Episode 113 - More details about the fierce fighting when PLAN invaded Namibia in April 1989

[Music] Welcome back to South African Border Wars with me, your host, Desley Thames. This is episode 113 and we wrapping up this series with the final days of South West Africa as the country became number beer. Now we need to go over the events in early April 1989 that almost put paid to the peace agreement. As you heard last week Swapoli to Sam Newham had ordered his military wing plan to invade the Mbis starting in April 1st. We spent time last week hearing about the diplomatic fallout. Now for some details about what happened on the ground. Constable Saki Yuster for example, group leader of Kufur Zulu 5 Juliet, who was based on high ground, overlooking the Kendenny River, a hotspot for Swapoli crossing the west of Rheokana. There'd be no reports of anything untoward overnight, the last night of March. But that was not surprising because the night had been dark, no moon, excellent for anyone moving around. And at first light Yuster's radio crackled with a report that spoored had been found of around 50 incursions. Yuster thought they were mistaken and went to check the signs himself. It was true, so he reported this through Rheokana police station. The wall was supposed to be over, so he didn't want to make himself look foolish. He didn't want to appear at Jittery. Just in case he called his men together, then headed off to track the spooer around 15 km west of Rheokana. And it was clear a large number of incursions had indeed crossed. Close to Map reference VL0873, there were Chevron Boots, Swapoli, and some were even barefoot. Oshikati was contacted. General Dreyer was in command, and Inspector Nick Pient, who was commander of Kaukalan police, radioed Yuster back. Mobile A operations head Captain Keith Freyer was called in, and the police asked for a boss book spotter plane to be dispatched to Opoor, so Pienz could go see for himself what was going on. He asked Freyer to organize a few allowate gunships. Why should I put gunships on standby? Ask Freyer. There's been no infiltration, but there is. Ancid police comes control and sergeant Arasdiras. At five minutes past eight, another unit Zulu hotel, commanded by Constable Dhani Firee, reported that found tracks of insurgents near the others. Most of Zulu's team, including Yankee Hotel and Asuka, were on their way to chase the insurgents already. When one of the members radioed back, April Fool, the whole lot of us. He was cut short by a warrant officer, Fanat Durant. "Negative, negative," he said sternly. "This is no April Fool's joke. This is for real." The out of its were ordered into the air at Oondunga. It was Saturday morning. Two were on standby, at least one more was needed. Most of the commanders they contacted thought it was a joke. And even less of a joke was the fact that because it was not peace, or supposed to be, the 20-millimeter cannons had been removed from the allowates in central Khruit Fentei. A C-130 transport flew the cannon back, but there wasn't much ammunition. Sergeant Dupi Duplaci of Zulu Victor and car commanders, Constables, Frank Yan, Fani LaRue and Durk Spiss, run the vood with Saki Yuster of Juliet 5 Juliet. Also present, was second in command Constable Stoney's steel income. All were now looking at the crossing point of the 50 incursions on the southern bank of the Kinei River. The sand trackers began following the spoo, and after a while a 40 metre long nylon rope was found, along with a few boots and a rubush. Swapo usually roped them in together for safety while crossing the rivers, most could not swim. It was also useful to rope them in together, just in case anyone was grammed by a crocodile in the dock, others would feel this and come to his aid. About half a kilometre south of the rivers fled plain, the ground rose quite steeply towards the mountains. This is ragged country, from here on, the security forces had to follow on foot. Yuster sent in his special Constables, led by Sergeant Ubu-Ratana-Zakul, eight special Constables in total. The Zulu 5 team members regarded themselves as the best of the best at mountain work, all from Ubu and all preferred fighting on foot than from the vehicles. After an hour of searching, Sergeant Zakul reported that they'd entered the ravine and he'd stopped, it was dangerous to go further. Time to call in the backup aloeite from Raukana, perhaps they could also leapfrog a second team in 10 kilometres further south into the hills to spot the infiltrators. The aloeite was duly dispatched with strict instructions to avoid ground support firing. The picked up three members of Kufut including Sergeant Dupri Dupri to see the then headed south to an art crop that Dupri Dupri C thought was a possible hiding place. After dropping the three, the aloeite returned to the vehicle logger, picked up three more and dropped them as well. Meanwhile, groups of mountains suspicious were being contacted throughout Raukana. Most of them thought it was a waste of time. Back at the drop off, the chopper pilot spotted what he thought were logs in the bush, but the other members on board told him that was swapo in ambush mode and reported that to Sergeant Zakul, saying they were lying in the gully directly to his front. "Roger that," he replied. Seconds later, RPG and AK-47 fire erupted, swapo knew that had been spotted and they were aiming at the aloeite. Despite the no-fire command, pilot Captain Slade, hospital permission to return fire but was told by Captain Keith Flare to avoid firing back. Instead, the aloeite dipped away, surviving the first rounds or RPG rockets in small arms fire. Other swattove units began streaming into the area. On the mountain, Kufut commanders described that a small war had broken out. Swapo was firing downhill and missing, the police firing back. The insurgents fled, heading towards the northern slope of the hill, and were then spotted by Captain Slade in the aloeite. Still, the police on board couldn't fire. What was going on they asked? Swapo was supposed to be moving north inside in Gourla, towards bases, where the UN would be counting them and disarming the fighters. Instead, here they were, inside Nimbabwe, shooting up the security forces. By the evening of the first, Sergeant Hermann Robler radio to say they'd captured an insurgent dressed in civilian clothes, carrying a Makarov pistol. He was Philippus Hanawa and explained how he had infiltrated the border near Beacon 30. When they saw the police activity, he and two others had changed from the uniforms into civilian gear. So the swattove had 25 vehicles which set off in an extended two-line formation at around midday, but the security forces had a problem because the heavy weapons had been removed from the caspers, so most of the vehicles were left without crucial machine guns. At 1300, the trackers warned that sands on the ground pointed to a possible ambush being set up by Swapo. 20 minutes later, they were proved right, when Swapo opened fire with RPG 7s and anti-tank rifle grenades, as well as mortars aiming at the caspers and from close range. Six caspers were hit, causing many casualties. The UN peace plan had called for all heavy weapons to be stripped from the vehicles. Now, Kufut was caught, it was far too flat with light weapons, and far too was the only choice. The remaining 19 caspers and armored vehicles tore into the ambush zone, the men firing from the ports. The Swapo ambush was strung out in a V-shaped formation over a front of two kilometres, with the fires hiding behind bushes and tree stumps and rocks, some had even dug small foxholes. Kufut systematically raked all these possible zones of protection with constant fire, criss-crossing and doubling back once they'd zoom through a position. The insurgents stopped firing and began to flee. After sweeping the area, 34 bodies were found, all were left with a lay. The security forces wanted the untied observers to inspect. However, none ever did. As I explained last episode, the UN was far away, mostly at the SEDF and SWATF bases. They had no real interest in heading out into the bush to see for themselves. Kufut had suffered through this ambush. Three special constables were dead, nine others were wounded and casavac. Six vehicles were damaged, three beyond repair. The Swapo insurgents were carrying leaflets, which were supposed to be placed on the dead security force bodies, indicating they were taking revenge on the police for their actions in a Vumberland. SWATF's 102 battalion was in the throes of being disbanded, based nearby at a burrow in Kauka-land. They and 101 battalion members were now being recalled. They had also mostly gone home in a Vumberland, but could be called back using Radio Evumber. It wasn't possible to call the members of 102 battalion. Kauka-land is one of the most remote places on earth. The only radio signals that met it into that area were BBC Radio Moscow and Voice of America. The 102 battalion members were mostly himbers, relived as their ancestors had very few head radius. At Oshikonti, three rekeys, Lieutenant Dynastiklak, Captain Krzysk Lutti and Sergeant Bartent Nal were at the Kufut base. They heard about the fighting and volunteered to help. A few other reiki operators were also in Vumberland, disguised as security branch police. They also joined up. Then as the diplomatic fallout began, the security forces were going to be hard pressed over the next few days. It was imperative that Kauka-land called Redam, which the security forces did on April 2nd, but there they spotted an insurgent spooer more than 50 men. Kufut members were mobilized. They had eventually come across another 50. They were now more than 100 planned fighters who converged just there alone. Things were looking ominous. The trackers said these men were around eight hours ahead that crossed into Numerbia at O200 that morning. Two allurets were called in, and it wasn't long before the insurgents ambushed the Kufut Conway. Two caspers were knocked out, killing two special constables and ruining our commander. The gunships arrived, But Swapu had a nasty smile. surprise. They began firing Sam 7 missiles, the strella, but the allowets were too low in the missiles missed. The Kuford Casper's deployed in the well-known milling technique moving back and forth, which also confused allowet pilots who were used to a more organized technique that was designed to avoid friendly fire. Large groups of insurgents were spotted, the battle rage for some time before the allowets had shut off all the ammunition. By now, insurgents had stopped firing and were harbing off in different directions. At least 11 security force members were wounded, more casualties were reported later, and a puma arrived at Casavak, those men. It also brought ammunition for the allowets and the security forces. Time for the follow-up. As the police advanced, they began to pick up weapons, including Sam 7s that had been thrown away. One by one, the insurgents were picked off. 27 were killed, but the rest escaped. The war material collected was considerable, including RPGs, 82 millimeter mortgitudes and shells, ammunition grenades, and a large quantity of other equipment. A short while later near Italy, insurgents ambushed a security force Casper. Seven Caspers were hit by a barrage of RPGs and anti-tank grenades. 24-year-old Sardau Fontona died, fighting hand-to-hand with land gorillas despite his ruins. Four other special constables also died. The police followed up led to fire planned fighters being caught in shot. All men then returned to Evali. It wasn't vise to continue tracking during the night. Across Caulka land and Avambeland, the sort of fighting was reported. One of the most extreme, if you can compare these things, took place near Beacon 29. Around 30 police vehicles were on the move following at least 100 insurgents. Some of the cars were not carrying 5/0 brownings and 20 mil cannon, and that was fortunate considering what was going to happen. Sardin Johan Bosch was aboard Zulu Lima, Sardin Hermann Hrobler on Zulu Foxtrot, and a number of constables in charge of the other caspers and armored vehicles. The Spur was strange. They could see there was no attempt being made to hide the tracks, and they came across a few small homesteads. The civilians ran out and told the security forces to head back. They were too many swappers to try and fight. Hrobler eventually called a halt when it became clear that the Spur had broken up. It was also a sign of donkeys being used by Swapu. That meant they could be carrying really heavy anti-tank guns and a large amount of ammunition. The security forces climbed aboard their vehicles to continue approaching the planned insurgents when Swapu opened fire with their mortars RPGs, machine guns and pretty much everything they had. Six caspers were knocked out immediately. Most of the men inside killed and wounded. The planned fighters kept up a constant fire. Aloettes landed to assist. It was a real mess. The fight went on for well over an hour, with the security force members pinned down. Sardin Hermann Hrobler's casper had been hit by an RPG, and some of his electrics were on fire. Smoke hung in their air. It had also been hit by a shrapnel, but it was only when he felt dizzy and slumped down from the turret that he realised most of his right leg was missing from below the knee. Another sergeant alongside was also missing a leg. Most of his men were dead, but the fighting continued, so he and a survivor, Sergeant Mangala, were left to defend themselves. He dragged himself back into the turret and opened fire on his attackers with a 20mm cannon, but it jammed after only a few shots, so he grabbed the twin-fiber caliber brownings and fired short bursts until that ammunition ran out. As the tide of battle moved away from the Casper, Hrobler dropped back to the cabin where Mangala had been fighting, firing through the ports at their attackers. Hrobler was a train medic, and realised that he was now bleeding to death. He needed to cut off the remaining bits of tissue holding his lower leg so he could close up the wound. Mangala at first refused to hand over his knife, knowing what Hrobler planned to do, but thinking it was madness. Eventually, he gave in after Hrobler explained and waived his gun around, and Sergeant Hrobler sawed off the bits remaining below his own knee, dressed his own wound, and then inserted a drip. Then he lay back. His amputated leg was found later. Those who picked it up said it must have belonged to a Cuban because it was white. Six security force men had died in this battle. 19 were wounded, 20 insurgents had died. 101 battalion troops were recalled. Their alerts were broadcast across the Vumberland on the local radio. Then began to drift in and report for duty. By the 3rd of April, spare vehicles were found and the heavy weapons replaced on the casper's and other armoured cars. The hospital and undung were air force based. Reported later, it had handled 57 battle casualties on April 1st. The busiest day it had ever had in decades of war. By Monday, April 3rd, the security forces were on the offensive. A signal, according for volunteers, had gone out to SAP stations in South Africa. X members of Queen and Kufut phoned in and joined up. When Sam Neyoma ordered his men to regroup and withdraw under undung support to be escorted out of Nubbia on the 8th of April, the South Africans were unconvinced by his word and stopped implementation of Resolution 435. A curfew was reintroduced and all area force units were re-activated. The joint monitoring commission, which included Petrovia Havana and Luando officials, met at a game-runch at Mount Etro, with Washington and Moscow watching. They then signed the April 9th Mount Etro Declaration where all parties agreed to the existing peace agreement and that planned insurgents would withdraw to nine border assembly points maintained by untied forces. To be in place there by the 11th of April, then to be transported above the 16th parallel in Angola. Plan insurgents would be given a week's grace to arrive at these assembly points while the SADIF said it would not attack unless they were attacked first. Only a few swabs were arrived at these points, with most choosing to cross the border on their own, not trusting the Declaration and more planned insurgents would die because of this. The JMC met in northern Nubbia on the 20th of April and it was agreed that SADIF and SWATIF units could return to their bases in seven days, then on the 26th of April, this was carried out. And SADIF and SWATIF units were confined to their bases for three days to allow planned insurgents to leave Nubbia and to return to Angola. The SADIF released 34 captured insurgents. The final death toll officially reached 306 planned insurgents. On the SADIF, 20 police had died along with five SADIF SWATIF soldiers and more than 100 were wounded. There was another scare in May with Pretoria believing a Swapo planned an invasion then, but it never happened. So by the end of June, the SADIF had withdrawn all its troops except 1500 soldiers confined to their bases at Krutfundtain and Oshibirlo. These would remain there until a week after the announcement of the election results set for five days between 7th and 11th November. Nubbia is vast and it was hoped that the five days would give everyone a chance to vote. Relate counting began on the 13th of November by the 14th of November 1989. UN Special Representative for Nubbia Marti Asasari declared the election free and fair and announced the result. SWAPO was the winner with 57.3%. The Democratic Donhola allowance 28.6, United Democratic Front 5.6, and the Action Christian National Front received 3.5%. The last 1500 South African soldiers were withdrawn from the Mubbian bases at Krutfundtain and Oshibirlo by the 21st of November 1989. On the 21st of March 1990, an independent ceremony was held in the Mubbian capital of Antwip. In attendance was South African President F.W. Declack who watched the lowering of the South African flag and the raising of the new Nubbian flag. Then the new Nubbian President Sam Niyomur was sworn in by UN Secretary-General Bettech Dequayar. Despite teetering at the last minute, the peace had held. A last ditch attempt by Sam Niyomur to force a military coup and his brand of Marxism had failed. He could not overthrow the state through force and was not part of a new administration that was tasked with reconciling all the Mubians. UNTUG despite its many shortfalls had just about managed to sign off and what was until then the biggest most complex project. Politically the fact that the South Africans had been holding onto Nubbian way beyond the period accepted by the international community is another story. When we started this series, I spent some time explaining how successive South African governments, whether Jansmutsu South African Party or Malan's National Party, viewed South West Africa as a fifth province. Victoria had fought to retain Namibia and the crucial strategic port of Volfispé and lost. The fall art may have secondary repercussions for the ruling ANC these days. I spent a lot of time documenting new highways from Central Africa through northern Botswana to Volfispé. The Namibian government stated plans to remove ports like Durban as important from the world's lists of vital entrepose. Volfispé is much closer to the European trading hubs to the United States. It's thousands of miles closer. With Richard's Bay essentially a commodity trading port and Cape Tain are reliable refueling destination and the Johannesburg region facing economic and infrastructure challenges, Durban's position is now threatened. Given the ANC's infighting particularly in the Cozalunital region, this good cause is a significant economic and political problem for the ANC post-Zuma as the political party faces. an increasingly militant Zulu electorate. Both ANC and Swapo long for the nostalgic days of struggle when they were faded on the world stage as heroic populists. These days both ANC and Swapo are facing the erosion of trust that comes with corruption. Both face elections in 2024 in the weakest state they've been since they fought their respective wars. Support for the ANC peaks at nearly 70% in the third democratic election in 2009, but by the fifth election in 2019 it had fallen to 57.5%. For both ANC and Swapo, the loss of control over the regional, provincial and local levels of government has turned the politics into a matter of alliances with shifting coalitions. Politics has become a negotiated commodity. Swapo's electoral prospects are less bleak than the ANC's with its first woman president, likely in the wings, in the Tambour 90 in Daitway. Overall southern African liberation movements lost some popularities overlaid with accusations they have betrayed their promises or freedom. They have wasted civilians money. They have displayed a democratic deficit. The relationship between the ANC and Swapo is complex. During the struggle against the party at the ANC could not use Namibia as a base, and after Swapo took over in 1989, the ANC was not welcomed back into it. The ANE's felt about South Africa's size and economic hold of Namibia remains a core area of tension, with Namibia importing 97% of its processed agricultural products from South Africa. And just to mention quickly, the Swapo's liberation politics were initially largely inspired by China. At a time in Soviet influence became a dominant ideological anchor for the ANC. While Swapo's military wing plan was regarded as much more effective in the war for liberation than ANC's MK, post-independence relations are ambivalent. Namibia and Assam Niyoma led to overreach, particularly when the Nadeh Swapo leader had a go at South Africa for continuing to dominate his economy. South Africa's economy is still three times the size of all other southern African economies combined. Despite the human rights abuses that had occurred in Swapo's camps in Angola, Namibia has refused to follow the South African example and appoint a Truth and Reconciliation Commission as a way to start healing the wounds of war. Furthermore, while Namibia's constitutional framework posits a democratic dispensation, the country's leadership has not grounded the foreign policy in democratic values and has vacillated on human rights. South Africa has begun to do the same. And like Namibia, South Africa has suffered numerous corruption scandals. In Namibia, for example, the Fischrot case, Swapo's leaders and their associates have become effective upper class dispensers of public resources, mineral licenses, fishing quotas, resettlement in large communal farms, public service jobs, public service contracts, just like South Africa. Perhaps the most mysterious friend that Namibia has is North Korea. Russia has basically withdrawn from its plans to get more involved in sales to Namibia and about a quarter of all Namibia's exports go to Europe. Russia has a negligible trade with that country. The North Koreans bought heroes Aika, Namibia's state house, the military museum at Okanja, the independence museum, an ammunition factory, and other military installations all without a public tender process. South Africa may be increasingly marginalized as these military economic and social ties continue unraveling over the next few decades. Well, I'm going to take a break for a couple of days and when I'm back, I'll start looking at some of the special force operations that are missed over the course of this series and also will focus a little more on Mozambique. Please rate the podcast on iTunes. It helps raise the visibility of the series. If you want to contact me, head off to abwarpodcast.com. There's a contact form on the homepage. You can direct message me on Twitter and there's a link. Until next, goodbye.