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Welcome to Pod Save America.
I'm Jon Pfeiffer.
I'm Dan Pfeiffer.
In studio.
Got to be here for the last couple of pods
before the election.
Oh, man.
Ben Rhodes here yesterday for Only Friends.
You were here today.
Great to have you.
On today's show,
we got more bad polls for Republicans
who are now worried enough
to start spending money on the Senate race in Mississippi.
Wow.
We'll also talk about Trump and Bibi's not-so-secret plan
to prolong the Iran war
with a new attack after the midterms.
The president and vice president's full embrace
of Vivek Ramaswamy's disgusting ad about Amy Acton
that most other Ohio Republicans are running away from.
We'll also take a look at the best moments
from the final Senate debates in Michigan and Kansas.
And then Lovett sits down with Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms,
the Democratic nominee,
in the Georgia governor's race.
But first, don't spend election night
psychotically scrolling Twitter
and refreshing election results by yourself.
Okay.
Come do it with us.
That was my plan.
Our very own Alex Wagner will be hosting a live stream
of the results on the Positive America YouTube channel
right here in Los Angeles,
starting at 9 p.m. Eastern, 6 p.m. Pacific.
Alex will be joined by a bunch of your favorite crooked hosts,
including the four of us,
Stacey Abrams, Aaron Ryan, Kate Shaw from Strict Scrutiny,
Aaron Haynes from Longplay,
Claire Malone from Still Counting,
and many more.
Also, Friends of the Pod will get a chance
to have their questions answered live on air,
which is yet another reason to become a subscriber
at crooked.com slash friends.
And you also get ad-free episodes
and you're supporting one of the few pro-democracy,
independent media outlets left in America
that Brendan Carr cannot come after.
Technically.
Technically.
Yes.
I like to put it out there.
I like to tempt.
Fate.
Come at us, Brendan Carr.
Come at us and all of our Friends of the Pod
who are now subscribers.
We could come and regret that, but. So, sign up to your Friends of the Pod
and support our Legal Defense Fund.
There you go.
You should also subscribe
to the Pod Save America YouTube channel now.
That's free.
And be sure to watch live on election night.
And then when you wake up the next morning,
you'll have a bonus episode of Pod Save America
waiting for you
where all four of us will be going through all the results.
Can I say one more thing on this before we move on?
Yes, you can.
A week ago,
we challenged the people to sign up.
If a certain number of them signed up,
they would get to. Elijah would go to D.C.
Oh, right.
What happened?
I don't think we're there yet.
What happened, Elijah?
Elijah's still sitting in North Carolina.
Yeah, he's not there, so. Who knows?
Just a few more subscribers.
Just a few more subscribers
and Elijah will go. Oh, because he's going to go to D.C.
and ask a question at the briefing.
Right.
At the time we were doing it,
Katie Zachariah was the press secretary.
She's known that it's no longer the case.
Well, and did you also. Stephen Chung, communications director,
there will be another briefing soon,
but not before the midterms are over.
And there's going to be no new press secretary
for the rest of the year?
Either way, the next time there's a briefing,
do you want Elijah there or not?
Right, it's giving you guys an extra time to sign up,
but you still need to sign up
in order for Elijah to drive to D.C.
Exactly, thank you.
Crooked.com slash friends.
Lots of benefits, too.
All right, Dan.
I keep waiting to wake up at 4 a.m.
with that familiar pre-election
knot in my stomach
that comes from bad headlines
and or bad polls.
But it appears that that'll have to wait
till next week
or maybe after the votes are counted.
Even worse.
The final New York Times-Siena poll
of the cycle
came out Wednesday?
Tuesday?
Wednesday.
Wednesday.
Yesterday.
Has Dems leading the national House vote
among likely voters
by 11 points?
52 to 41.
With Donald Trump's approval
rating at just 36%.
The Silver Bulletin average
has the generic ballot
at around 9 to 10 points,
so pretty close to the average.
Little on the high end.
Too many New House and Senate polls
to go through,
but the latest Silver Bulletin averages
have Democratic Senate candidates
up by about a point in Iowa and Kansas,
two and a half points in Texas,
three points in Maine and Michigan,
four in Ohio and Alaska.
All good, but all still close enough
that an ordinary polling error
could be a problem.
If you'd rather not believe the polls,
you can just watch where the money's going.
Republicans are pouring money
into Kansas and South Carolina
and are now weighing
a last-minute investment in,
wait for it, Mississippi,
where Donald Trump will be campaigning
on Monday.
In the Axios story about this,
a Republican strategist
who likes beating metaphors to death said,
the wall has broken,
the enemy is inside the fort,
we are now fighting hand-to-hand.
Trump's super PAC
is also reportedly dumping
another $25 million into house races.
And the ass man himself
was just in South Carolina
delivering his closing argument
that men are hot.
As much as I can fall in love with a man,
which isn't that much,
I fall in love with him,
and his name happens to be Tim Scott.
Darlene and her very handsome husband,
he's a good-looking husband,
they didn't get the Nobel,
Nobel Prize,
I didn't get the Pulitzer,
I should have gotten the Pulitzer
for writing, too.
Pew, pew, pew.
I only like two oceans,
the Atlantic Ocean
and the Pacific Ocean.
I'm not going to put
either Trump or America
on any other ocean but these two.
So we seriously looked
at the Atlantic Ocean
and I called Google Maps,
who are really great with the lake
and really great.
We're going to call it
the American Ocean.
Baby, how good was that tonight?
Was that the best?
Nobody can do it like me, baby.
You see that crowd?
The fake news would say,
he rambled.
I don't ramble.
I know everything I'm doing.
The oil.
Any notes
on the closing argument?
Perfect.
No, John Husted's ass
did not make an appearance.
But he found other men
wandering out.
He found other, yes.
Yeah, he's just,
he's all in on the men.
I ask this every time.
What do you think
he's trying to accomplish?
Do you think, I think,
I don't know.
I feel like it.
Neither does he, John.
I think he knows it's a thing now
and so now it's just fun for him
to keep doing it.
Yeah, I mean, he obviously,
he's like sort of a stand-up comic
in the sense that he responds
to the crowd
and when the crowd likes things,
he adjusts his routine.
He's also like, you know,
I think he's confident
in his sexuality
unlike his vice president
who's like,
I love you back.
I love you back,
but not in the gay way.
Yeah, that's true.
Not in the James Talafico way.
It's just hard to see
how any of this is helpful
for anyone on the ballot
in any of these states.
No.
I mean,
was it helpful for Darlene Graham
who, we didn't have a clip of that,
but she is,
she wasn't that great
at the rally either.
What's the context
in which she is great?
Exactly.
Well, she's got a lot of experience
which is why she's
in the Senate right now
making important decisions.
So, there is that.
All right, let's talk about the polls.
What are your takes on
Time Sienna
since that's the one poll
we allow ourselves
to nerd out about on this show?
If you'd have let me be in charge,
we'd have allowed,
we'd have done a lot of different polls
but that's either here or there.
I think there's three main takeaways here.
The first is
Trump's always been known
as sort of a low ceiling,
high floor politician
who was never going to be as popular
as some presidents
but was never going to fall
to Bush-like levels
because he had this loyal MAGA base.
Turns out the floor
is much lower than we thought.
He's now in
the mid-30s.
He's down three or four points
from the last poll
in September from the times
and there's not real evidence
that it's stopping here.
He could continue to go down.
So, that's one.
Not with rallies like that.
What he loses in people
angry about gas prices,
he will gain from people
who also love John Husted's ass.
The second point,
I think this is the more
politically consequential one,
is we talked a lot about
how Trump's 2024 coalition
has collapsed with
with Latinos and young girls and all of that.
And that this poll obviously reflects that as many have,
for the last year, but what is changing is that the original MAGA coalition itself
is beginning to break apart. So in 2024, according to exit polls, Trump won white voters who didn't
go to college, white working class voters, who've been the core of MAGA from the beginning. He won
with 66% of the vote. In this poll, his approval rating among those voters is now 51%. And more,
I think more, even more alarmingly for Republicans is that his strong approval
is 34% with those voters. And so two-thirds of white working class voters either have turned
on Trump or just kind of meh about him. And that does not bode well for the MAGA movement either
here or in the long term. And then I think the third point is, and the Democratic Party brand,
at least among likely voters in this midterm, has recovered. The Democrats are now more trusted
than Republicans on every issue, including immigration, and now are seen as the party
of the working class, the party that understands. Problems faced by people like you, the party that can fix the problems faced by people like you
by double digits. These are all big swings from 2024.
So it seems like they're benefiting by, the party's benefiting by comparison with the Republicans.
Of course, of course.
Because only 28% in the poll are satisfied with the Democratic Party.
Yes, yes, yes. What had been curious to date and alarming to Democrats to date
was there had been no seesaw effect. Republicans went down and Democrats stayed down. And now,
at least in opposition. Yes, yes, yes.
In opposition to this Republican Party, these candidates in this moment, the Democratic
Party is looking better. I am not suggesting that we've solved all of our problems, far from it.
I'm not suggesting that's going to extend to 2028. But in this election, as you were worried about
some of these voters, independent Republican-leaning independents, former Trump voters,
who'd be unwilling to vote for the party, it seems like we have a better chance of those
voters now because the party is seen better than it was a few months ago.
Obviously, like the big mystery left in this election is the composition of the turnout. And I
thought it was interesting in this poll, they split it up. So, it's 11 points on the generic
ballot. But if they just asked voters, if they went by the likelihood that someone says they're
going to vote, it goes up to 14 points. And if they just go by predicting the likelihood of
someone voting based on their past vote history and identity, et cetera, then it goes down to 9%.
So, it is interesting that, and I think this is probably the case with a lot of these polls, is
when people just tell the pollster, yeah, I'm more likely to vote, those screens tend to make the
generic ballot lead for Democrats even larger. And then, but I think pollsters are trying to
weight these differently just to make sure that there's not like a big miss.
Yeah. And one of the things that causes, maybe not specifically in The Times, but other
ones, is if you're doing predicted vote, young voters are going to be less likely to vote based
on past history, because they either haven't voted before or because they're younger. And
that's the big question here is, are younger voters going to turn out in the way in which
you would want them to? There's some very, very early evidence in early voting that that's
happening in young voters. But I think it's way too early to know, because we're in the
very beginning of early vote. But I think that's a big test, and we're going to get those voters.
How real do you think this bigger, redder map is, even with these spending decisions?
And would you consider the bigger, redder map to be Mississippi and South Carolina?
Yeah. I was going to say those are the two that, because now, well, I guess Kansas too.
Kansas is on the map.
But now Kansas is really on the map.
Yeah. So I think these are, we have real shots here. They're long shots,
but they're real shots. We have good candidates in both cases. There are very bad candidates
on the Republican side in both of them. It doesn't cost a lot of money,
to invest in either of them. These are the kind of bets you should be making as a party,
because if you were to win these seats, you have them for six years. That means you have
a South Carolina Democrat, a Mississippi Democrat into, hopefully, the first term
of the next Democratic president, increasing our likelihood of a governing trifecta if we're able
to win the White House. And so I think it's very real. In both cases, we have very large
portions of the electorate that are made up by Black voters. There's reasons to believe, based on primary
turnout, that Black turnout could be incredibly high. We've seen some of that in some early,
obviously early, early voting data. But if that's the case, it's like, it's very, I think these are,
this is a place to invest, that the party should invest money. It's a place that, you know,
donors should invest money to help these candidates. Because I think, I do think we
have a shot here. It may be a bridge too far, but it is not, this is not a fool's errand.
Well, because again, we can't, we just don't, we can't predict turnout, right? Like, you can't get from red to blue in these
states with persuasion at this point. It's not like all these voters are going to just suddenly,
who are voting Republican in the past, are going to vote Democrat. But like, if you have an election
where the Republican base really is just staying home, or a lot of these voters are staying home,
suddenly it just becomes more real in these states. Mississippi is either the largest or
the second largest percentage of its vote that is made up by Black voters. And so you just
think on paper, a huge part of the vote is made up by a, by a group that has voted for Democrats,
North of 85% in most elections. If those people turn out a very high level and Republicans stay
home, that's just, that's the place where you have a shot. And in the last time there was a Senate race
in Mississippi, the Democrat, the Democrat only lost by 10 points. So. And South Carolina is real
too. Yeah. And there's, and the other important thing in South Carolina is there's third-party
candidates. And this is a, because Darlene Graham, and so I, this is why I think about that is,
um, Jamie Harrison in 2020, which is, I consider 2020 to be basically a 50/50 year. Uh, Jamie Harrison got 44%
of the vote. It was like 43.8% of the vote. So then your question is, can Annie Andrews in South
Carolina get to 50? Well, if you have 5% of the vote or 3%, 5% of the vote that goes to, um, a
third, third-party candidates there, which I think could be possible because Darlene Graham is such an
unappealing candidate, then she only has to get to 47.5. She only has to do 3.3 and a half points
better than Jamie Harrison in a year that is, you know, seven to 10 points more Democratic. It gets
a much worse Republican candidate in Darlene Graham than Lindsey Graham, who was an incumbent,
uh, and a pretty good politician. You do wonder if in 2020, it's a presidential year
that Jamie Harrison benefited from, um, high black turnout in South Carolina as well,
that you would get in a presidential year specifically more than you would maybe in a
midterm electorate. But on the same time, Lindsey Graham benefited probably even more by
higher role white turnout with Trump on the ballot. Right, right, right.
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Speaker 1 :
One more thing on the polling, uh, the data site 50 plus one uncovered a
completely fake polling operation that goes by the name of Wedgewood polls,
uh, which was new on the scene, the cycle, but found its way into some of the aggregators.
Um, once they got caught Wedgewood announced that the whole thing was simply, uh, an experimental
that's what they called it, to show the influence that an entirely fabricated polling firm could
have. Super helpful project, which has led FCC Chairman Brendan Carr to threaten the license
of broadcasters who air fake polls, which seemed like a message designed to please the guy
with terrible poll numbers who gave Carr his job. On Wedgwood, candidates like Mallory McMorrow,
she tweeted this the other day, that the group did real harm, like specifically to her campaign.
Can you explain what happened and why Wedgwood got past so many smart people?
I can't really answer that last part there because, but I think there's a few things
to understand here. I don't think we should take it as a given this was some sort of like
Nathan for you, like social experiment. No. Oh, I think it's, well, and even if you look into it,
it's only after 50 plus one sent them, asked them for a comment because they had done the
investigation that then instead of giving them a comment, Wedgwood just suddenly posted,
oh, it was just fake the whole time.
So 50 plus one, which is the site that G. Elliot Morris, formerly of FiveThirtyEight,
and now has a subsection of the numbers is a part of, they saw a poll from Wedgwood they
thought was kind of suspicious. It looked like it might be fake. They then went and used the
same platform to rerun the same poll. This led them to believe that they had faked the numbers.
They asked them about it. All of a sudden they put out the statement. Hard to know what they
were actually trying to do. Yeah. And Nate Silver did a very good analysis of all their polling.
There's not a ton of consistency in it. They did have some of the best polls for,
you know, more liberal candidates like Troy Jackson, Abdul Saad, and Francesca Hong.
They also polled in some places where no one else had polled, like Mississippi early on.
Some suggestion may be that they were trying to help left-wing candidates or from the Republican
side, get those candidates nominated, or were they, you know, betting on Kulshy or some of
these other prediction markets to do it. We don't really know. It is also not true that they weren't
vetted. Right.
Because they, they had to do it.
They had to answer questions from the New York Times and others. They lied in those questions.
The two names associated with it were people who had polling experience and had worked for
established pollsters in the past. And then as soon as this happened, and this was a social
experiment, you would imagine the people who did the experiment would then talk about the results.
Yeah, go ahead and do some press and yeah.
They've disappeared. I don't know if they, they, they're off the website. They're not responding
to calls. So very sketchy here. We now think there's actually a third site.
SoCal Strategies.
SoCal Strategies, which I,
which is known as SoCal Strategies in the run-up to the Michigan primary, when we were, everyone's
anxiously looking for results and they were touting a poll they were going to have. And I had never
heard of them. And I went to their website to see, and you couldn't figure out who, usually a poll,
a polling, like a polling website will tell you a lot about their work, their clients, especially if
they are a strategic firm, because they want more clients and more work. This one had nothing on it.
I would note for the record that neither Wedgwood, nor Media, nor SoCal Strategies ever made it
through the vigorous, vigorous vetting processes of either MessageBox or Puller Coaster.
So just, just saying that New York Times, on the Mallory-McMorrow point, you know, as you know,
I supported her in the primary, consider her a friend. I sort of watched this in real time.
And that poll was very damaging. It sort of cemented this narrative that she was out of
the race, that she had lost, that it had now become a two-person race between Hailey Stevens
and Abdul Sayyed. I know that her polling showed something different, that it was much, much different.
It was much closer than this poll suggested. It caused donors to leave, political support to sort
of abandon her. I'm not saying she would have won without this poll. Like, there are all kinds
of structural challenges in that three-way race for a candidate like her. However, there's no
question that this fake poll damaged her campaign and kind of kicked off a death spiral that forced
her to leave the race. It led to people calling for her to drop out of the race, because there
was this real fear in the political establishment that Abdul could not win. And so all the people who,
you know, sort of moved immediately to Hailey Stevens thinking, if we're going to stop Abdul,
for whatever reasons they wanted to stop him, either pure electability or other reasons,
you had to be for Hailey, not Valerie. And so money moved political support. But it did real
damage to her campaign. There's no question about that. Nate Silver and Claire and Galen on Still
Counting. Great podcast. Everyone check it out. They, you know, they were making the point that
it is especially damaging to have these kind of things in a primary. Yeah. Because in a primary,
the people who participate in primaries are voters who are more likely to be political junkies like
us who are looking at polls. And you're trying to make a case as a candidate in the primary that
you're more electable than someone else. So like in a general election, you know, people are looking,
you're throwing all the polls into a poll aggregator and it's different. But like in a
primary, it's a real problem to have fake polling operations like this. I mean, it's a problem no
matter what, but I think it's potentially much more damaging in a primary. Especially because
there are so little. polling data in the primary. Like we were like, like, the Wedgwood strategy poll showed Francesca
Hong beating Tom Tiffany by three points. And that became a real argument in that primary that
she was no less electable than David Crowley. Same thing. There's a similar dynamic with it with a
poll for Abdul at the same time. There was a fake poll out here for with Nithya and Karen Bass.
Yeah, median strategies.
Yeah, that showed like Bass leading by a lot. And then and like Bass's campaign was like tweeting
about it. And then. Realized that it was just fake.
It's a real problem that, and I'm a little guilty, I'm guilty, we're all guilty of this because
there are these bot accounts that scrape the internet for polls who then tweet them out. I have
push notifications for all of them for professional reasons, obviously.
Yeah, right. No.
Only for Polar Coaster, nothing else.
Real sicko.
And, but you get these polls and it does, and you see them like take off on Twitter,
because a lot of people who are on Twitter, who are like political obsessives like we are,
see these polls.
If they validate their priors about who they like, then they're tweeting them out, it creates momentum on there. And you know, for all the wrong reasons, every reporter and political person is still on Twitter. And then that, it shapes a narrative very quickly that is bad. I think, you know, our friend Carl's Odeo pointed this out that the DNC in the 2028 primaries is going to have, they are going to have to come up with some criteria about how you make a debate stage, which debate stage you're on, presuming there's as many people as possible.
Yeah, yeah.
Yeah, yeah.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
what they want to say is.
- Well, that's a different thing.
is we did it. We destroyed the remain, we were, we took, we got rid of the dust. We destroyed the
rest of the dust. The Strait is open. And by open, it means it takes, uh, you know, billions and
billions of dollars. And, uh, like how many hundreds of like armed forces stationed maybe
permanently, uh, around the Strait of Hormuz to escort these ships through. But we can't even do
that because we're not in charge of whether it opens or not. Right. It's just, it's really stupid
because the one thing that Trump has never really realized is the Iranian leadership does not give a
shit about the country and the people in the country, and they don't face the will of the
voters. So it's like high gas prices is not going to lead people. It's not going to increase the
generic ballot in the upcoming Iranian elections. It's like, it's a very different situation.
Idiots. Um, well, that's not the reason to get out and vote because, uh, you know,
Donald Trump thinks after the election, he's just gonna go ahead and continue bombing.
If you, we won this.
We won this election by enough, and we got the Senate majority in the House majority.
It's not out of the question that you're at least sending, it's actually quite plausible.
Maybe probably you're sending a War Powers Resolution to his desk and force him to veto it.
Yeah. And he will, and that, and then we'll still have a war, but I, I think it's, you're gonna have a
budget that you're, they're gonna need money at some point. And if we have a big enough majority in
both houses, we're gonna be able to not give him the money he needs to do the war.
And that'll be a whole fight.
We're just right back into 2006.
It's all over again.
I know, I know, but you know what, I, but with, with a bunch of Republicans though,
whose colleagues just lost their jobs because of this war and, and Donald Trump is on his way out.
And so they may be a little more amenable to working with Democrats to, um, to end this war.
I mean, there are parallels here with how Republicans responded to Bush's loss in 2006.
Yeah.
In the years going forward.
And the, the, if Democrats can have a great election and make real gains here, it's not
just.
It's that Trump will have less of a hold on his people on some issues.
Yes.
And this is likely one of them.
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All right.
Let's get to the latest in Ohio.
Good to see old friends and new.
We're packed house here.
Look at this tonight.
We're ready to do this.
Sir, sir.
Excuse me.
Excuse me.
You're going to leave this room.
Sir.
Sir, if you want to.
All right.
That's the sound of Vivek Ramaswamy getting heckled at a campaign event for running the
most despicable ad.
I think I've ever heard of it.
Ever seen in politics?
It's up there with the Max Cleland, Osama Bin Laden ad.
Yeah.
But this is, I think this is worse.
I think this is worse.
I thought about that one.
As you've probably read by now, the ad features the estranged mother of Vivek's opponent,
Amy Acton, calling her daughter a liar and unfit for office.
What the ad doesn't say is that Acton and her brother were removed from their mother's
custody after her second husband was charged with raping Amy when she was 10 years old.
He then fled the state to avoid standing trial with her mother, who stayed married to him
until he died.
Vivek decided to put $4 million behind the ad, despite many prominent Ohio Republicans
denouncing it.
Governor Mike DeWine, who called on Ramaswamy to pull it down, Senator John Husted, former
Senator Rob Portman, and former Ohio Congressman Jim Renacci, who said, "The floor may have
just fallen out from under the Republican campaign for Ohio governor.
And any Republican who fails to distance themselves from this ad risks taking on water as well."
Well, the most prominent Ohio Republican in the country has not only declined to distance
himself from the ad, but actively defended it.
Here's the vice president of the United States at a rally in Ohio on Wednesday.
And now the media and the Democrats in the state of Ohio are obsessed because guess what?
Vivek Ramaswamy had the audacity to run a TV commercial, which calls it out for the
president, and calls Amy Acton a liar.
On Thursday, Trump chimed in with a lengthy Truth Social post, fully endorsing the ad,
calling it, quote, "hitting pay dirt."
And then later, he spoke to reporters on his way to his next event and continued to defend
the ad.
His whole thing is, "Well, if it was my mother saying something like saying that I was a
liar, you'd all love the ad.
You'd all love it."
He's like, "I don't know what to do with it.
I don't know what to do with it.
I don't know what to do with it."
He's not getting the point here, is he?
No, he doesn't.
I think he has no idea.
Like, he's been a little late to this.
He seemed a little surprised when the reporter gave him the context.
Yeah.
He clearly did not have it.
Because at first, he was like, "I don't know.
It seemed tough."
Like, he had some comment where he wasn't all in.
And then, kind of, I don't know what to do.
And clearly, because J.D. Vance went all the way out on the fucking limb, by himself, really,
Trump had to back him up.
Yeah.
I mean, obviously, Trump will always side with the abused or not the abused.
So this is his natural place.
But it wasn't clear that he knew exactly what he was supporting in the beginning.
I mean, obviously, we all want to believe the Jim Renacci view that this is backfiring
in a huge way.
Do you think it is?
Are all the Republican condemnations evidence of that?
Are there other indicators we can look for?
Well, there hasn't been, obviously, any polling that's been done since this ad came
out.
And I think it's very possible that this will be sort of a object of fascination among the
politically obsessed who have already made their decision in this race.
But I do feel a relative amount of confidence saying that an ad this disgusting that accuses
a 12-year-old of lying about rape, that even members of your own party, popular members
of your own party are saying is disgusting, is not going to help the candidate whose biggest
vulnerability is that everyone thinks he's an asshole.
Yeah.
We don't have to overcomplicate this.
It is not like, is this the thing that's going to turn the election?
I don't know if enough people will know it or see it, but it's not going to help them.
And generally, as a rule in politics, you don't want popular, if you're a Republican,
you want popular Republicans attacking you 10 days before the election.
And J.D. Vance did use the word disgusting.
Yeah.
He used the word disgusting.
It was about Republicans complaining about this ad.
That's what he said is disgusting.
Like, what do you think?
Like, I know I'm biased because I've hated J.D. Vance for a long time.
But I find myself being more infuriated with him than even Vivek Ramaswamy, which is crazy
because Vivek Ramaswamy is complete scum for running the ad in the first place.
But J.D. Vance, that smarmy little fuck getting up there and being like, oh, everyone's complaining
and it just it calls it like it calls her a liar.
Like, the ad tells it like it is like the woman in this ad.
The mother is just fucking I mean, I don't know if she's got mental problems.
I don't know if she's just pure evil.
I don't know what it is, but like, I didn't realize this when we talked about it the first
time.
So this guy that she married when she married him, he had already been indicted.
for sexually abusing his own daughter from another marriage.
So she, first of all, marries someone who'd been indicted for sexually abusing his daughter.
Then he sexually abuses her daughter, 10 years old,
physically and sexually abuses both kids, her brother as well.
And then when the guy gets arrested and charged with rape of her own daughter,
she decides to believe him and then flees the state with him
so he can avoid charges, avoid standing trial.
And then Amy Acton never saw her mother again.
They had been on the run ever since.
The guy eventually dies.
And then Vivek Ramaswamy says, oh, great idea.
I'll put her in an ad.
And then J.D. Vance sees that and is like, fuck yeah.
Tells it like it is.
And the guy, the hillbilly elegy guy who wrote a book
and rose to prominence because of his experience as a child
in a traumatized household.
And he has like not a shred of empathy about this.
It's like he's a fucking sociopath.
He has no soul.
Like he does not.
True sociopath.
He calls himself like a Catholic, a man of God,
and goes on and on about how like he's one.
What the fuck?
His problem is that he only cares about whatever he thinks advances his own ambition.
And he has decided that the only way that he can be
the nominee of Donald Trump's Republican Party
is that he has to double and triple down.
He has to prove his loyalty because he was once an apostate.
He has to prove his loyalty over and over again every single day
by doing the most debasing stuff humanly possible.
And you know what he's going to,
because like he did this with Childless Cat Ladies.
Remember like, you know, a couple months ago, who knows when.
He gave some interview where he was like, yeah, I wish I hadn't said that.
You know, how much you want to bet?
Like three months from now, six months from now, a year from now,
this will get brought up and he'll be like, you know,
once I learned about all the details, which I didn't know at the time,
once I learned about that, yeah, that, that they shouldn't run that ad.
I don't know.
I'm not sure because with the Childless Cat Ladies thing,
his thing was not like, you know, I offended a lot of people
and I heard from them and I thought about it.
He realized it was bad for him politically.
So that's why he felt bad about it.
I think this, I think this will follow him.
Oh yeah.
Oh, I think so.
I think so as well.
And maybe he will realize that, but I just don't, maybe he'll admit it.
I don't know.
But I'd be, I'd kind of be surprised that he would have enough like self-confidence
and self-awareness to see, realize it's bad for him.
Because they're going to be, you know, Will Summer at the Bulwark has a piece out today
about how now the right media, after being initially against us,
the mega media folks are coming out in support of the ad.
People like Ben Shapiro, you know, it's like, this is, you know,
politics is a tough business kind of stuff.
So I can.
Ben Shapiro compared it to RFK's family members coming out during the campaign.
And criticizing RFK Jr.
He compared, he says the same thing.
Missing a few elements of the story, but yeah, sure.
Yeah.
And the fact that in this case, this person had not really been involved
in their daughter's life for 50 years.
So like why she's a character witness.
Just married to a fugitive rapist pedophile.
I mean, just put.
Fugitive rapist pedophile.
Married a pedophile, brought that pedophile into the same house as her children.
And then when that pedophile got caught, he was like,
caught abusing her children, left her children, abandoned her children for the,
for the pedophile.
And then a whole bunch of ad makers, staffers, Vivek Ramaswamy, J.D. Vance,
I guess Ben Shapiro, all these, they're all like, yeah, this is our woman.
This is her.
She's a great character witness.
It's, it's.
It's one of the most disgusting things that will ever happen in American politics.
It really is.
Like, I just don't, I mean, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's shocking.
It's, it's shocking.
And you know what?
Something like a shocking, but not surprising.
Actually.
It's surprising.
I'm like, I was, I said this yesterday to Rhodes and we did only friends, but
I was like, you could have, I could have seen a still very slimy way to handle
this, which is, would be J.D.
Vance being like, oh, I have so much empathy for Amy Acton.
And I, that's horrible what she went through.
And, um, and, and, and I don't know about this ad, but Vivek Ramaswamy, he's
still the guy I wanted to be governor.
And that's one ad and maybe it was a mistake, but basically what John
Husted did, which is still pretty slimy because John Husted also appeared.
With Vivek and Vance and didn't re actually call for the ad to come down.
Right.
So it's like, he, he's not a fucking profile and courage on this one.
Um, but just a coward with a great ass coward with a great ass race, but
like Vance could have gone that route.
No, that's not the right.
He went, no, he decided to go the lowest possible.
He had, that's the only way he can go.
Cause he's gotta prove that he's truly MAGA.
Speaking of Vance being in tune with his home state, uh, after the rally on
Tuesday, he dropped in on a Cincinnati Bengals practice, um, and, uh, the,
there was a video of him attempting to greet the players as they went into
the locker room, but it's sort of sucked.
It's just him sort of like just being typical doofus JD Vance.
Well, they all walked past him without acknowledging him.
A couple said like a couple quickly said hi.
It was, but here's a star quarterback, Joe Burrow, getting
a question about it, um, afterwards.
Vice president Vance, I was here at practice today.
Did y'all get a chance to interact at all?
We did not, we did not.
He, uh, came with everybody and left with swiftness and efficiency.
I was like, what do you think Joe Burrow was thinking there?
Do you think this was just for you personally?
Cause I know you're a Patriots fan, but you married into a Bengals family.
This is a real relief that the superstar quarterback did not, um, do what
many NFL players have done and you know, it's funny, the, the, the true Bengals
fan, uh, in my life is my mother-in-law.
Uh, I have not, I gotta ask her what she, what she thought about that.
Cause I, I think she held her fucking breath through that whole thing.
Especially cause she's had quite a few things to say about Tom Brady.
Yeah.
So to me, like how many mega quarterbacks can one guy have in his family?
I think this, the video itself, which doesn't really play in the, for the
purpose of this podcast, but is really worth watching because there's something
so delicious about the fact that I imagine that most of JD Vance's life was wanting
acceptance, but being denied acceptance or acknowledgement by the football team.
Just like he was never a cool kid, always a nerd and the football team.
Best case scenario, pretend like he didn't exist.
That's best case scenario.
Now he's vice president of the United States.
He has one heartbeat away from being the leader of the proverbial free world.
He goes to football practice in his home state and they ignore
him just like his high school team.
I was gonna, the only enjoyable thing about JD Vance's 2028 presidential
campaign is going to be watching him put on the human suit and go
out and do culturally expected things that a presidential candidate has to do.
And just watch how awkward it is.
I mean, like for all the, for all the, the mockery Mitt Romney got for every time he
tried, you know, like the, the, who let the dogs out of video, these are all deep cuts.
JD Vance is going to be a hundred times worse.
Yeah, that's true.
He, he's going to make Mitt Romney look like a man of the people.
Same with like, he's gonna make Rhonda.
Sanders look like the coolest customer out there.
It's the only thing I'm looking forward to.
I can't, I cannot wait.
Um, all right.
Trump's continuing for.
with other men kind of drowned out the other political events on Wednesday night.
But we did get the final debates in the Michigan and Kansas Senate races.
Let's start with Michigan. If you didn't tune in, here's a sample of how it went.
So being bought off by the Muslim Brotherhood, having donors to his campaign from Hamas
at Fort Hezbollah is not a problem? To bring it to question, my commitment to the Constitution
is really beneath you. I am proud of America. I'm proud to be an American. I'm proud of our
Constitution that guarantees all of us the right to pray as we choose to pray. And the question
that you would ask that, I think is actually really quite shameful. Yeah, so that's how that
went. How much of the debate did you get to watch? It actually was not as a tough, like it wasn't as
a contentious debate, I think, as the first one. Which is surprising since he's talking about being
bought off by the Muslim Brotherhood. I was trying to two-screen the debate as my family was watching
the WNBA finals game with the Valkyries last night.
So I caught most of it. It was like, it was, the other ones were quite heated. And this,
you often see this happen when there's multiple debates, is by the third one, everyone is sort of,
they've gotten everything they have to say on their chest. They've unloaded the clip, yeah.
Unloaded the clip, they're kind of exhausted by it. They've probably seen the focus groups
that say that no one liked what they saw, and so it's a little more chill. I'm not sure that
any of these debates had any impact on the dynamics of this race. Yeah. I thought Abdul,
the thing that, where Abdul is very good, is he responds to the attack that he is,
Yeah. The thing that, where Abdul is very good, is he responds to the attack that he is,
Yeah. I thought Abdul, the thing that, where Abdul is very good, is he responds to the attack that he is,
is anti-American, too extreme, a terrorist, by, not by saying, I'm not a terrorist, not by rebutting
the individual facts, although he does that when he has to. It's that he shows in what he says and
how he acts, how he loves this country. Like his closing statement is, as, as has been in all of
these debates, is very powerful. He talks about his love for the country, how, it's very Obama-esque,
and how basically only in this country, his story could be true. How privileged he is to have the
opportunity to be an American citizen, to run for office here.
that says about this country so i think he handles that very very well yeah we talked about the uh
exchange with the republican you know uh tracker plant whatever in that town hall um the guy with
close relationships with cbs news talent yes that's right yeah um and how you know maybe
abdul's answer was part of it was good but maybe it was like a little condescending maybe which
the questioner deserved but maybe not the wider audience who might have the questions
i feel like in this was like the the best of dual yeah um handling mike rogers attacking
this because he was i mean he was even respectful to mike rogers who did not deserve to be
he did not he did not take the bait
which is the thing that Abdul tends to do in these cases.
Sometimes that works out to his benefit in viral moments,
and sometimes it doesn't.
But he was disciplined in this debate.
And, you know, you can sort of watch a debate
and get a sense of potentially, like, what the internal polls say.
Like, I remember watching the last Abdul-Haley-Stevens vote debate,
and it was like, we had no idea what the public polls were saying.
It was like, watching that debate,
it's very clear that Haley-Stevens thinks she's losing this
because she was the one swinging at all the pitches.
You watch this, you believe that Abdul thinks he's winning,
or his polls suggest he's winning,
and he's trying to finish strong
and not, you know, get dragged into the mud with Rodgers
and Rodgers with all the Hamas and mother-in-law stuff.
You can tell Rodgers thinks he's losing.
There was also another moment where Rodgers did criticize the tariffs,
which sort of, but, like, didn't say he would do anything about them.
So that leaves him open to that.
But you can tell why earlier he hadn't done that
because if you criticize the tariffs,
then you have to say, like, well, I'll stop them when I get to the center,
something like that.
And he can't say that, but he was, he was like,
yeah, they weren't well thought out.
Well, I bet he says something different
when Trump comes to Michigan in two days.
Can't wait for that.
All right, over in Kansas,
it was pretty easy to see why Roger Marshall
is having such a problem holding off Adam Hamilton.
Let's take a listen.
The real problem with the cost of diesel in particular
is number one is the Ukraine war.
And because of that, diesel production has gone down.
I just want to say, see, he just said that the war in Iran
is not the problem.
The war in Ukraine is a problem.
The Ukrainians trying to defend themselves.
Are the reason why we have record diesel prices?
Nobody believes that.
This happened in response to the war in Iran
that didn't need to happen, was not a necessary war.
And this is why the prices went to record highs.
Just curious, with all of those undocumented children
that you delivered, did you also call ICE
and ask them to be taken away?
You say you've listened in 300 campaign stops.
You did not listen in 300 campaign stops.
You had 300 photo ops.
Let's move on.
Nice.
Not bad for a pastor.
I was going to say, how do you think Hamilton did?
I love Adam Hamilton.
He's so good.
He's really good.
He's really, really good.
He's so thoughtful.
I think there is a question.
And he's tough without being an asshole.
Yeah, which I think that was a real question, right?
It's one thing that, you know, you're a pastor,
you're new to politics.
Can you mix it up?
Because you have to mix it up.
And it is one thing to, you know, say tough things
in your positive American interview
or your stump speech at a rally.
It's another thing when you're sitting
on the same stage as someone.
And he was aggressive, but in a way completely consistent
with his demeanor, consistent with his values.
He was very, very good.
Also, that might be the first time
I've seen Roger Marshall.
I think I've probably seen him before,
but I really couldn't pick him out of a lineup.
Yeah, I've seen clips of him dodging questions
about the time that he ordered the arrest
of a woman who owed him $50.
This is a tough race to figure out how it's going to go
because Hamilton is ahead by a little bit,
but he's, of all the races,
he's like probably the furthest below 50
in a lot of these polls.
But, and just saying enough.
Third party candidate there?
Well, yes, third party candidate there,
but more importantly, it's the one case
in that last batch of Times Siena polls
where his name ID is lower
and that he actually is underperforming.
There's a lot of undecideds who pick the Democrats
on the generic ballot who are not yet for Hamilton.
So he has room for growth
that a lot of these other Democrats don't have.
Now, small sample size, et cetera,
but he got in this race very late.
He is quite well known
for someone who gets the race late.
He does have a church with 100,000 members
that broadcasts its sermons on TV every week.
But it's clear that he has room for growth
with likely Democratic voters.
So he is a very, very, very real shot.
I really do believe that.
Well, also, I think Kansas hasn't elected
a Democratic senator in almost 100 years.
94 years.
Herbert Hoover was president.
Donald Trump, not even born.
But, but, like, has regularly elected Democratic governors.
Yeah.
It's a very strange quirk in history.
Yeah.
The idea of a Democrat winning statewide in Kansas
is not crazy at all.
Kathleen Sebelius, Laura Kelly, current governor,
like, it's happened.
Yeah.
It's just, it's sort of a weird quirk
that there just hasn't been a Democratic senator.
Yes.
So it's, it's real.
All right.
Last thing before we get to Levitt's conversation
with Keisha Lance Bottoms.
We talked on the Tuesday show
about the extremely convoluted influence peddling scheme
involving Alina Haba,
Trump's former personal attorney
and former U.S. attorney for New Jersey.
Her Turkish billionaire,
billionaire husband at Kennedy Center
and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Some wild mad libs there.
Well, here's a simpler corruption scheme
to get your head around
from a New York Times report on Tuesday.
A Venezuelan billionaire named Julio Herrera Velutini
wanted a campaign finance conviction
expunged from his record.
You don't want that on your record.
No, no.
So what do you do?
He made a massive donation to a Trump super PAC.
That didn't work.
I guess no one really noticed.
So he created a fake business,
hired Alina Haba as its fake general counsel
while she was still working at the Justice Department
and then promised to pay her $50 million over four years.
Just a few weeks later,
here's what the Times writes.
Quote,
Mr. Trump granted Mr. Herrera a full and unconditional pardon.
How about that?
Haba denied that.
The employment had anything to do with the pardon,
but, quote,
declined to discuss her work for the fake business.
I'm sure Alina Haba believes
that as a member of Trump's inner circle,
she's untouchable.
Counterpoint,
she might want to check out the report
in the Wall Street Journal today
that the DOJ is looking into allegations
that former Trump campaign manager Corey Lewandowski
profited off his role as a senior advisor
slash romantic partner
at the Department of Homeland Security.
Counter counterpoint,
the journal also reports
that Lewandowski has told friends
that if a criminal case is brought against him,
he's going to get a pardon.
Counter counter counterpoint.
Trying to count the counters here.
Trump was asked about all this
just before we recorded
and said that if his people aren't honest,
they have to be prosecuted
because they're stealing from me,
is what he said.
Me.
Me.
As the president,
stealing from me
because the taxpayer money is my money
and the corruption that I get to do
because of my office is my corruption.
Um, what do you think about this one?
How much, how much is he going to have to pay
Alina Hobbit to get that pardon?
Corey Lewandowski.
$51 million?
Is she going to, like,
is she, is she, she got $50 million for this?
I mean, I think she's probably only gotten $10 million
because it's. Oh, yeah, it's over a couple years.
Over a couple years.
So she hasn't fully vested
her $10 million corrupt money yet.
Also, if I was her,
I would have slowed the pardon down.
It's just really obvious.
I mean, it's so,
like, I kept reading that story
trying to figure out
how it was,
that she was,
had a $50 million fake job
and was working in the Justice Department
at the same time.
But it turns out
she had one of the,
like Corey Lewandowski,
one of those fake
special government employee things
where you can work for 130 days
but also make other income on the side.
And this is what they're investing,
yeah, this is what they're investigating
Corey Lewandowski for
because he was
special government employee,
so he had this other consulting firm
and was just going around
just approving all the contracts
for the Department of Homeland Security.
So they were,
so he was picking,
picking the contractors
who were, of course,
giving him money,
giving his,
giving him,
paying him for this.
And then there's a
lot of questions
about a plane purchase
that had some relationship
to political supporters
of Kristi Noem
where they overpaid for it.
And this is a stunning detail
about the private plane.
Okay.
We've talked about the bedrooms,
the bedrooms,
the showers,
the marble countertops.
There is a table
with manta ray skin on it.
What is a table?
What is a manta ray?
A manta ray is a very large.
Like a stingray?
It's a giant ray
that is usually often eight feet
wingtip to wingtip.
Just as a side note,
I took my kids snorkeling
with manta rays
over the summer.
And so people are,
are like skinning these things
and use it making countertops?
It's definitely not legal.
For Kristi Noem?
Yeah, I don't really know
how they got the-
Dog killer?
Yes, maybe she had a manta ray pet
and was dissatisfied with it.
I don't really know.
These fucking people.
Yeah, like,
you know what?
Yes, they get to be held accountable
is a thing.
Did you see the whole thing
with Alyssa Slotkin last week?
We didn't even talk about it
in the pod, but like-
No.
She was asked,
it was Stead Herndon
and she was in the IOP in Chicago.
It was like, you know,
what are we doing
with Democrats to take back Congress?
And she's like, look,
well, first priority is
we absolutely have to
take care of cost of living stuff.
And we have to work on that.
She's like, you know,
I also think there needs
to be accountability.
And I think specifically
around the corruption,
and I don't think we can be doing this
all the time
because we can't just
just be focused on corruption.
There's a lot of other things to do,
but I think we need to take
some signature cases
and make sure that people
are held accountable
and not obviously she's like,
we can't, you know,
Trump is Trump,
but like all the people
who did his bidding,
you know, need to be
held accountable too.
And I want to make sure that,
you know, when people are thinking
about joining the Trump administration,
they think to themselves,
well, I don't want to get myself
into a bunch of,
this is probably more trouble
than it's worth
because, you know,
because they are going to see
the people who were corrupt
and broke the laws
are held accountable.
And people on the right
fucking flipped out.
They called it fascism.
They said that Alyssa Slotkin
is trying to,
is just promising
that she's going to throw
young conservatives in jail
or Republicans in jail
as retribution.
It was, the hysteria was insane.
Do you know why there was hysteria?
Why?
Because they're all making money
off this thing.
Yeah, I would, I was,
also that fucking shit. Mike Davis was like, this is what the second, she's going to find out what
the second amendment is for. Oh, I did. You're right. You saw that. I did see this. But like
Mike Lee jumped in, Steve Scalise jumped in. Like it wasn't just like dick bags on Twitter. It was
like real, like elected Republicans going after Alyssa Slotkin on this. It was, it was horrible.
It was horrifying. I mean, that's what they're going to do when we do all this stuff. It is
this amazing thing where it's like, oh, now see Democrats are going back to weaponization. It's
like, no, you stole money. You all stole money and profited off your fucking jobs. And you broke
a bunch of laws. Guess what? When you break laws and you fucking steal from the taxpayers,
you should get held accountable. Also, not for nothing. The Trump administration has been trying
to prosecute everyone from the head of the Fed to a guy who threw a sandwich and everyone in the
middle. Meanwhile, this guy's like, you know, Lena Hobbs is getting $50 million to get a pardon.
And we're like, oh, don't.
Stay away.
She's general counsel of a fake company.
Also, is it really worth $50 million this dude to get this campaign finance misdemeanor office?
I was going to ask that. I was like, look, I haven't had a campaign finance misdemeanor on
my record, but I don't, I think if I did, I don't know that I would pay $50 million if I had that
money.
He's also not an American citizen. So like, what is it?
What was he looking for then?
Yeah, I don't know.
Anyway, that's between him and Lena Hobbs.
I guess Alyssa Slotkin and the rest of us will find out next year.
So, all right, Dan, when we come back, you'll hear from our candidate for governor of Georgia,
Keisha Lance Bottoms.
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Our show.
Joining me in studio.
She is the former mayor of Atlanta and democratic nominee for Georgia governor,
Keisha Lance Bottoms.
Welcome back to the pod.
Well, thank you for having me.
I'm so glad to be here.
It has been, it's been a long time since we've had you on now back in 2021,
you made the unexpected decision to not seek a second term as mayor of Atlanta.
You were on Biden's VP shortlist.
You had turned down an offer to run SBA.
Uh, what do you think about that decision in retrospect and what led you to jump back
into politics?
I very much still believe it was the best decision and you know, it was difficult to
articulate it at that time.
Everybody called 2020 the great resignation.
I call it the great re evaluation.
And for me it was making a decision that was very personal.
What was best for my family at that time?
My kids were two were in elementary school.
One was in middle school.
One was a senior in high school.
The disruption of life as we knew it in 2020.
And then, um, personally, my dad died suddenly at 55 and I w I was giving a lot of thought
in the aftermath of COVID, especially just about mortality.
And if I had four years left, what would those four years look like?
And for me, it was stepping back.
It was stepping out of the ring and you know, people make changes all the time.
Career changes.
Most people don't do it in the public eye.
And I did it, you know, with 68% approval ratings at that time in the mayor's office.
So it was unexpected, but a decision I'm very proud of because I put my family first and
I made a decision that I know was best for us at that time.
I think if I only had four years left, I'd really focus on, um, gaining a sense of self-esteem.
focus on gaining as many YouTube followers as I could. It's interesting that you bring up
that period of time because a lot of the attacks against you are around the response to COVID
and about efforts to protect people during that time, the difficult decisions that leaders were
making. And I sometimes feel as though a lot of people, they want to hold Democrats responsible
for the trauma and the hard choices that we were all making. Like Democrats are mommy and you're
mad at mommy for doing the thing that was meant to keep us safe. Do you know what I'm saying?
Yeah. And if you think back, and again, people with a lot of money had the ability to try and
erase history and rewrite history. If you remember when Georgia opened up very early,
we were the first state to reopen. Even Donald Trump was upset at that time that the state had
opened up so quickly.
We were making decisions based on what the science was telling us. Carlos Del Rio,
who was an infectious disease control expert at Emory University was on speed dial for us. And
it was all about data and metrics. If our numbers were at a certain point, we'd make
certain decisions. So it was never emotional. It was never personal. It was how many people
are dying, how many people are infected. At that time, we didn't have vaccines.
And Atlanta fared better than most cities just in terms of the number of deaths that we had. And I
know it was because we were driven by the science. But also we had the support at that time of our
business community. There were corporate leaders, Fortune 500 CEOs who were helping us make those
decisions, university leaders, hospital leaders. So it was never in a vacuum. And even when we were
we talk about the crime numbers at that time. I remember in 2020 preparing March of 2020 to
get my state of the city address. And I came across a draft of that speech that got pulled
down because we had to shut everything down. I was touting how our crime numbers were dropping
across the city because we were on this trend, seeing our numbers drop in all the right areas.
And then 2020 came, the pandemic, the protest of the summer of 2020. And we weren't spared from
what the rest of the country experienced at that time. So now you're running for governor.
What do you see as the biggest challenge facing Georgia right now that the governor would be in
a position to address? The governor can make a lot of decisions in Georgia. It's one of the most
powerful governors.
In the country, just by the way the office is constituted. Although we anticipate there may be
an effort to strip those powers, God willing, when I win, but we'll cross that bridge when we get to
it. But the governor of Georgia has the ability to make 4,000 appointments to boards and commissions.
The budget comes from the governor's office. The governor can suspend the gas tax,
which my opponent opposed at some point. So the ability and the will of the governor
has a lot of power. And I think that's what we're going to see.
We're going to see a lot of influence in Georgia. I want to expand Medicaid in Georgia. We are one
of 10 states who have not expanded Medicaid. And it's not been done because the governors
haven't wanted to do it. So I want to talk about where your opponent is on this question,
because he seems to be a little bit all over the place on Medicaid expansion. In the Republican
primary, he seemed to be against it. Now he seems to have moderated. But to be honest, I don't know
what his position is. He says he wants intent. I don't know what he's talking about because it doesn't make sense. I describe him like the whiz.
Whatever the color of the day is, is what he goes with. One day he wants to be Donald Trump. One day
he doesn't. One day he doesn't want Medicaid expansion. Then the next day he does. One day
he says the National Guard is going to be called in during our election. And then he doesn't
remember. One day he owns and invests.
Four data center companies. And then he doesn't know that he does. So, you know, I don't know
what this new position is on Medicaid.
He's never explained it. I doubt that he knows it. But what I do know is that his entire fortune
is built on us having a broken health care system. He makes money when hospitals can't
retain doctors and nurses. He makes money by sending people back in at a much higher rate.
In Alabama, he called it venture philanthropy. We call it vulture philanthropy. It was a failing
hospital in Alabama because Alabama's also not expanded Medicaid. And he extended them what he
called a lifeline at a 14 to 19 percent interest rate. That's a loan shark.
I just want you to know something, which is that when I was a kid, I was in an all-Jewish
production of The Wiz. Not The Wizard of Oz, but little Jewish boys and girls playing all
the characters from The Wiz. Can you believe that? No, but I want to see it.
I don't want anyone.
No one can see it. No one can see it. And what was your role?
I was the tin man. Slide some oil to me. I sang it. I sang that part.
Well, that's ambitious and impressive. I can't believe that was allowed. All right,
we got to move on. Georgia, speaking of the arts, Georgia has become a hub. I can't believe I was a
kid. What were the adults doing? I love it. That's wild. That's wild. Georgia has become a hub for
film and television production. But, you know, for a long time here in L.A., it was like, oh,
Atlanta's taken all of L.A.'s jobs, right? And the numbers went up dramatically. But then there was
the strikes and there was a slowdown. And now L.A. and Georgia have both lost a lot of production
jobs to London and other places. And New Jersey. And New Jersey, which is, I mean, what are we
doing? How much of a role do you see the governors having in trying to keep film and production jobs
in Atlanta? Because it was a huge business.
And that's suddenly declined. Well, again, a lot of what happens in Georgia through the legislature
comes from the will of the governor. So my understanding and talking with industry leaders
is that at some point, Georgia got complacent. We came out fast and furious with this
great incentives package that that was able to take business from California, Louisiana,
North Carolina, New York. And then we stopped there. We never,
ever updated our incentives. We didn't tweak them based on new competition.
So this has been an active conversation that I've had because we now, even in Georgia,
have a whole generation of students who've now gone through our university system
training to work in the film industry. We've got some great programs at many of our schools. And
now the business is not there. So we got to make sure that we update it as we would
with industry. And I think that's what we're doing. Any industry that we're trying to remain competitive in.
So right now, if you look at the polls, you have John Ossoff polling ahead of Mike Collins. And
then you're locked in basically a dead heat with Rick Jackson, which would suggest that there are
some people out there that are either voting for Ossoff and undecided in the governor's race or
voting for Ossoff and maybe considering a split ticket vote. What is your message to those specific
voters, that group of people that are,
leaning Ossoff, but not on your side yet?
Yeah. And so what I will say about that, and Senator Ossoff is an incredible leader,
incredible friend. We did a great rally together just last week. We've done several together.
What our data is showing us is that many of these are Republican split ticket voters.
But that being said, you know, I'm making my case to everybody, Democrats, Republicans,
independents. And we need strong leadership in Georgia. We need better in Georgia. And better
means expanding Medicaid. Better means making sure our schools are fully funded. Our current
education formula was written in 1985 when I was still in the marching band at Frederick
Douglas High School. And Dougie Fresh was the halftime show.
What did you play in the marching band?
I played the clarinet.
I played the drums. I played the drums in the marching band.
Yeah. And for me, it was just a,
a time to be social. I wasn't that serious of a musician.
I didn't have any friends.
Yeah. But I remember that Dougie Fresh halftime show.
We did not do that. That's why I'll say it.
It was a different, different school.
No, it wasn't. It was Dougie Fresh.
But that's when our education formula was written. Also supportive of our small businesses,
creating a pathway for free technical and community colleges. And I'm hearing
from our young people loud and clear, expanded access to mental health services. These
are the things that are on the ballot that I'm talking about, that I've laid out plans
for, and my opponent has been fouling on. The things that he has talked about, taking
credit for the six-week abortion ban in Georgia. He's taking credit for Medicaid not being
expanded in Georgia. So he's focused on all the wrong things because he wants to be Trump's
favorite governor, in his words. He wants to be Trump with a Southern tone, in his words.
He doesn't disagree.
He doesn't disagree with a single policy from the Trump administration, in his words.
Do you think there's like a, they're going after you on crime. They're going after you
on some of the COVID lockdown stuff. It's clearly about keeping a certain subset of
voters on side, right? As you were saying. And like, are you meeting people on the campaign
trail that are sort of susceptible to all of these ads that are trying to kind of stereotype
Democrats about law and order or about immigration? Like, do you have a message for those voters
to kind of basically say, hey, like, this is, this is what the race is about. They're
trying to scare you on this, but here's the, here's the ways you know that you can trust
me on these things.
When we find that we are able to put the truth in front of people and remind them of, of
what actually happened when I was mayor, it's a, it's very easy. This is why resources are
so important. This guy's put $200 million into this election, $100 million.
$100 million against me alone. This much money has never been spent to try and slander
one person, one family, than has been put up against my family and I. And we are still
tied in this race. So when I remind people, I balanced the budget for four years. I didn't
raise taxes. I gave police and fire the largest pay increase in the history of the city. I
left $180 million in the bank. We got our employees up to $50 million.
$150 million in the bank, $15 an hour during the fight for $15 that we, we created a child
savings account for all of our public school kids, 7,000 units of affordable housing. We
created an affordable housing trust fund.
When those facts are put in front of people, then it's, it's no match. But when you are
up against the largest television buy that's ever been made in the history of Georgia,
this guy sends so many mailers.
To my house, I get like three duplicate mailers a day telling me not to vote for me. It is
this unlimited amount of money and we are tied. Then it is, it's this reminder that
he has the money, but the people still have the power. Our challenge is just having the
resources to get our messaging out, which by the way, anybody who wants to support can
do that at Keisha, K-E-I-S-H-A for governor.com.
And, and momentum is on our side. The turnout numbers that we are seeing from
Democrats are very similar to those that we saw in May during the primary. We were outspent
by a hundred million by Republicans and we still outvoted them by 150,000 votes. And
a poll that came out today from the Atlanta Journal Constitution, the newspaper shows
that I'm winning with independent voters.
That's a lot of votes.
It's a lot of votes.
It's a lot of votes.
And I think that's one of the issues that's been sort of part of this race is data
centers. You've come out for a moratorium. Your opponent has said it should be left up
to local governments, the counties. He's also an investor in data centers. Why is,
why is a moratorium more appropriate than just leaving it up to, say, county commissioners?
Well, let me just touch on what, what he says.
Which is what he's saying.
Yeah.
Yeah. Now that maybe he remembers it done.
He doesn't remember, or I don't know if he's just not telling the truth or if he honestly
doesn't remember that he owns these four companies. In Bowie, Texas right now, there's a community
fighting against him where he said, I want community to decide. The community is saying
we don't want this data center in our backyard. And it's been clouded in secrecy and, and,
and they're saying we don't want it. And he's still trying to push it forward. I'm saying
pause in Georgia right now.
We are number one in the country for new construction. We have passed Northern Virginia.
The billions of dollars of incentives have been promised. I'm saying, let's take a pause.
Let's get everybody at the table from people who can talk to us about our water sources,
who can talk to us about property values, who can talk to us about long-term health
impacts, who rate payers, who were saying my bills have gone up. Let's get in a room
and then figure out the rest.
responsible way that we move forward as
the state. So I'm asking for us to pause on new construction until we can get all of the
information because the state of Georgia has never offered that to people in our state.
Voting has already begun. Your opponent has embraced Trump, tried to distance from Trump,
but through it all has, again, it's hard to pin down, but has embraced the 2020 election
conspiracy theories. First of all, can you just talk about the kind of shenanigans that you could
see in Georgia and how you're protecting against them? And then also the risks of having somebody
that has embraced Donald Trump in charge of Georgia in a presidential election.
Yeah, this guy has said that Trump's going to love him as governor. So what that means in Georgia
is that if Trump were to make that call, find me 11,000,
however many votes, he would answer it. It's dangerous. Already, as we sit here today,
260 FBI agents have been dispatched into Fulton County, trying to find some mythical narrative
around the 2020 election. This guy, in the one and only debate that he showed up for,
when I said that he said the National Guard would be called in,
said he didn't say it. Again, I don't know if he's lying. Well, no, he's not telling the truth.
Maybe he doesn't remember he said it. We've heard the tape where he said the National Guard will be
called in. And just to remind people, Georgia's been on this path for a while. So when people
were standing in line last week and it was 85 degrees in Georgia, you could go to jail for
giving someone a bottle of water in Georgia. You could be charged. You could be charged with
criminally for giving someone a bottle of water. We've had our drop boxes removed. We've had the
window for early voting reduced. We've seen hundreds of thousands of people purged from the
voting rolls. So it's, you know, Audre Lorde said revolution is not a one-time event. This has been
gradual. And if this guy is in office, there will be no safeguards in terms of leadership,
because the governor has to certify the election. And it's frightening, not just as a candidate,
but as someone who lives in the state, that this is, we were, we are the cradle of the civil rights
movement in America. Congressman John Lewis was my congressman. Ambassador Young is still very vocal
about the sanctity of access to the right to vote, that this is what's facing us as a state.
And I was with Ambassador Young a couple of weeks ago, and I don't think I've ever seen him
emotional. I was speaking at a church. He stood up to speak and talked about voting,
and twice during his remarks, he was visibly emotional. And I can only imagine for someone
like him, who lived this, who fought for it, who bled for it,
he was, I'm sure it's upsetting and frightening, and it should be to all of us.
So your dad was a Grammy-nominated R&B and soul singer. He opened for the Beatles. Elton John got
to start playing piano for his band. I think he actually played guitar.
Oh, guitar. Really? Elton John has actually told me this story,
but I can't remember. He said it was the biggest break he ever got in music. He said he,
um, we had moved on. We had moved on. We had moved on. We had moved on.
We moved to Europe, and there was something called the Northern Craze, Northern Soul, where
soul singers like my dad would then move to Europe when their career started to wane.
And Elton John says that he went to audition for Wilson Pickett, and he passed on them.
And my dad picked the band up, and they traveled around Europe, and he said at the end of the tour,
my dad took his tie off and put it around his neck. And then Sir Elton,
uh, serenaded me with one of his songs. Did you ever think about going into a
career in music over politics? Was that ever something that was a draw to you?
It was. I just can't sing or dance. It was what I always wanted to do. So, um,
yeah, that was the end of that. Uh, if elected, you would be, uh, the first Black woman
elected governor anywhere in America. Obviously, your, your campaign follows, uh, Stacey Abrams'
campaigns to, to sort of build and organize in Georgia. Uh, uh, what does that mean to you? How
do you think about that? For me, it is deeply personal. My family goes back at least five
generations, at least five in Georgia. We can trace our roots to a plantation in Crawfordville,
Georgia. My daughter recently pulled up some census records from Hancock County, Georgia,
and it has one of my ancestors listed as a field hand, one as a house searcher.
And the fact that I am able to be the Democratic nominee just speaks to what's possible. The other
side of my dad's story, my dad was just an incredible person and, and a wonderful father,
wonderful human being. Um, my dad's name was Major Lance. My dad struggled with addiction.
When I was eight, my dad went to prison. And I say my first tour around Georgia was not running
for governor. I was going to visit my dad. And I was going to visit my dad. And I was going to
visit my dad in all these places. And I go to some of those towns now. Like, oh, I remember when
daddy was in prison here. And it, so for me, it is so much more personal that given my story and,
and all the generations of my family overcame and sacrificed that this opportunity is before me.
And it is, I hope, representative of the possibilities for people all around the state. So
this guy says he wants to be Trump's favorite governor. Like, I want to be the favorite
governor, that little girl who no longer gets to go to ballet, but has to go visit her dad in prisons
on the weekends. Keisha Lance Bottoms, good luck in the campaign trail.
Thank you. The website is keishaforgovernor.com. You should consider putting 60 million of your
own money in. I think that that would be a smart way to compete. I don't know why you haven't
thought of doing that. Well, God hasn't seen fit to make me a billionaire yet, but I'm going to
pay. I'm still young. Who knows? Anything is possible in America. Thank you so much.
Thank you. Thank you. That's our show for today. Thanks to Mayor Bottoms for coming on. Alex will
be back in the feed on Sunday with a conversation with former Attorney General Eric Holder about
election protection and how this year's big gerrymandering push is playing up. Bye, everyone.
No, I just don't say anything. I just don't even know what she was. I'm just waiting for you to say
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