feasible whatsoever. Even if we had the
national will to do it.
The country is simply too big. The terrain is too much. And then even if we could come in and
topple the regime, like we got rid of Saddam, well, then as we know, we have this thing called
the insurgency. And so the ground option really quickly, you know, that's just not a serious thing.
And then also we don't have the political will for it. So then you go back to square one, our goal
is for the regime to totally, you know, be collapsed. And so quickly you arrive at, well, we kind of
have to use a weapon of mass destruction or a nuclear weapon of some sort. And so really, if you just play
out the scenario for long enough, you arrive at weapons of mass destruction, you know, fairly
quickly. And then even if we set the bar at just, we want Iran to not have the capability to develop
a nuclear weapon. And now we've set our sights on pickaxe mountain. We've gone back and forth
between saying, you know, the three nuclear sites were completely obliterated to, they may still
have some nuclear dust in them. And that's where I think we're tempted to use, you know, a limited
tactical nuke, which on a specific target, as opposed to a population center. But I just think
the longer that you're going to be able to do that, the more you're going to be able to do that.
You, you play out the math, you kind of come back to the Japan scenario, which is where we were the
last time. The only time, thankfully that we've, we've used nuclear weapons. We didn't want to
commit the ground forces necessary to take Japan because we had already expended so much. The
Pacific campaign had already cost us so much. And so we said, actually the, the best thing that we
can do is, is drop a nuclear weapon. And so I think we would be fools to think that this couldn't
happen here in this current scenario, especially as the administration scrambles for a way out.
And then both of those calculations began with the same demand, which was total submission.
So, you know, before really before the modern era, defeat didn't necessarily mean unconditional
surrender, right? You, you just, you want to resolve whatever the conflict is, but that
doesn't necessarily require you to enslave your opponent at the end. And so maybe the problem is
our original demand of the president's original demand for unconditional surrender. And so
you can imagine a world in which you just said, look, it's, it's enough that you don't have an
active nuclear program and we can back off and let you run your, your world or your region.
And this is a fundamental problem we've had with this last iteration of this conflict. We,
we've really failed to set the parameters. We failed to say what our strategic goal is before
we got into the war. We got into the war and then we fished around and we've moved the goalposts
several different times. And so, I mean, that, that's had many ripple down effects.
I'd say mostly with the Pentagon, with the Department of Defense, who's trying to come up
with, you know, viable solutions for the president, you know, using the tools they have at their
disposal, which is, you know, military tools. They really haven't known exactly what the
president's wanted because he came out and he said, okay, the total surrender, the regime's
going to fall, et cetera. But then we, we backed off from that. And now it seems like we're just
trying to get basically the Straits of Hormuz opened up once again. But then we kind of fall
back on Iran. We'll never have a nuclear weapon. And so there's, you know, there's a lot of
different angles there that you and I have discussed before.
On, on why we're fixated on, you know, the nuclear dust. I think a lot of this, the vast
majority of it is due to the pressure from the.
Israelis and the Israelis want regime decapitation. They're completely comfortable with a scenario
where we're constantly mowing the grass. They're comfortable with the chaos, but they know Americans
aren't. And so they've had to sell us some kind of an objective, but the president has failed to
define that. So if our goal was just to come up with a solution to the Iranian nuclear option,
number one, the negotiations were working. That's why the Israelis had to shotgun through this war
so quickly in the lead up to the 12 day war. Midnight Hammer, I believe, took that off the
table. And I think that was the president's intent was he was done talking about levels
of enrichment. He was sick and tired of the Israelis pressuring him. And so he just took
it off the table. I think the Iranians actually went along with that because they went right back
to the negotiating table. But now we're back stuck in this space where we're demanding some
kind of a total capitulation from the Iranians when really that's just not feasible at all.
We seem to have recognized that at varying points. Again, the MOU, I think, is a great example.
The president even said we have to do the MOU because we're facing an economic disaster in
this country. So for a brief moment there, he realized he needed to be pragmatic and say,
OK, good enough. Our main goal has to be Straits of Hormuz being opened up again,
some kind of a status quo or a working relationship we could have with the Iranians.
And then we'll discuss their nuclear file later on. But he couldn't even tolerate the pressure
internally from the pro-Israel lobby because immediately we dispatched Marco Rubio over to
Lebanon where he cut basically a side deal that negated the MOU. And then we also started
allowing ships to come through in violation of the MOU, come through the Straits of Hormuz. So
we seem to not know exactly what we want. And this is why I think we should be very,
very concerned about something that most people will think isn't feasible,
like a nuclear weapon being deployed, because there is so much confusion and friction and
chaos in this entire process. Yeah, I mean, you know, so many things to say. But I mean,
I was opposed to impeachment. The two impeachment attempts against Trump were strongly opposed,
the whole thing was absurd. I believe in stability. I think elected leaders should
serve out their terms. I don't hate Trump personally. So with all of that said,
the second any president actively considers first use of nuclear weapons, that person should be
removed from office immediately, immediately, because that's got to be the red line, destroying
all of humanity with a nuclear strike. I mean, so why isn't there an attempt to remove him from office?
Like immediately? Anyone who would even tolerate that kind of talk from any of his subordinates or
employees is by definition unfit. That's the total destruction of the world. No.
Yeah, the contrast is pretty wild. I mean, they wanted to impeach President Trump before because
he had the audacity to question if, you know, mail-in ballots were legitimate or not. And he
said, go march peacefully and patriotically onto the Capitol to protest this election. However,
he is threatened to annihilate the president. So I think that's a big question. And I think
that's a big, big question. So I think that's a big, big question. And the
so-called opposition party, they seem to be completely okay with that. I mean, every now
and again, you know, in a hearing, they'll throw out some barbs and jabs about, oh, didn't you know
that your interceptors were being depleted? But there doesn't seem to be any actual, you know,
pushback from the Democrats. And I think this really points to the true bipartisan consensus
in Washington, D.C., which is they always want more war, especially this war with Iran. And I
think that really speaks to the amount of influence the Israeli lobby has over our elected officials.
But I mean, even with the Ukraine war, I mean, now, because the president has said different
things, Republicans, I think, are a bit more torn than they were before when Republicans,
you know, weren't in power. But even with the Ukraine war, there was a lot of pushback. There
was a lot of back and forth. But with this war, there has been no real pushback from the Democrats
and then
by and large, I mean, the most resistance I think you've seen has been from Republicans or former
Republicans that are saying, like, hey, this is what we actually ran on. So I don't know. I think
this has been a great unmasking that just shows there's only one party in Washington, D.C.
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there's going to be a huge political shift after November, I would think. But I just can't get past
the fact, and it is a fact, it's not a guess, it's a fact, that the use of, first use of nuclear
weapons, offensive use of nuclear weapons, has been discussed in Pentagon meetings and put in
slide decks. And Marjorie Taylor Greene tweeted that a couple of weeks ago and was, you know,
dismissed. That's not true. Well, it is, it's, it's factually true. And now everyone in the
administration knows that it's true. I don't understand how that can be tolerated. Again,
it's not a partisan question. It's not about Trump's personality, or it's not about anything.
It's not about any of the debates that we normally have. That has to be the end. You cannot allow
that. But no one seems to think that? Like, everyone's fine with that?
I mean, I left the Trump administration, and I think that there's a very odd,
I guess is the best way I could put it, probably the most polite way I could put it, culture
throughout the entire administration, that you just need to go along with whatever the boss says,
which is the job that we all signed up for. And if you can't do that, you should leave,
which is what I did. However, there, there does seem to be an erosion of, of, you know,
I, I would say, I mean, norms is cliche, but I would just say an erosion of any kind of,
you know, moral compass where people should stand up and say, like, we, we shouldn't be
doing this, or why are we letting a foreign government put us in this, this position?
I'm not sure why it's not reaching the president that the best thing that we should do right now is
pick up and leave before things get, you know, far worse. I, I, for the life of me don't understand
that. I do think that there's a major cultural issue right now within the administration. We
should be seeing a lot more people, uh, from the administration stand up and leave. They don't have
to do it the way, the way I did it. I mean, there's a lot of criticisms you can make of how I
left. I mean, that's fine. However, the fact that we haven't seen more people leave the administration
and say, like, I, I'm not gonna go along with this. This is taking our country in a disastrous
direction. I, I think just, you know,
speaks volumes to the incentive system that is created inside Washington DC. And unfortunately,
the people who end up in these positions, um, I, that's something that we have to fix if,
if our country is actually going to be saved. Or, or the world. I mean, just again, any leader
of any country who suggests first use of nuclear weapons has forfeited his right to lead. He has to
be removed immediately. I, I think that's just a fair standard. Any normal person, I think, if we're
to kind of cool the temperature a little bit and just ask objectively, is that fair? Yeah,
of course that's fair. You, you can't risk the destruction of the world. You're not allowed,
you didn't build the world. You're not allowed to do that. So, so, so back to the, the internal
incentives here that are driving us toward destruction. And it is destruction. I, I have
just heard that Israel, uh, that the Netanyahu government, which is facing an election in October,
is considering an acceleration in Lebanon.
Like more aggra, more killing in Lebanon. Um, do you think that's true? And if Israel does that,
what will the U.S. response be, do you think? Well, uh, the easy answer, uh, to,
to the latter part of your question, what will the U.S. response be to anything that Israel does?
Um, at best will allow some U.S. official to say, we really don't like it that Israel did that. And
then a couple days later, they'll walk it back and say, yes, but Israel has the right to defend
itself or some other, you know, boilerplate line. Unfortunately, regardless of sometimes, uh, using,
you know, more strongly worded, uh, tweets or, um, you know, public statements against the Israelis,
we have yet to change the relationship with the Israelis whatsoever, regardless of how many times
the Israelis have publicly violated what the president has told them, you know, to do or not
to do in this conflict in particular, we continue to provide the Israelis basically with whatever
they want. I mean, we're merging and people don't like it when I say merging or giving the Israelis
access to some of the most sensitive capabilities within the department of war, within our
intelligence community, uh, as part of the national defense authorization act, we're still giving the
Israelis nearly 4 billion in assistance. We launched this war at their behest, which has cost
us, I think, somewhere to the tune of 300 billion and 18 fallen Americans, tragically. So we have
yet to really, you know, change the nature of our relationship with the Israelis. So we should not
expect the Israelis to change how they behave. Now, the Lebanon.
Peace, I think is, is very, very interesting because the Israelis are very smart. They
understand American politics very well. I think they know that they ran up to the limit,
um, where they can publicly humiliate the president by going and taking offensive actions inside of
Iran, because that's just a blatant smack in the face of the president. They got away with it.
on multiple occasions. And they got us into this war. They know that they don't need to put the
president or Republicans in the hot seat any more than they already have going into the midterms.
But that's where Lebanon is much easier. Lebanon is right on their borders. They don't need any
assistance from America to reach inside of Lebanon in the way they do with Iran. However, because
this war has gone so poorly for us, the Iranians have moved their support from Lebanese Hezbollah.
They've moved it away from being clandestine and covert. And they've said, okay, now we are
actually going to act as a true regional power. And we're going to hold the Israeli government
accountable whenever they do something inside Lebanon that we don't like. And in the past,
this would just be covert support to Hezbollah. But we've seen them actually launch ballistic
missiles now against Israel. So Israel knows they can restart the war. The Iranians, I think,
in a way to attempt to rein in Israel, they put Lebanon as part of the MOU. And that's one of the
violations that we made. And it's one of the first failures that we had with enforcing the MOU is we
cut that side deal.
That allowed the Israelis to maintain their presence and to continue to go on the offensive
inside Lebanon. So Lebanon is going to be essentially the easy button for the Israelis
to kind of poke at the Iranians to flare back up this conflict. And right now, I think the
Likud government, they're in a very dangerous position because they're facing re-election. So
they want there to be a hot war. They want to show their people that they're going on the offense
against Hezbollah. So again, for us to put ourselves in this position, I just think it's
incredibly reckless.
So the future of the United States hangs on the fortunes of the Likud party in a country of nine million
people and their elections in October, which most Americans know nothing about, don't even know
they're happening. But like our children's future depend on that, like Bibi's desire not to lose.
Yeah, when you say it out loud, it's absurd. And most people, if they just heard that, if they just
heard that statement, they would be like, well, you know, Tucker and Joe were being hyperbolic and
that's just ridiculous. However, if you just look at the last, I mean,
six months, I mean, obviously there's a longer history prior to that. But if you look at the
history since basically we got into this war in February, that is essentially the scenario. We got
into this war and don't take my word for it. Listen to Secretary of State slash National Security
Advisor Marco Rubio. We got into this war because the Israelis were about ready to launch an attack
in Iran. And we knew that this time, this iteration of the conflict, the Iranians wouldn't take it on
the chin. They would actually hit us back because they had already been through one iteration of
conflict before. And so we got into this war because of that. And so we got into this war because the
Israelis, and we're staying in this war, the Israelis have killed several of the moderates,
the so-called Iranian moderates that we were negotiating with, or actually at the negotiating
table with us. The Iranians got, the Israelis got us on board with killing the Iranian Supreme
Leader, the Ayatollah Khamenei, which has led to a more hardline leadership class coming into power
inside of Iran. So we can't get ourselves out of this war because the Israelis got us into it.
Every time we think we're trying to get out of it, the Israelis take some action, primarily at this
point, in this juncture, inside of Iran. And so we got into this war because the Israelis got us
inside Lebanon that keeps us in this war. We refuse to change our relationship with the
Israelis. So the Israelis have no incentive to change their behavior whatsoever. We've never
held them accountable. So when you look at it through that lens, the fact that the internal
politics of Israel and the Likud party and the Likud party facing reelection, and the Israelis
knowing in the back of their head, they know that Donald Trump is probably the last pro-Israel
president that they're going to have. So essentially they're going for broke. They're
trying to get as much as they can right now out of the United States of America, out of the United
States of America, out of the U.S. taxpayer, out of the blood of American soldiers before the ride
comes crashing to a halt sometime in January of 2029. So when you look at it through that lens,
everything that you just said about this tiny country, because of the influence it has over
our politicians driving basically the fates of the world, the world economy, the potential use
of nuclear weapons, it's 100% true and it should scare everyone.
And it's not just Iran. I mean, the same donors who pushed Trump to follow Israel into this war,
who have a hammerlock over this administration, are exactly the same people who pushed us to war
with Russia. So they're not different people. It's the same, it's the same group. And so I don't
understand why Trump is still their slave. I mean, he's very frustrated. This is destroying his
legacy. It'll hurt his family. It's hurting the country. It's wrecking the Republican party. Like
it's all downside for Trump. So I don't, and he's mad about it. Obviously he said so in public.
Why?
Is he still under the control of neocons?
Right now, that's the question of, of our era. And I, and I hope we get answers to it at some
point, but I feel like this, this question will be studied for quite some time. I mean,
president Trump came to power on, I'd say three major principles and number one was foreign policy.
He called out on the debate stage, how foolish the Iraq war was. I mean, he, he has said over
and over again on the campaign trail, how foolish the Ukraine war is.
And how he would solve it. And this was like the key premise, I think of his 2016 campaign. Most
certainly his 2024 campaign. There was also immigration, of course, and there was a secure
border. There was a lot of labor and trade issues there, but the foreign policy and the
ramifications of American foreign policy is something that president Trump just, he understood
at, at a gut level. I mean, this is why I supported president Trump from the time that he attacked
Jeff Bush on the debate stage in South Carolina, you know, nearly, nearly a decade ago. That's why
I supported him. Cause I was like, Hey, the guy from the apprentice actually understands foreign
policy better than all the so-called experts. And me and most of my friends had spent, you know,
the last decade and a half in these foolish wars. And so what I still, for the life of me being on
the inside, I don't understand how someone who understood that at a gut level. And he actually
understood too, more importantly, how the American people felt. He really knew that this was a
sensitive issue with the American people. And so to see him get walked into a scenario that he knew
was going to be a disaster for our country.
But then also for him politically, I mean, president Trump has great political instincts. And
so to watch him just walk into this, you know, glaring bear trap off a cliff, whatever analogy
you want to use, it's something that shocked me. And I'm still trying to wrap my head around and
people will say, you know, they, they, the, the Israeli lobby, the neocons, they played to
president Trump's ego. They got them at the right time. They said, Hey, the protesters are on the
street. You know, Venezuela, most certainly I was concerned when the Venezuela operation happened,
as were many of my, my peers and colleagues, and even guys in the military, they were
concerned that this was going to give president Trump the false sense that any country that we had
a problem with, we could just swoop in, grab or kill the leader. And it'd kind of be in game that,
that concerned me a lot too. And so the, yeah, did they give president Trump the pitch at the right
time and tell him, Hey, this is going to be super easy. Of course, I think all that happened. However,
for president Trump to even begin going down this road before the 12 day war is something that it
still baffles me at the beginning of the administration, early 2025, he was utterly just not
with people, even entertaining the idea of military operations in Iran. He put all of his
chips in with, with Steve Witkoff and his negotiations and why he flipped on a dime.
I don't know. And this is why I say that we should look at every single factor that could influence
his decision, making everything from Butler to the breaches of his security to having, you know,
one of his closest political, uh, advocates who was against the war in Iran, who was against the
12 day war, who was actively petitioning the president, not to get back into the war when,
when he, you know, Charlie Kirk was publicly assassinated. I think we should factor all that
into. And again, like I, I can't, you know, individually connect all these and say that
they, they are all intertwined and it's the same group or some, you know, vast conspiracy. However,
I do think all of these things can, should be included when we're trying to assess why president
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If you talk to people around Trump, which I still do, they will say, you know, he just
got convinced he just got over his skis and Venezuela played a huge January 4th kidnap.
of Maduro played a huge role in this it was easy minimal loss of life minimal expense you know
huge upside glory and he was told by not by U.S. intelligence agencies but as you know since you
were there but by Mossad that this would be similar in Iran just kill the ayatollah and
it'll be it'll work that's their view okay or they say that's what they think
who knows what they really think but anyway it's impossible to believe that after the Israelis
sabotage Trump's effort to get a negotiated settlement to this we don't have a negotiated
settlement because of the Israelis and Trump hated that and sent his vice president out
to criticize them and like there was this moment if you I know you remember the summer
it was like oh gosh Trump finally gets it but now we're back to where we were in the opening days of
the war so like you can't argue with Trump if you want to but you can't argue with Trump if you want
to but you can't argue with Trump if you want to but you can't argue with Trump if you want to
but you can't argue that he's been fooled at this point he knows perfectly well but he's still doing
their bidding despite the fact it's destroying him so like what I think this is yeah this is what I
can't wrap my head around either I would think from his business perspective and then just him
probably being mad at everyone who gave him this advice if it were up to him he would pick up and
leave and look President Trump is very politically savvy I know that all his critics then would come
after him and they'd be like oh you're retreating all this narrative that narrative I mean nobody can drive a bus
a domestic political narrative like Donald Trump and so Trump knows that so there's there's no reason
why he wouldn't just pick up everything and say hey we're going to deal with this later and then
come back and say hey I won the war don't listen to the fake news that says I lost and then he
would just simply switch the topic we'd still have to deal with all the things all the ramifications
from the war but I think we could do that quietly why he's not doing that I have no idea but that
points back to why I think we do need to assess all of the potential external factors and you know
even the factors that are much darker and some would even say are kind of conspiratorial because
at the end of the day nothing that we're doing right now is logical whatsoever our relationship
with Israel the way that we're letting them continue to sabotage these deals the fact that
we're just staying locked in this mess I mean President Trump has been cutting business deals
his entire life for him not to be able to assess that right now the Iranians they're not primed for
a deal like the Iranians are not going to give us a deal on a piece of paper you know that he wants
that doesn't mean that we're not going to be able to assess that right now the Iranians are not
we can't work out some arrangement where the Straits of Hormuz are open back up again I would
think President Trump would understand that and I think he does understand that so why he's not
just simply walking away before this escalates and gets even worse I truly don't know I don't
think it's the most obvious answer you know people are saying like no Trump is just a
he's a captive of his own ego and you know I'm sure some of that is true to a certain extent
however he wants to be politically successful he doesn't want to get you know blown out in the
midterms he's saying right now like oh yeah the midterms I don't really care that's Republicans
fault he's saying all that but I I don't think that that's actually his heart I think he wants
to be successful so for him not to pick up and walk away there's a much deeper and darker answer
there I I fear uh that I think we should continue to probe and ask about because anytime we ask
about these these questions and we say hey there's something influencing President Trump that's not
just his ego it's not just bad information you know we we are attacked to a certain extent
because people don't want to they don't want to look into those those dark places and they don't
want to look into those dark places but I think the more that we look into those hopefully we can
put some light and try and and hopefully figure out who actually runs our government yeah I mean
I I talked to Trump as much as anybody in the weeks before this war began and my strong view
then and now was he didn't want to do it so that's that's that's my opinion based on a lot
of conversation a lot of conversations with Trump about this so maybe I'm wrong maybe he was lying
maybe he secretly really wanted to do it but I I feel like I knew him well and I didn't see any
reason at all only kind of resignation and dread so you know I I think anyone who dismisses
questions about how that happened is conspiracy theories uh is a liar that's what I think um so
one of the darkest things I've ever seen shouldn't surprise me but it still did this week Keith Kellogg
former general um Fox News contributor former negotiator for Trump in the Russia Ukraine conflict
is telling the Ukrainians that they need to start drafting women and feed their women into the meat
grinder of this war and exterminate all their women because that's honorable or something
um did you see this and what do you make of it
yeah I saw it and it's it's disturbing I think it's disturbing anytime American officials go over
to to Kiev and and basically are allowed to continue to pressure our government to support this war I
mean that to me is a decision that the president should be making I mean we can't stop you know
individual civilians from traveling and speaking their mind Etc but I think for us to try and
pressure this war to continue and we know it's going to result in some kind of an escalation I'm
sure we'll get to this but we just had the CIA director in in Russia you know yesterday there's
there is some form of escalation that's brewing I mean you can see that in the way that the two
conflicts are becoming blended but also I mean just this has been a stalemate Russia is kind of
grinding it out and and winning the only reason Ukraine is not going to win is because Ukraine is
remaining afloat number one I mean look I respect your Ukrainian people for fighting yes um for
their territory like Canada play that whatsoever and um you know that they they have every right
to do so however the only reason Ukraine is still afloat is because of the support that the United
States government has given them and then also you know the UK and NATO Etc um but we are essentially
using them as a proxy because we still have this obsession with trying to hurt and bleed Russia and
so we're using these young men and
now these young women basically as our proxies and you get people like Kellogg the former vice
president Pence over there saying like oh yeah we need more young Ukrainians we need young Ukrainian
women to go out there and fight and die and basically be cannon fodder because the West has
some kind of obsession you know with with Russia or really wants to accelerate us more closer towards
the third world war it's just sick and it's insane and then again this is another one where you
wonder like what what is the actual point why are we telling more Ukrainians to go into the meat grinder
like inspiring genocide in Ukraine which is what we're doing like just exterminate the entire
Ukrainian population and then the president the sort of non-Ukrainian president of Ukraine who's
not elected by the way won't have elections he's created a police state banned the biggest
Christian denomination like this Bolshevik takeover of Ukraine that guy's like oh we'll
just import Indians into Ukraine it's like to replace the Ukrainians killed in this totally
pointless war that he could have gotten out of but didn't I mean it does raise questions like
what is this and it seems to me like the extermination of a population that's what
it looks like to me on purpose yeah there's no other way to read it I mean it's weird it's
definitely on purpose because we have been encouraging them we've been funding it it's
definitely the extermination of a population because Russia is massive they can pour way
more bodies at this conflict than the Ukrainians can so the Ukrainians have just ran out of bodies
and Zelensky's saying yeah we'll import more for I guess he's taking a playbook out of the
West like we'll import more foreigners to replace all of our native-born people
um and then let Black Rock do the reconstruction I mean the whole thing is absolutely sick and
again too like that just the stakes I mean the fact that we are uh pushing a nuclear power one
of the world's biggest nuclear powers they have the most nuclear weapons they're the world's
biggest natural resources producer massive landmass we are pushing them to a point where they feel
that they need to use nuclear weapons and that's not a justification for anything you know Putin's
done Etc but why are we pushing them what game do we get from this as a matter of fact like I would
say that the war in Ukraine who controls the Donbass doesn't matter to anybody in America
it's debatable if it matters to really anybody in in Europe that's not even close to their borders
it definitely doesn't matter to us but we're paying for this but if this goes sideways if
our calculation is completely wrong if Putin isn't restrained or if for whatever reason some of the
hardliners inside Russia you know take over or gain more influence of Putin and he uses a nuclear
weapon or a limited nuclear weapon well you know where are we or you know what if in the scenario
we just discussed us or the Israelis use a limited nuclear weapon inside Iran what message does that
send to Putin Putin's going to say oh okay well America if you guys set the new norms that I got
you loud and clear those are the new norms I'm going to use one now on Kiev and then where are
we and at the end of the day for what what gain what are we getting out of this it's absolute
insanity right we're upon as the Ukrainians are in a larger and a larger plan obviously what was the
CIA director doing in Moscow this week
well one would hope that he was there um you know trying to cool tensions and saying that hey we're
going to tell the Ukrainians to back off on all the targeting of infrastructure and targeting
civilians uh that they're doing and we would hope that you would do the same and hey maybe because
of the energy crisis in the Straits of Hormuz let's stop targeting energy for the sake of the
world economy uh if we're going to put a favorable lens on it hopefully that was the message uh
however considering the fact that we may be uh at least wanting to keep escalation
in Iran on the table I I do think that you know he's saying to the Russians like now is not the
time you better back off you better you better not escalate you better just take all the hits that
you've been getting you better just keep taking those on the chin because you know the Ukrainians
have been targeting a lot of energy infrastructure inside Russia they've targeted Russian civilians
they've done targeted assassinations uh of political officials so I I you know the Russians
at some point are going to have to respond so I would imagine we are asking the Russians if not
the Russians don't respond outside of the battlefield in inside Ukraine now why the
Russians would feel any obligation whatsoever to listen to us at this point. I don't know. I mean,
this is a big problem with the sanctions package, the Biden administration threw at the Russians,
kicking them off swift. You know, the thought process there was we were going to really hurt
Russia, but in really hurting them, we kind of took away a lot of the leverage that we had.
If we were still doing a lot of trade with Russia, we'd have different levers that we could pull.
But right now, since we've taken away a lot of those different options, we're basically at this,
you know, this kinetic, almost kinetic phases, pre-kinetic phase, where we just say, like,
if you do this, then we're going to do some other kind of kinetic action. So again,
it's very dangerous. And again, I don't know why the Russians would really take us very seriously
at this point, because President Trump said he was going to get a peace agreement. We never
stopped funding the Ukrainians. We never stopped sharing intelligence with them. The Russians know
what we're up to inside of Ukraine. So I just don't know why the Russians would really listen
to any American official right now at this point, based on our behaviors.
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closure of the Strait of Hormuz, the global energy crisis. If you're not convinced that you have an
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Why do you think, I mean, my read from talking to him a lot about it was that Trump was sincere
in his desire to get this conflict over. He blamed Biden correctly for this conflict,
the Russia-Ukraine war. He didn't think it was good for the United States. He said in public,
repeatedly, it just drives,
Russia to China, that's a threat to us. This is terrible. We should be friends with Russia,
like, or at least not at war with them. And I can fix this in a day. He said that many,
I mean, of course, it was silly, of course, but he did want to fix it. But he never really tried
very hard. And now he's prosecuting a war against Russia. Like, how did that happen?
Do you have any idea?
I would say he never got full control of the CIA and our intelligence apparatus and the military
industrial complex.
I mean, the military industrial complex in terms of the weaponry that we were sending over to
Ukraine, that's come back to bite us now that we've gotten into basically a conventional fight
against Iran. But at the time, that was a cash cow for the military industrial complex. But also,
post-war on terror, post-Afghanistan withdrawal, I mean, the CIA was looking for a new mission.
The whole intelligence community was looking for a new mission. They found one. Biden gave them one
with this proxy war inside Ukraine. And so, because the president didn't go in and, I would say,
manage that all being shut down in order to get the Ukrainians to the negotiating table,
all of that just kept churning in the background. And that's a big thing that I learned inside
government, and especially in the first Trump administration, when Trump tried to get us out of
Syria, that cost my late wife her life. And then also in Afghanistan, the same thing happened. I
mean, the president said, I want out of these conflicts, go make it happen. At one point in
time, he's having to pass handwritten notes to his aides because he doesn't trust the system.
I mean, he should have learned that you have to micromanage these things,
almost like a psycho. You have to go in and say, I want these done. Here's steps one through 10,
and I'm going to be supervising every single step. If you're going to be serious about actually
making the intelligence community and the Department of Defense do what you say. So,
this is a big problem in Ukraine. He came in and he said he wanted negotiations, but he didn't
aggressively go and shut off all the offensive capabilities that we are giving the Ukrainians.
And the Russians saw that. And that's where you have Putin saying, okay, well, the president may
have changed out, but the men, whatever,
phrase Putin uses, the men in the dark suits are still in charge. Because he sees that even though
Trump came in and Trump uses much different rhetoric than Biden and may have the best of
intentions, at the end of the day, the battlefield realities didn't change in Ukraine. So, Putin just
said, okay, I don't really care. Might be a new guy. He might say he wants some talks, but we're
not changing what we're doing. This is existential for his country. So, he's going to continue on.
And I think President Trump got really frustrated that Putin didn't automatically change his
behavior is because we didn't change the intelligence apparatus that was propping up Ukraine and going on the offensive against Russia.
Yeah, I don't think one in a thousand Americans understands that we're at war with Russia, that we're running that war with Russia, and that we're doing it in a way that's totally outside of civilian control, like no elected leader has control over our government and over this war. I mean, that's not democracy.
Yeah, it's not. And this is a huge problem. We need people who understand how the intelligence community works and functions. A lot of times, even guys like Ratcliffe, even though he was the DNI before, he doesn't have a background in the intelligence community. So, when he comes in, the intelligence community is great at receiving him and making him feel like he's the number one spy master. He runs the CIA, et cetera. But he doesn't understand the nuts and bolts of how it actually runs. And so, the apparatus keeps on churning and doing whatever it needs to do.
And it's already set on an azimuth and ran by people who have viewed Russia as an existential threat to America for a wide variety of reasons now, but for decades. And they got the mission of a lifetime when Biden allowed them to go over and support the Ukrainians. And so, even really, if we look at it charitably and say that Ratcliffe came in there and attempted to do everything he could, he's one of two political appointees at the CIA. And so, without those two having intimate knowledge of how the CIA runs, in particular, a lot of the points that he makes, he's not going to be able to do anything.
And so, even really, if we look at it charitably and saying that Ratcliffe came in there and attempted to do everything he could, he's not going to be able to do anything.
And why he's not doing it, especially in the latter part of his presidency, I simply just don't understand.
Yeah. Well, as you said, that's the question of our era. You were the first person to raise it
in public, and I hope that we get to an answer just for future generations. Joe Kent, thank you
very much for that. It's great to see you. Absolutely. Thanks, Andrew.
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