Episode 2-Nazi Politics, 1929-1933

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The last episode ended with the onset of what later became known as the Great Depression. The collapse of the economy installed a fear and misery in every German heart, except out of Hitler's. With confusion following the fear, Hitler knew that people would be more open, even desperate for his message of blaming the current government for their problems. But Germany's leaders, like the leaders of other countries, simply did not know how to combat the global depression. Never had the world economies been so intertwined. The knee jerk reaction by those in charge was to cut cost and stop spending. This of course only made matters worse. Germany's social democrats, the party in charge, was trying to come up with legislation to help the people, but they could not agree on the details of an unemployment insurance fund. So the leader, Chancellor Hermann Mueller, resigned in frustration in March of 1930 when the bill could not be passed. Mueller would be the last social democrat leader as well as the last leader of a coalition of democratic parties. He was replaced by Heinrich Brunin, the leader of the Catholic Center Party. Brunin was hand picked by General Kurt von Schleicher, who had the ear of President Hindenburg. Schleicher will play an ever-increasing role for the next three years of Germany's history. He unwittingly made it possible for Hitler to continue to grasp for power after the Nazis had passed their zenith of popularity and watched their fortunes start to fade. Schleicher used and manipulated many to get his way, but in the end was outmaneuvered by the master, Hitler. Schleicher handled the political and press issues of the army in navy. He was swallved, popular with the army, and had a talent for intrigue. At the time, he was assistant to the Minister of Defense Groner, who he would soon betray and replace. Like everyone else, Schleicher had his own ideas for solving Germany's problems. He believed that there were too many political parties and each had their own special interests. This meant that there was no compromise, which is an important part of a stable government. Despite a special degree initiated by the new Chancellor Brunin, that took certain rights from the people and the Reichstag, he could not get a majority vote on his measures to help those distressed. So he asked President Hindenburg to dissolve the Reichstag and have new elections. They were scheduled for September 14, 1930. How this was to help the country or get his bill passed could only be guessed at. And Hitler was pleasantly surprised by the coming elections. He thought he'd be waiting longer, but was ready nonetheless. His message to the people was a list of what they wanted to hear. No reparation payments. He would repute the Versailles Treaty. He would create more jobs, provide more food, and stated repeatedly none of this misery was Germany's fault. Previously, he had as a part of his message a promise that he would cower the rich barons of industry, especially the Jewish ones. But took this out of his speeches as the barons were now beginning to notice him, had the means to support his party, and were looking for someone to back. He told them that he would destroy the trade unions that represented the workers. Hermann Garing, a popular flying ace of World War I, helped Hitler to make the right connections in this elite group. Hitler also told the army what they wanted to hear, as they were distrustful of the growing and disruptive SA, or Stern Abteeling, or Storm Section. First, that they were stabbed in the back by the republic that signed Versailles. Second, the republic did not respect the army's honor or duty to protect the fatherland from its enemies and communism. And lastly, the essay would never replace the army, and Hitler would seek power only by constitutional means. And he would be true to his word. The army, until recently, had been above politics, where it was supposed to be. But they too were looking for someone to lead the country out of the dark and started to dabble. The Nazis were excited by their chances in the election, but even they were shocked when they received 6.4 million votes and one 107 seats in the Reichstag. They were now the second largest party overnight. But the communists had gained as well. As for the big industry and financiers throughout Germany, they realized that the republic was dying and saw their chance. Dialogue increased between the economic elites and the Nazi leaders. They assumed they could buy and control the Nazi party, once it was in power. As in most cases of bad times and confusion, everyone had their own ideas and plans on how to fix the nation's woes. But Schleiker realized his plans would now have to include the Nazi party because of the election results. So he contacted Ernst Raum of the essay a few months after the election. This was the first direct contact between the Nazi party and legitimate government power, which was a key part of Hitler's plan. Schleiker and Chancellor Bruning's ultimate plan was to bring back the monarchy with the president as Regent. Neither one of them thought that democracy and capitalism would work in Germany. Bruning was also trying to get the reparation payments cancelled and get approval for Germany to have a slightly larger army if only to create jobs. And as a bonus, if he got his way, these issues would be taken away from the Nazis, whom he didn't trust or like. Before he left office, he would have some success with these issues. President Hinderberg, who was about to turn 85 and coming to the end of his seven-year term as president, was not interested in Schleiker or Bruning's plans about the monarchy. So Bruning asked the president to extend his term in office to keep the Nazis out, who were only gaining strength during the economic crisis. The president didn't like that idea either. The three of them went round and round trying to find a solution. Several months later, Schleiker who didn't fear the Nazis as much as Bruning and was impressed by the turnout in the election, arranged for Hitler to meet the president in October of 1931. Here was the moment Hitler had been dreaming of for years. He would impress Hinderberg and show him that he was the answer to all of Germany's difficulties. Unfortunately for Hitler, he was still getting over the suicide of Gaeli Arabao, his niece. He had fallen in love with her and by all accounts wanted to marry her. It is not known if she returned his love or was just enjoying the attentions of an important man. Hitler's personality would not tolerate other men in her life or even allow the possibility of friendships that might become more in the natural course of a young girl's life. Their relationship deteriorated battling with his need for absolute control and she killed herself in September of 1931 with his pistol. So with his heart crushed and knowing he played a key role in his love's death, his head was not where it should have been with his first meeting with the president. The spell binder was not at his best and when Hitler tried to save himself with a tirade against the republic, it was clear that Hinderberg was far from impressed and the meeting was over. There were several more meetings between Hitler Hindenburg and Brooney, but the two officials could not get Hitler to agree to support another term for the president. And Hindenburg did not want the strain of another term. Schleicher knew that dealing with Hitler would not be easy. He needed a free hand and so took steps to prepare himself. First, by using Hindenburg, he got rid of his boss, minister of defense Groner. Groner had supported the Republic and Chancellor Brooney's moderate ideas for Germany's problems. Schleicher also decided that the Chancellor had to go next, even though Brooney's work on canceling the reparation payments, and a deal that would allow Germany to increase its army seemed about to be accepted by the Allies. But industrialists with other conservative elements helped Schleicher convince Hindenburg to get rid of the Chancellor. So on May 30th, Chancellor Brooney resigned, and the Republic was no more. Now all legislative power rested with President Hindenburg, not the parliament or the people, thanks to Brooney's decree that was still in place from mid-1930. There would be another election in March of 1932, but Schleicher had a surprise for Hitler. This time it would be Hitler versus Hindenburg. Schleicher talked to President into serving his Chancellor while they looked for a replacement, instead of locking himself into another seven-year term. There would be two other candidates with a communist and nationalist putting up their men, but everyone knew it was between the two main candidates. For Hitler, this was not what he wanted. He knew the odds of his radical, openly violent party running against the beloved hero, the World War I. But he also knew that he had to keep moving forward, or the party, his party, would stagnate and fall apart. Confusion reigned during the campaigning about what the two stood for. There were charges and counterchargers, wild accusations, and denials, much like today. Hitler traveled the country, speaking to large crowds, creating a populist frenzy, while having his brown shirt bullies smash the communist political rallies. Josef Gebel's, Gering and Gregor Strasza were well-known Nazis and held rallies as well. The Nazis took campaigning to a new level by converting entire walls of buildings with posters, handing out millions of pamphlets with simple, direct, and skewed information, and giving away copies of their newspapers. Thousands of meetings were organized every day, all over Germany. They used film and recordings from loudspeakers on trucks. For the first time, everyone got to hear Hitler's voice, his best weapon. The results were unfortunate for the world. Hindenburg felt.04% short of the majority needed. Such little things contribute to history. Hindenburg received 49.6% of the vote. Hitler got 30.1%. Of course, this meant a third election. So Hitler charted a New Yorker's passenger plane, flew everywhere, and held three or four mass rallies a day. This time, his message was all about all the good things that would happen if he were elected. He left the Nazi Revolution speeches at home. This election was held on April 10, 1932, and Hindenburg received 53% of his country's vote for stability. Hitler's grew to 36.8%, but the nationalist pulled 10.2%. It appeared that Hitler had gone as far as he would. Speaking back over the last decade of German political history, most assumed that the Nazi wave had crested and would begin to recede. But political chaos had become a way of life for everyone, other than the common man just trying to survive. So the various political parties and interest groups continued making plans for their next moves, with a 85-year-old leader no one believed there would now be stability. Hitler knew that he needed a stronger connection to a legitimate power base, preferably a direct link with the government. The army was still warming up to him, but not ready for anything but passive political support. Big business gave money to the Nazis, but felt that they did not get much for their investment. Schleicher, who still had the year of Hindenburg, wanted to solidify the model of a strong president with a parliament suppressed by constitutional means. He believed that a very conservative line was the answer for Germany's problems. As the second most successful political party, he wanted Hitler's support without Hitler himself. He knew the man was uncontrollable. After he got the Nazi support, he wanted to make the essay a part of the army. If you control the Nazi political means, you might as well have their street soldiers at your back in call to keep the communists down. Ernst Rom wanted his group to be a part of the army as well, but still under the control of Hitler. And of course, Hitler needed them for his protection. He had real and violent enemies during these turbulent times. Next Schleicher arranged for another Hindenburg Hitler meeting. Schleicher offered to lift the band on the essay that he had imposed. He told Hitler that Hindenburg was selecting another cabinet, dissolving the Reichstag, and wanted Hitler's support as the leader of the second largest party. Hitler saw what was happening. There would be a chancellor with his cabinet. The Reichstag would be suppressed by decree and the power of the people limited. There would also be new elections. And he still had some of his financial backing. What was not to like? Of course, he had his own idea about who the chancellor should be. So the Schleicher plan was set. The last piece was to choose a weak chancellor whom he could control. Hitler was certainly not that peace. Here Schleicher thought he was getting over on Hitler. He got him to agree to his plan, but now would put someone else in the chancellor's seat. Schleicher had the president choose the non-anxiety, Franz von Papen as chancellor. He was weak because he had no political support of his own. In his own previous party, the center party had kicked him out. Next, the cabinet was stuffed with nobility, which meant men who were out for themselves or loyal to Schleicher. They had no real governing talent or interest in doing what was best for the country. Schleicher tried to stay in the background from where he did his best work, but Hindenburg promoted him to minister of defense. Most of the country did not take the cabinet seriously, but they had no say in the matter. Schleicher had Papen dissolved the Reichstag on June 4 and set July 31 as the date for new elections. The ban on the essay was lifted as was promised, and an unprecedented wave of violence and murder was launched, mostly against the communists. Hey, it's Micah Sargent from Tech News Weekly. And this is an excellent episode for you to check out. Amanda Silverling is here from TechCrunch. We talk about journalism getting into AI for writing stories, for drafting stories. We talk about the implications therein. Also, a New York Times look at the Google AI overview accuracy. Rod Pyle of this weekend's space telling us all about Artemis II and Scott Stein of CNET predicting the next 50 years from Apple. You can check out this episode of Tech News Weekly at twit.tv/tnw or just search for Tech News Weekly wherever you get your podcasts. The inexperienced cabinet was shocked into inaction. Only the Nazis and communists dared go out on the streets. Finally, getting over his shock, Papen banned all political parades two weeks before the election. Once again, the Nazis used their organizational skill and threw themselves into the campaigning. Hitler had promised Hindenburg he would support Papen publicly, but this did not mean that Gebbels and the other Nazi officials could not. Hitler had the cabinet's weaknesses attacked through the media while he would stop by the Chancellor's office to complain about the ban that stopped his violence against the communists. Schleiker was not the only one who could deal from the bottom. The election won the Nazis 230 seats of the 608 seat rights stack. Impressive as this was, it was still short of a majority. The social democrats who didn't dare campaign through the Nazi communist street battles still wine. A hot. 133 seats. The Communist had captured 89 seats. The Catholic Center Party had won 73 seats. Hitler had played Schleiker's game better than the author. Hindenburg was back above politics as the president, and Hitler had the largest party in the Reichstag. So he confidently went to Schleiker with his demands of political power for the Nazi Party. With him at the head of the government, Schleiker not afraid of the bombastic Nazi leader, and still thinking he had room to maneuver made a counter-offer. Hitler was asked to take the position of vice-chancellor, but saw it for the empty offer it was and declined. He wanted to see the president, but Schleiker got there first. When Hitler was brought into Hindenburg's presence, that August of 1932, the president tried to browbeat Hitler. Hitler was told that he needed to cooperate and together they could work toward a coalition government. This action would prove to the president that Hitler and the Nazis could be trusted with power. Hitler did not give an answer and left. He then made the mistake of not getting back to Hindenburg, and when the story soon got out, thanks to Schleiker, it made Hitler look bad and the Nazis greedy for total control by any means. Schleiker could give as well as he got. This was one of the few times that Gebbels' amazing propaganda machine was caught totally off guard, demoralized Gebbels headed for the beach. Hitler, however, keeping a cooler head decided to wait and see what would happen. Besides, he was busy keeping the impatient S.A. from launching an all-out coup d'état in Berlin. Hitler had already learned that lesson and still feared arrest or more suppression by Pappin. He knew it was his move, but decided to make it a subtle one. Hitler was sticking to his decision not to use violence, especially when there were other methods. He let word get out in August that he was considering unifying his seats in the Reichstag with those of the center party. Then he would have a majority meeting Hindenburg's paramount demand for leadership. To make his bluff seem even more real, he had the two parties vote together to make garing President of the Reichstag. It was a classic Hitler chess move, to make a faint, to trap your opponent, while still getting something out of it you wanted anyway. Schleicher knew he had lost the series of moves, but Pappin was the one who was trapped. His only way out was to dissolve the Reichstag again to stop Hitler from taking over. And the new Reichstag would meet on September 12th, but for now there were two more meetings to go. Pappin would make a speech about his future plans, and then for the last meeting would bring the degree to dissolve already signed by the President. On his way to the second to the last meeting, Pappin heard that the Communist would call for a vote of censure against his government, but that a nationalist member in support of him would veto it thereby protecting him. The censure was called for, but no one vetoed it. Panicking, Pappin called for an enjuredment. He then had an aide go back to the chancellery and get the degree. He knew there wouldn't be a last session. During the recess, Hitler told the Nazi members to vote with the communists in the censure. Hitler was risking his reputation and position by voting alongside the Haiti communists on anything, but it was a necessary move. When they reconvened, Pappin asked to have the floor, but garing now President of the Reichstag, thanks to Hitler's move, pretended not to see him and continued on with the censure vote. Pappin started screaming, getting red in the face, and at one point even stood right in front of garing, shouting his protests. But it did no good. The vote was taken. 513th 4th Center and 32 against. The Reichstag was dissolved. There would be elections again on November 6, 1932. This would be the fourth election in a year and fifth overall. Everyone was tired, even the fanatical Nazi party workers. But if the middle class voters knew, it would be their last free election before the Nazi revolution. One could be assured they would have waited in lines happily at the voting stations. Pappin felt good about his chances, even though embarrassed by the censure vote. He had the support of big business and the Nazis were now seen as willing to do anything to achieve power when they voted along with the communists. As with most things concerning politics, Hitler's gamble won and lost. The Nazis lost 34 seats in this latest election, now down to 196. The communist gain and went from 89 to 100 seats. The nationalist party that supported Pappin went from 37 to 52 seats. Schleicher's plan was now in shambles. Hitler was still strong and still in charge of the Nazi party. But ever the agent provocateur, Schleicher realized he couldn't defeat Hitler, but maybe he could tie his hands while simultaneously giving him an offer. The first step was to give Hindenburg a maneuvering room to deal with the Nazis. So he arranged for Pappin's resignation on November 17, 1932. He next had Hindenburg call for Hitler. Hitler came expected. The president gave Hitler two options. One, he could have the chancellorship if Hitler could get a majority in the Reichstag and draw up a definite peaceful program to fix Germany's problems. Or option two, he could have the vice chancellorship under Pappin in a presidential cabinet ruling by emergency decree. Hitler liked neither plan, so he tried to maneuver and offered counter options, but no agreement could be reached. Then in his usual fashion, Schleicher made Hitler an offer behind Pappin's back. He extended a cabinet position to Hitler in a Schleicher government, but for Hitler it amounted to the same thing, so again his response was no. President Hindenburg, it must be said, was trying to do the right thing. He wanted this result without him ending up in charge or creating a military dictatorship. So Hindenburg, Schleicher and Pappin met again on December 1st to discuss the situation. Schleicher, normally acting behind the scenes, offered himself as chancellor in front of Pappin. But Hindenburg said no, told Pappin to form a new government and I'm sure he shall at this part get a majority. As can be imagined, Schleicher was very upset and now turned his sights on Pappin. During Pappin's first cabinet meeting, Schleicher as minister of defense said he could not defend the country against the communist or Nazis, which made all other points of government meaningless. Frustrated, Pappin went to the president, but Hindenburg tired of it all, caved and decided to give Schleicher a try at leading the government. So on December 2nd, 1932, Schleicher became chancellor of Germany. Everyone but Schleicher knew he would not last. He had betrayed too many people and had no support, which left everyone else to make further plans for their next move when Schleicher was gone. Schleicher, at least knowing he needed some support, besides the backing of the army, offered a cabinet position to Hitler, who still knew better and declined. Next, Schleicher then tried to split the Nazi party away from Hitler by offering a role in his government to the Nazis number two man, Gregor Strasza, who wanted the position. The Nazis were losing power and money and Strasza was tired of being in Hitler's shadow. Still, Hitler knew now was definitely not the time to settle with the powers that beat. Hitler and Strasza argued this point, so Strasza resigned from the party on December 5th. This was a major blow to the party and its prestige. Strasza was popular within the Nazi party, but also one of the few Nazi members respected by other party officials. He truly wanted to help his country and not himself, like most of the other Nazi party officials. He gave the Nazi party a moderate face. After leaving Hitler, Strasza told his story to a newspaper and then left for vacation. The Nazis searched frantically for him, to work something out, but could not find him. Hitler, although shaken, sensed now was the time to attack Strasza. Hitler took over the group, political organization started and controlled by Strasza. He had Strasza's friends purged, and all its leaders had to sign a new declaration of loyalty to Hitler. But Hitler still had his own unnerved party to save. On January 4th, 1933, Hitler, who was politically weakened after the last election, met with Popin, who was himself out of office. There were proposals and counter-proposals all coming to nothing. But Hitler learned from his meeting that Schleicher was not allowed to dissolve the Reichstag, and as a bonus, found conservative financiers to take on the Nazis mounting debt. The landed gentry were very upset with Schleicher for his threats concerning the Yunkers' estates, and promises to labor. The Yunkers had given the president huge tracks of land, thereby making their own interests now his interests. Strasza returned and promised to join Schleicher's cabinet, giving its stability. On January 15th, the Nazis won a small election in another state, but Gebbels broadcasted the result all over Germany, making it seem so much more than what it was. This impressed the conservative elements who were still looking for someone to support. Popin still angry over Schleicher's betrayal. Went to see the president in mid-January, and reminded him that Schleicher was unable to control or split the Nazi party and had no backing from the nationalist, center, or social democratic parties. I'm sure Hindenburg at this point wanted to weep. And on January 23rd, Schleicher went to the president and asked for the Reichstag to be dissolved and to allow him to rule by emergency power. In essence, he wanted a military dictatorship. Hindenburg replied that, like Paepin, in December, Schleicher was unable to meet his requirement of a majority in the Reichstag. Schleicher's time as head of the government was over. He had lied and betrayed too many people when he needed support the most. On January 28th, 1933, he resigned. On that same date, the president asked Paepin to explore a government with Hitler. So Paepin and Hitler went round and round in their discussions. Finally, they both went to see the president. The compromise was that Hitler would be chancellor, Paepin vice-chancellor, but the Nazis would only have three of the 11 posts in the cabinet, which meant very little voting power for the Nazis. Finally, Hindenburg would never see Hitler without Paepin and Toe. The Nazis would not control the police. The individual states would keep that authority. Paepin, Hindenburg, and the conservative elements felt that they had boxed Hitler in with a plan worthy of Schleicher himself. Garing was put in the cabinet as minister without portfolio. It was understood that he would be in charge of aviation when there was an air force. For now, he was the minister of interior of Prussia, Germany's largest state. But unlike the other states, he would control the Prussian police. The other ministers in the cabinet either belonged to Paepin or owed no loyalty to Hitler. The cabinet took power on January 30, 1933, and Hitler was now the chancellor of Germany. Adolf Hitler knew he was trapped as he took his place behind the chancellor's desk, but he also knew that Herman Garing already had a plan to set him free. Next time, we'll back up a bit and bring Mussolini up to date. He and Hitler would form a partnership that would shake the world. But as it happened, Hitler's partner would cost him much, and eventually be one of the major reasons why Hitler's empire was lost. Why? That and a whole lot more this Tuesday and every Tuesday at SecurityNow. You'll find it at