Ep 18: Growing to 800k IG Followers, Algorithm Updates, & Going Live with Caroline Flett
49m 8s
Martin Luther’s early life and spiritual journey are often exaggerated in popular narratives, but a deeper analysis reveals he was not an exceptional figure from the start. Born into a rising family in Mansfeld, he faced a conventional upbringing marked by rigid discipline and fear—factors that likely influenced his later religious anxieties. His famous 1505 thunderstorm incident, while widely told, may be more symbolic than factual, and the pivotal moment in his life was not the vow to join the monastery, but his later theological breakthrough in 1519. This came when he reinterpreted Paul’s "justice of God" as a gift of grace through faith, not human works. This insight, drawn from personal suffering and scriptural study, provided a radical but not entirely new solution to his existential dread. Though Luther had no unique theological training or radical ideas, his strength lay in authenticity—he mirrored the failures of countless monks struggling with guilt and confession, then boldly proposed a scripturally grounded alternative. His transformation from a tormented monk to a confident reformer reflects both personal growth and a broader spiritual movement. While often seen as a lone revolutionary, Luther’s story is more about shared human experience and the need for reassurance in the face of divine judgment. The narrative of his life, shaped by later writings, remains a powerful but contested account of faith, doubt, and reform.
Very naturally, he, Martin Luther, is a controversial figure. The multitudinous portrayals followed
a certain broad types already delineated in his own generation. His followers held him
as the prophet of the Lord and the deliverer of Germany. His opponents on the Catholic side
called him the son of perdition, and the demolisher of Christendom. The agrarian agitators
branded him as the sickle fan of the princes, and their radical sectarians compared him
to Moses, who left the children of Israel out of Egypt and left him to perish in the wilderness.
But such judgments belong to an epilogue, rather than a prologue. The first endeavour must
be to understand the man. Now one will not move far in this direction unless one recognizes
at the outset that Luther was above all else a man of religion. The great outward crises
of his life which bedazzled the eyes of dramatic biographers were to look at himself trivial
in comparison with the inner upheavals of his questing after God.
Now these are the opening words of Ronald H. Bainton's "Here I stand a life of Martin
Luther, and who am I to disregard the advice of one of the most revered biographers of
the great reformer?" And with that, hello and welcome to the history of the Germans,
Episode 240, Martin Luther's unfechdomen. Now this episode will look at the first 35 years
of Martin Luther's life, from his birth in 1483 to a moment while somewhere between
1512 and 1519, when he achieved his great theological breakthrough. So this is a crucial
period in the history of the Reformation, a time in Luther's struggle with what he called
his unfechdomen. The unfechdomen is one of these untranslatable German words like "sharden
Freude" and "Gemütlichkeit". It is something more than a trial or tribulation. More often
existential assault on faith itself, and overwhelming, often visceral, experience of doubt, terror,
despair before God, in which a synophias utterly exposed to divine judgment and abandoned
by grace. That sounds quite painful. Now it was these unfechdomen that brought about
the cornerstone of his creed that salvation is to be obtained through faith alone. It
is the story how Protestantism is born in the head of just one man.
And this story is usually told around three, sometimes four pivotal events. A thunderstorm
in 1505 that frightened young Luther so much, he vowed to join a monastery. Then the day
in 1507, when he celebrated his first mass and the subsequent challenge to his choices
by his father. Then his visit to Renaissance Rome in 1510 or 1511, and finally the Tower
Experience, where Luther is supposed to have had his intellectual breakthrough whilst sitting
on the loo. We know about all these events, not from a diary or contemporaneous letters,
but from documents drawn up much, much later. One main source, are the so-called table-talks.
These were records of what Martin Luther said at casual dinners in his home in Wittenberg
in the 1530s and 1540s, and these records were taken down by his student lodgers. The
other key sources, his brief autobiography, that he published as a foreword to an edition
of his complete works in 1545, so that was very much towards the end of his life.
I guess you can see where I'm heading with this. We have a historical figure that is
still today, extraordinarily controversial. We have a time period that sits at the heart
of a seismic shift in the religious, cultural and political landscape of Europe and arguably
of the world. And we have primary sources drawn up 30 years later.
Those cigars, for guessing what follows. Forests upon forests have been felt to debate
the veracity, the sequence and the significance of these events. Your humble podcaster now
finds himself in the middle of a paper storm. Please, do not shoot me. As always, I will
give you the version of the story that I find most plausible, and that may well be a
version that goes against what some of you believe.
But given the above, here I stand, and can do no other.
If you want to dig deeper into the competing views, I recommend the biographies of Ronald
H. Peynton, Lindel Roper, Heinz Schilling and Richard Friedenthal, and of course, Damon
McCulloch's Reformation.
But before we start, let me thank you all for your feedback on the changes to the show.
Seems that you find me just about funny enough, which is in a way reassuring and then
also not.
The other point you were making was that you do not mind the absurd length creep, but that
you are somewhat saddened about the step from weekly to biweekly.
They'll take both of these feedback pieces on board. The form was quite easily implemented,
and just keep droning on.
For us for the letter, I'll see whether there's any way I can return to weekly, though, from
where I'm standing now, I can't see how.
Talking about promises, I'm so astonished and so flattered that you all stayed all as patrons
during this long podcast drought.
I had expected some serious attrition, but no, you guys are truly special.
If there are still some of you willing to join this group of very special people and
get priority booking for the next history of the Germans tour, oh yes.
The good ship Iris will be back, provided somebody can refill the rine.
So sign our bad history of the Germans.com/support and receive the announcement early and get a better
chance to join us.
And with that, back to the show.
So let me start with a controversial statement.
I do not think there's anything particularly unusual about Martin Lotus Life before it
turned 21, arguably even before he turned 35.
I know this flies in the face of almost any biography of Red after all.
He was an earth shattering figure and hence he must have been exceptional right from the
beginning.
Well, let's have a look.
Martin Lotus was born into a family that was on the way up.
His father Hans Luder came from a well-to-do peasant family, but due to local law, the
non-inherited farm.
Instead he was given a cash payout, which together with the dowry and the family connections
of his wife Margarita formed the basis of his business success.
Hans Luder moved his family to Mansfeld in the hearts mountains, that's in modern-day
Saxon unhalled, when Martin was just one year old.
Mansfeld was a small town with a rapidly developing copper mining industry, and one of Margarita's
inventors was the Berggraf, the administrator of the mining rights in the county of Mansfeld,
which must have made it easier for Hans Luder to acquire rights to operate mines and smelters
in the county.
Mining was, as we have mentioned several times, the leading industrial technology in Europe
at the time, and German miners as well as the bankers who funded them were at the forefront
of this technology.
It had developed a ziger process whereby silver could be separated from the copper ore, dramatically
improving the economics of the industry.
It was a fiercely competitive industry that had no guilds protecting incumbent operators.
And it was an industry where expertise, risk appetite and self-confidence were key success
factors.
Hans Luder had all of this in abundance, plus a futuristic streak that seemed to run
in the family, he once knocked out a man with a beer-stein and his younger brother ended
up dead after a brawl in the pub.
Martin Luder would later make a big deal of his modest roots, claiming his father went
down the mines, and that his mother had to bring the firewood in from the forest on her back.
Now, this may have been tales from the early days in Mansfeld when it had been all hands
on deck and the money was tied up in the investments.
But excavations near the home of Hans Luder had discovered remains of a prosperous household
where meat was eaten regularly and resurvenced it most of the domestic chores.
At one point, Hans Luder owned several mines and smelters and had become a member of the
city council, so it was really no poor peasant or minor after all.
Several biographers then elaborate add-lengths on the corporal punishments that young Martin
experienced during his youth.
The story of him being so afraid of his father he hit in the forest for a day, then an incident
where his mother beat him bloody for stealing a nut.
Then the ropa in particular makes the case that Hans Luder was an overbearing, sometimes
terrifying presence in Luder's early life, which may explain his belief that God himself
was an unyielding, terrifying judge of the sinners.
We do have a picture of both parents towards the end of their lives, and I must say in particular
Hans Luder looks like a man you do not want to get in an argument with, or whether that
alone
explains what happened to Friar Martin during his life as a monk, he was a bit far-fetched.
He should not compare parenting styles in the 16th century with our modern standards, and
let us not forget that these standards we have today are very modern. I mean, I had teachers in
school who reminisced about the good old days when they could cane students from minor vocabulary
infringements. After all, most children were beaten at the time, even beaten as hard as Lutter had
been, but only one of them caused the reformation. Given what Lutter achieved in terms of theology,
language and music, there is little doubt that he was exceptionally gifted. However, he was only
a good student, not an exceptional one. His Latin, which was the main focus of the curriculum,
was never more than decent. He went to the local school in Mansfeld until he was 14,
then he went to Magdeburg, where he spent a year in the school of the brethren of the common life.
It's quite surprising that he barely mentioned this institution. The brethren were a community
of laypeople who tried to live in the footsteps of the Apostles, and one of their convictions was
that quote, "It is not learned a discourse, but the life of virtue that brings you close to God."
And they embraced the idea of "love thy neighbor" and "do not think of yourself as better
than others. However, obviously wicked they may seem." Their spiritual preceptor was Thomas
at campus, who spoke the imitation of Christ, features in the top ten of the eternal bestseller list.
His preferred place was apparently in Huxkins and de Vuxkins, meaning in a nook with the book.
That is a man after my heart, though seemingly not one after Martin Lutters.
From Magdeburg, he went to Izenach, where he completed his schooling whilst living with
relatives of his mother. Izenach lies below the Wartburg, the mighty castle of the land graphs of
Thuringia, and the place where he would later spend a few years as Junko Yörk, translating the
Bible into German. Now, during these school days in Izenach, he heard rumors of a monk,
called Johann Hilton, who had been imprisoned by his own order for predicting the end of all
monastic life for the year 1516. That's eerily close to 1517, and something that was later
woven into the Protestant narrative. How much of that he actually related to himself at the time
is unknown, but my best guess is nothing at all. He entered the University of Airford and
Spring 1501. Airford was by far the largest city he had yet lived in, then would ever live in.
It was prosperous, for two reasons it lay on the crossroads of the Via Regia from Eastern Europe
to Frankfurt, and the road connecting Nürnberg and Northern Europe. It was the major producer of
boat, an indigo blue dye much sought after in the textile industry. With about 10,000 citizens,
it was five times the size of months failed and its university was one of the oldest in the empire.
So over the subsequent four years, Young Martin diligently passed his exams until he got his
master of arts in January 1505. Again, he did all right, not exactly the very top of the list.
According to his father, Young Martin was now to study law. Law was by then the springboard
of ambitious young men. The open positions galore in the emerging administrations of the
imperial principalities. Lawyers were sold in the expanding system of law courts, including
the two imperial courts. The Reichskammergericht and the Reichshoffrad, we discussed in episode 225.
Then even the church stuffed full of lawyers. Arguably at this point, the church was the most
advanced bureaucracy in Europe. Many, if not the majority of the popes of that period, had been lawyers,
including the friend of the podcast, Silvio Ineas Picolomini, aka Pope Pius II. In other words,
having a son moving into the legal profession was a dream come true for an upwardly mobile
family like the Looders. Consluder despite his troll-like appearance was a modern man who believed in
progress in meritocracy and a world where ambitions could be rewarded with aristocratic titles and
permanent social uplift. So in his excitement about his son's achievements, he splashed out on a
complete copy of the corpus euro-civilis, including all its commentaries, for his son, a considerable
expense. However, Hans Looders dream hit the buffers just six months later.
What happened then? Has been recounted a thousand times. No need for me to devise my own version.
So he is Roland Bainton telling it, quote, "As he returned to school, after a visit with his
parents, suddenly lightning struck him to earth. In that single flash, he saw the dino more of the
drama of existence. There was God, the old terrible, Christ, the inexorable, and all the leering
fiends, springing from their lurking places in Pontonwood, that with sadonic calculations,
they might seize his shock of curly hair and bolt him into hell." So no wonder that he cried out
to his father, "Saint, patroness of miners, Saint Anne, help me, I will become a monk," end, quote.
That was that. Two weeks later Martin Luther presented himself at the door of the Augustinian
monastery in Airford, demanded to be admitted as a novice monk, setting in motion a sequence of
events that would end in the collapse of the unity of Christendom. What drama? There's a young
student of law, Laddida, walking home, thinking of nothing in particular, and then the heavens
opened thunderstruck and bang, the great reformer is born. It does remind one of soul falling
from his horse and turning it to Saint Paul. Supposed to properly in 1917, a lady from
Airford had a stone erected on that very spot with the inscription, "Hallowed Earth,
the watershed of the Reformation." My problem is not so much but the veracity of this event,
though there are some who doubt the whole story on the grounds of being just that little bit too
neat. Whereas struggle is, whether this was an exceptional event, and whether this was indeed
the crucial moment when Luther's life took a new turn. Situations were men and women vowed to
become monks or nuns in the middle of existential and sometimes even non-existential fear,
but actually commoners muck in the Middle Ages, even as late as the 1500s. As far back as the
sixth century when Saint Benedict devised the rule of monasticism, there was already the need for
a safeguard against such vows made and haste, and that safeguard still exists today, it's called
the novice. So to become a monk, you have to live under the monastic rule for a year and a day
before you can be admitted. And in that year, the novice and the monastery can figure out whether
there's a real vocation here or just a panicked commitment. Both novice and monastery can end the
novice yet at any time and for any reason. Novices who return to secular life are explicitly
released from their vows, so experiencing no repercussions neither here nor in the afterlife.
So therefore the crucial moment was not the thunderstorm or the moment he requested entrance
to the monastery, the crucial moment was when he asked to take his vows of poverty,
chastity and obedience a year later. And about that moment we have no information, no primary
or secondhand information, nothing. In some scholars of our good that looked at no interest
in the law, whether it's in build ambiguity, nor did he have an appetite for the career path,
or did he have an interest in money and titles. Hence he saw entering a monastery as a way
to get out of a university degree he had been forced into, and it also offered an opportunity
to spite his overbearing father to boot. Well, that'd be going quite far for run of the mill
father-son conflict. As I have mentioned I think several times before, life under the monastic rule
was hard to the point of being unbearable, praying eight times a day, never a full night's sleep,
poverty, aka having just one pool he made habit and sleeping in a tiny bare cell. Chastity,
total obedience to the abbot, all that is quite rough. Now, on all monastic communities lived like
that contemporary literature is full of lazy monks who granted themselves exceptions from prayer,
who allowed luxury goods, including great food, come into the monastery. Just take a look around the
great Baroque abbies in Austria and Bavaria with their luxurious chapter houses and apartments.
But Martin Luther did not choose any one of those. He went hardcore, he joined the observant
Augustinians. Now these guys did take their vows seriously, and they did live by their rule.
A Luther made his life even harder by even more praying fasting and religious exercises than his
colleagues. Nobody can tell me that it was just to annoy his father who, by the way,
doesn't strike me quite as awful as that anyway.
The other argument is that, indeed, he had been terrified to die right there on that July
evening near Statenheim. That confrontation with mortality opened up his lingering fears
of the final judgment, a terrifying god and a rainbow pointing towards eternal damnation
with his sword. And this argument can be further supported by the death of two law professors
and a student friend during the renewed outbreak of the plague in Airford in 1505. And finally,
Lutter had recently suffered a self-inflicted injury where he nearly cut an artery with
his leg with a sword or dagger. So yes, yes, he was afraid of death. Everybody
in that period was afraid of death and death meant first perigotry and then the final judgment
with a chance of ending an eternal hellfire. There were dozens and dozens and dozens of
depictions of the horrors that awaited the sinner in the churches of Mansfield, of Mark the
Book, of Eisner, of Airford. Many of them in the rapidly spreading technique of oil painting
that made them even more realistic and even more terrifying. No wonder that many young
men and women sincerely committed to the monastic life. After all, life expectancy for those
who had survived early childhood were maybe another 40 to 50 years, while its perigotry
stretched for millennia and paradise was forever. So just erhythmically, the life of an observant
monk, hard as it was, had a better long-term payout than that of a successful lawyer.
So Lutter's fear of death may well have been real and very much justified and may well
have been the reason he joined the monastery for good. But that still does not make him
exceptional. After all, the church was the largest organization in Europe by a wide margin.
And scale only comparable to the public sector in today's world. It was financed and
staffed to a large extent through that fear of the afterlife. In a place like Airford
the church employed in maybe a thousand people, maybe even more, and the monks themselves
counted a couple of hundred. Lutter was just one of them.
This first year at the monastery was one that Lutter described as fairly happy. The devil
was unusually quiet, as he wrote later, and no wonder. Here joined a religious order,
and the observant branch of that order that took its mouth seriously. So if his motivation
had been to escape Hellfire, by the prevailing wisdom of the time he was doing everything
right. In fact, he was already going above and beyond his calling, adding prayers and
fast days to improve his chances. When he had been 14 years old, he heard seen Prince
Wilhelm von Unhalt, quote, "who went in a friar's cow on the highways to beg bread."
And that prince had turned into a corpse of mere skin and bones. That died young. Though
Lutter mentioned him years later as an example of why monasticism, even heroic aesthetic
exercises didn't all work, he still admitted that no one could look upon him without feeling
ashamed of his own life. So he was clearly impressed by this athlete of Christ who has
taken the gates of paradise by storm and tried to emulate him.
The Augustinian Order was a mendicant order like the Franciscans and the Dominicans. There
were based in cities, there were active in the ministry, there were preachers, teachers,
and they were looking after the sick. So there weren't monks who lived in Abbey, secluded
from the rest of society, when Martin Lutter entered the convent, it was decided that he
should first join the priesthood.
It does not seem that Lutter was unduly perturbed by this task, even though he was more than
aware of its significance. Mass was the focal point of the church's means of grace. On
the altar the bread and the wine become the flesh and blood of God, and the sacrifice
of Calvary is reenacted, and only a priest can perform this miracle. He has the power that
goes beyond that of kings and empress, even angels cannot do this. And to perform it,
everything has to be present and correct. The vestments, the state of the priest's soul,
his performance of the right, the strength of his voice in soul, and so on. Disgusting
any of these conditions most, as Lutter said, seen as worse than any of the seven deadly
sins, even though any such transgression would not invalidate the act as long as a celebrant
intended to perform it correctly. So in 1507 he had completed his training and a date
was set for his first mass. The celebration of the liturgy by a new priest was of course
a grand occasion, so Lutter was allowed to invite friends and family, including his parents.
He had joined the convent without telling his mother and father beforehand, which caused
massive frustration in particular for his father, but their relationship seemed to have
mend it. His father came to air for it in magnificent style, accompanied by twenty riders,
and then he made an extremely generous donation of twenty golden to the monastery, which is
probably equivalent to Martin's inheritance. So it should have been a joyous celebration
of a major milestone in brother Martin's life as a friar. And it started well. Lutter
confessed, put on his gear the right way around, went through the actions he was about to
perform in his head, and approached the altar. All went well, until he came to the point
in the right where he said, "We offer unto thee the living, the true, the eternal God."
He later related that, "At these words I was utterly stupified and terror-stricken. I
thought to myself, with what tongue shall I address such majesty, seeing that all men
ought to tremble in the presence of even an earthly prince. Who am I that I should lift
up my eyes or rise my hands to the divine majesty? The angels surround him, at his not the
earth trembles. And shall I am miserable, little pig me say, I want this, I ask for that.
For I am dust and ashes and full of sin, and I am speaking to the living, to the eternal
and the true God." He turned round to the senior priest who always accompanied the newbies
on these occasions and said, "I need to go, I cannot do it." But the older man pushed
him back onto the altar, and Lutha, in anguish and terror, went through the rest of the motions.
Afterwards, there was a celebrity dinner, for the brothers and for Lutha's guests, including
his mother and father. A given all the trauma earlier in the day, Lutha now needed his father
to fully reconcile with him and approve of his choices. And so he asked him, why he had
been so against him becoming a monk, did he not see how quiet and how godly this life
no was? And that was, when father Hans lost it. In front of all the monks and the doctors
of the church he turned on his son, had he not heard of the fifth commandment, you should
honour your father and mother. Now you leave your aged parents all alone to fend for themselves.
And when Martin responded saying, "Well, that he'd been terrified to death by a thunderstorm
and that God had called him to join the monastery," Hans Luther answered, "God grant, it was not
an apparition of the devil." And that is, when Lutha's famous unfaithing
had begun from real, his father sank the seed of doubt in his mind. What if Satan had
lured him to the monastery while God had intended that he obeyed his father and mother? And
now he was not just touching the holy, but performing the act that turned mere bread and
wine into the body and blood of Christ. He, a worthless sinner, just dust and ash, a man
who had gone against God's commandment. And in his worldview, there was no way to recover
from the sin. God of his imagination was surrounded by angels and at his not, the earth trembles.
Lutha utterly stupified and terror-stricken. What he would do for the next decade was to
seek out any which way he could appease this God-Monster, this primed nuclear-bombed
judgment that lived in his head. The Church, that built up this image of the
righteous God who judges his sinners, also often means to appease the deity.
And one of these were good works. Good works for a monk were prayers and vigils and fasting
and mortification of the flesh, obedience and poverty. So, Lutha, when the extra-mind and
some, more pray, fasting three days straight, throwing away the blanket he was allowed during
the night so that he nearly froze to death, more fasting, more praying. He would later relate
that if he had continued with this, he would have found his way to an early grave. He was
a perfect monk, but somehow he never felt he had done enough. Could he not have done more
prayer, more painful exercises? Some have argued that Lutha must have been a great
sinner, if he needed then many good works to balance the box. But that's a misunderstanding.
Lutha wanted to be absolutely sure that what he did was enough. It did not matter to him
that he was the most devoted, most ardent worshipper in the already very devoted and very ardent
community of the Observe and Augustinians, what he was looking for was a sign
from God, that he was chosen, that he had done enough and no such sign appeared.
Now, everyone's own efforts weren't enough. There was the option of pleading with the virgin
or the saints to step in on one's behalf. The idea was that the saints and the virgin had
amassed so much merit through their good works and exemplary lives that had much to spare.
This treasure of merit was administered by the church and specifically by the pope. He could
allocate this spiritual relief to individual sinners thereby shortening their time and purgatory.
A one way to gain access to this treasure was by praying to the saints and most effectively
by praying before the remains of the saints, i.e. before their relics. The greatest storehouse
of such relics was Rome. In just one of the catacombs sent Calisters,
you find the remains of nine early popes and thousands of martyrs. There are the graves,
the St. Peter and of St. Paul, the major and minor basilicas, filled to the brim with the remains
of early saints, et cetera, et cetera. While then determined to Rome in 1510 or 1511,
it was not primarily in pilgrimage but a diplomatic mission. In total conflict had broken out
within the Augustinian order in Germany and a lot of us chosen as an emissary to the general
of the order and was based in Rome to plead their case. While Rome needed de-obligatory circuit of
the seven major basilicas, as well as the Skala Santa, the stairs of the palace of Pontius Pilate,
where Jesus had been presented to the people, and that had been transferred to Rome by angels.
Laming these on your knees, saying a paternoster in every step and kissing each,
gave you the right to release one soul from purgatory. Martin Luther chose his grandfather,
and regretted that his parents were still alive and hence could not benefit from this blessing.
Now, did that alleviate his unfaithfulness, his perennial terror of God as Judd,
who may send him down to hell for eternity? No, they're not. Though he did not arrive at the top
of the stairs, declaring that the just should live by faith, as some Protestant propaganda once claimed,
but the whole process only added to the doubts as to the effectiveness of all these exercises.
And what may have contributed to the disillusionment was the way the Roman prayer factories operate.
For a man who had been terrified of making the slightest mistake in the celebration of his first mass,
the carelessness with which the Roman clergy ran through the prescribed motions shocked him.
This is not yet the moment he dismissed the papacy in its entirety, as is often said,
he saw the corruption that he knew these were serious people. But as long as the church administered
the treasure of the merit, even if done badly, she still remained a source of grace.
The most promising tool, the reconciler's sinner to the Almighty God, was the sacrament of confession.
The terror strike and overpowered litter was naturally heading for a gold medal in confessing.
He would confess daily, sometimes several times a day, on one occasion for six hours straight,
such as Sidious confessing should have cleared all major and even most minor transgressions,
and should have brought him solace. But again, it did not. Every time he left the confession box,
his mind immediately turned to search for any misdeed he might have forgotten or was committing
right at that moment. He was almost as impressive as his endurance in investigating and recounting
every minutiae of his failings was the patience of his confessor.
And this confessor, Johann von Staupitz, is one of the most sympathetic figures in this entire tale.
He was a nobleman, a childhood friend of the elect of Saxony, frantic, the wise,
a doctor of theology, and the vicar general of the Observe and Augustinians in the Holy Roman Empire.
Effectively, Martin Lutters superior.
Staupitz had a soft spot for this earnest and industrious monk. As an experienced ecclesiastical
leader, he was used to the religious fervor and the doubts his younger colleague displayed.
He listened patiently to the endless litany of minor infringements that so perturbed Lutters.
But even a man of Staupitz character and stamina can hit the buffers.
After one of these grueling sessions, he sighed at his charge, quote,
"If you expect Christ to forgive you, come in with something to forgive."
Parry sighed, blasphemy, adultery, instead of all these picket-dillows.
Staupitz had a point, but he completely missed Lutters' point.
Lutters' problem wasn't that he thought his trifling contraventions were major sins.
He was questioning the effectiveness of confession itself.
Conventional, to more accurately, the sacrament of penitence is a three-step process.
First the sinner must repent his or her offense, then they need to confess this offense to their
priest and finally the priest determines a form of religious penance to be undertaken,
a prayer, fasting pilgrimage, something like that. So that sounds pretty straightforward and,
I would say, pretty effective. But for Martin Lutters, there was a massive logical flaw.
This is where we see the first limbs that he might be really different.
His most of us, including myself, go through life using an 80/20 approach.
If I get 80% of what I do right then things will turn out fine.
Probably even quite a bit better than fine. Lutters wasn't 80/20. He was 100 or nothing.
And if you want to confess 100% of your sins, you need to know 100% of the times you breached
whatever even minor rule. And that he concluded was impossible. The human memory was simply
not accurate enough to record every single failure, in particular when you did not realize
that there was a rule that could be broken. And since penance required the sinner to repent,
it did not work for sins that had stripped one's mind. He pointed to Jonah, who slept soundly,
and would never have repented, had he not been made aware of his sins by the storm that God had sent.
As far as Lutters was concerned, no recollection meant no confession and no confession meant no
forgiveness and no forgiveness meant eternal damnation. But I can see why he got so agitated,
since frankly I can barely remember what I did last week, let alone what unforgivable sins I
might have committed in my 20s. And again because Lutters was 100 or nothing man, he took the
thought one further. Now if God could set up a system that left a sinner without a chance to
gain forgiveness, was God actually just? Maybe he wasn't. According to the latest scholastic
theories, God was absolute above any law even the ones he had given himself. In fact, God could do
what God wanted. God could be capricious. God could be cruel. 30 years later, Lutters described
his state of mind at that time as follows. But I blamed this monk that I was,
felt that before God I was a sinner with an extremely troubled conscience. I couldn't be sure
that God was appeased by my satisfaction. I did not love, no rather, I hated the just God
who punishes sinners. In silence, if I did not blaspheme, then certainly I grumbled vehemently
and got angry at God. I said, "Isn't it enough that be miserable sinners, lost for all eternity
because of the original sin, are oppressed by every kind of calamity through the Ten Commandments?
Why does God heap sorrow upon sorrow through the gospel and through the gospel threatens us with
the justice and his wrath?" This was how I was raging with wild and disturbed conscience. End quote.
Now as Stoppitz saw his charge spiraling out of control, he concluded that what Lutters needed
was a distraction. So he asked him to resume his studies and gain a doctorate in theology. He
involved him in senior positions in the administration of the Order, and Milutta had gained his license
to teach, made him professor of Bible studies at the University of Wittenberg.
The University of Wittenberg was brand brand new. The elect of Saxony Frederick the Moise that
decided to make Wittenberg one of his main residences. He rebuilt the ancient castle in the new
Italian Renaissance style. He erected a new church adjacent to it, and he founded an Augustinian
friary. By the jewel in the crown was his University, just first opened at 1502.
Johann von Staupitz as an eminent theologian, a senior member of a religious order,
as well as the childhood friend of the elector, had been instrumental in the setting up of this new
university. The Wittenberg came about during a period that saw dozens of universities spring
up in the Holy Roman Empire, mainly designed to satisfy the gigantic appetite for lawyers
and administrators in the consolidating principalities. Theology wasn't necessarily a focus
more for Bourbon, so Staupitz was given almost free reign in the design of the curriculum,
as long as it would add to the reputation of the university.
Nor which doubt it, was not only stringent in his ideas about the observance of monastic rules,
he was also somewhat outside the mainstream. Bible studies, as such, was not part of the classic
curriculum in the early 16th century. Theologians spend most of their time with secondary
tax, though church fathers, papal bulls, decisions of the church councils, canon law etc etc.
Many had never even read the Bible, so a dedicated course on the Bible itself was a novelty,
and exactly the sort of thing that would attract ambitious students.
And it was also exactly what Luther needed. As you know, I'm not a theologian, in fact,
I may seriously lapsed Catholic, but over the last few years, thanks to the podcast,
I've read quite a bit of the New Testament. As far as I can make out, Jesus is a lot more about
forgiveness, love thy neighbor, and turning the other cheek than about judgment and sending people
to hell. Unsurprisingly, as Luther dived deep into the original text, he found the answer to his
unfaithing and his anguish, his terrors. A rather than trying to say it in my words, here is the man
himself, quote. Meanwhile, in that same year 1519, I had begun interpreting the Psalms once again.
I felt confident that there was now more experience since I had dealt in university courses with
St. Paul's letter to the Romans, to their Galatians, and the letter to the Hebrews. I had conceived a
burning desire to understand what Paul meant in his letter to the Romans, and thus far,
there had stood in my way, not the cold blood around my heart, but that one word, which is in chapter
1, the justice of God is revealed in it. I hated that word, justice of God, which by the use and
custom of all my teachers, I had been taught to understand philosophically, as referring to formal
or active justice as they called it, I.e. that justice by which God is just and by which he punishes
sinners and the unjust. I am meditated, night and day on these words. Until at last, by the mercy of
God, I paid attention to their context. The justice of God is revealed in it, as it is written.
The just person lives by faith. I began to understand that in this verse, the justice of God is
that by which the just person lives by a gift of God, that is by faith. I began to understand
that this verse means that the justice of God is revealed through the gospel, but that it is
passive justice. I.e. that by which the merciful God justifies us by faith, as it is written,
the just person lives by faith. All at once, I felt that I had been born again and entered into
paradise itself through open gates. Immediately, I saw the whole of Scripture in a different light,
I ran through the Scriptures for memory and found that other terms had analogous meanings, EG,
the work of God, that is what God works in us, the power of God by which he makes us powerful,
the wisdom of God, by which he makes us wise, the strength of God, the salvation of God, the glory of God,
I exalted this sweetness word of mine, the justice of God. With as much love as before,
I had hated it with hate. This phrase of Paul was for me the very gate to paradise.
Afterwards, I read Augustines on the Spirit and the letter in which I found what I had not
dared hope for. I discovered that he too interpreted the justice of God in a similar way,
namely, as that with which God clothed us when he justifies us. Although Augustine had said it
imperfectly and did not explain in detail how God imputes justice to us, still it pleased me
that he taught the justice of God by which we are justified. End quote.
Now, that is the great breakthrough. That is the evangelical experience, the tower experience,
or as me Catholics like the latrine experiences in some telling he may have had this revelation on the
Lou. Where he had it does not matter. What he had found was a way to banish his terrors. He had
slain the God monster. He had defused the nuclear bomb of judgment on his head. The impact was not
just psychological. It was also physical. That emaciated monk weakened by his eternal fasting and
perennial confessions, gradually turned into the well-padded, solid imposing figure that you see
in Kranak's paintings and every lotus statue of warms to Washington. He apologized to his father
for his disobedience and they were finally fully reconciled. But what is the view of salvation
really that unprecedented? Well, as he said himself, Augustine had the same idea a thousand years
before him, he and whose and his followers were on a very similar trajectory. And I am sure
better read listeners can point out dozens of predecessors of the idea of salvation through faith.
So once again, Martin Luther was not that exceptional. But, and this is number own hypothesis.
One of the reasons he was so successful was the fact that he wasn't the man of his
stoning religious experiences like San Francis. Nor a fountain of truly unheard of incredible
learned ideas like Masilius of Padua. He wasn't the first man to join a monastery out of fear of death.
He wasn't the first to overdo his religious exercise. He certainly wasn't the first to go on
pilgrimage to Rome. Arguably his pilgrimage was more of a business trip with religious sightseeing.
And he wasn't the first to draw a confessor around the bend. He was a modern monk, but he did not
destroy his bowels with fasting like Bernard of Clevo. He had not gone on pilgrimage to Jerusalem,
nor had he bricked himself into a cell like Julian of Norwich. He sure made the deans listed
monk school, but he wasn't a full-blown saint. But what he was was extremely relatable to his
fellow monks. He had tried for salvation doing all the things required and some, and then he stood
up and said, "Guys, this didn't work." And there were dozens, and as we will see hundreds and
thousands of monks, nuns and clerics, who felt that same desperation, that their efforts had gone
nowhere, that they had not found that reassurance they had hoped for. And he was a guy who had gone
further than they had, still had failed, and now said out loud what they were all being thinking.
And he had a solution, a solution backed up by arguments in scripture, a solution that was novel
and complex, but not totally new and not terribly complex. Then having generated this not from
dry scholastic argument, but out of his serious inner struggle, he was, as we would say today, authentic.
So in a way, the fact that Lutha wasn't really that exceptional was the most exceptional thing
about him. Now, as I said, this is my reader things. There are tons and tons of other ways people
have looked at these events, people with humongous scholarship, and far more time than I had.
Take this is nothing more than another little voice in that grand chorus of opinions.
We go to my website history of the terms.com and follow the links to the transcripts of this
episode. You will find further links to various books and sources that give you these different
texts. And of course, this is where you can sign up as a patron under the support tab.
Now, next time we'll dive into that other sequence of events that developed almost in parallel
to the interior developments in Martyn Lutha's head. It's talking about the spread of indulgences
and the reformous response. As Bainton said in the beginning, these dramatic events
bedazzle all the armies of the dramatic biographies or were to Lutha himself
trivial in comparison with the inner upheavals of his questing after God. Still,
might be time to get bedazzled. See you next time.
[Music]
Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Martin Luther was not exceptional in his early life, despite being portrayed as a dramatic figure, and his religious struggles were deeply personal and relatable to many monks of his time.
The famous thunderstorm of 1505, often cited as the catalyst for his monastic vocation, may be symbolic or exaggerated, and the true turning point was his later theological breakthrough, not the initial event.
Luther’s inner spiritual crisis—known as *unfechdomen*—was a profound existential fear of divine judgment, leading to relentless prayer, fasting, and confession, which failed to bring him peace.
His theological breakthrough in 1519 came from reinterpreting Paul’s "justice of God" in Romans as passive, grace-based justification by faith, not by human merit.
This shift in understanding was rooted in deep personal suffering and was not entirely original, but it was revolutionary because it was born from authentic, lived experience.
Luther’s success stemmed from his relatability—he mirrored the failures of others in their efforts to earn salvation, and boldly proposed a solution grounded in scripture.
His transformation from a devout but distressed monk to a confident theologian was both psychological and physical, marked by a shift in appearance and demeanor.
The story of Luther’s life, while dramatized, is shaped by later sources like the *table-talks* and his autobiography, which may distort or simplify key events.
Summary:
Martin Luther’s early life and spiritual journey are often exaggerated in popular narratives, but a deeper analysis reveals he was not an exceptional figure from the start. Born into a rising family in Mansfeld, he faced a conventional upbringing marked by rigid discipline and fear—factors that likely influenced his later religious anxieties. His famous 1505 thunderstorm incident, while widely told, may be more symbolic than factual, and the pivotal moment in his life was not the vow to join the monastery, but his later theological breakthrough in 1519.
This came when he reinterpreted Paul’s "justice of God" as a gift of grace through faith, not human works. This insight, drawn from personal suffering and scriptural study, provided a radical but not entirely new solution to his existential dread. Though Luther had no unique theological training or radical ideas, his strength lay in authenticity—he mirrored the failures of countless monks struggling with guilt and confession, then boldly proposed a scripturally grounded alternative.
His transformation from a tormented monk to a confident reformer reflects both personal growth and a broader spiritual movement. While often seen as a lone revolutionary, Luther’s story is more about shared human experience and the need for reassurance in the face of divine judgment. The narrative of his life, shaped by later writings, remains a powerful but contested account of faith, doubt, and reform.
FAQs
Unfechdomen refers to an existential, overwhelming experience of doubt, terror, and despair before God. It was a profound spiritual crisis that defined Luther's inner struggle and ultimately led to his theological breakthrough on salvation by faith.
The story of a thunderstorm in 1505 causing Luther to vow to join a monastery is well-known but not definitively verified. It comes from later accounts and may be symbolic or exaggerated; historical sources suggest the event was not unique or decisive in shaping his life choices.
Luther's first mass deeply terrified him, leading to a crisis of confidence in his ability to perform the sacrament. This moment exposed his deep fear of divine judgment and intensified his spiritual struggles, setting the stage for his later theological inquiries.
Luther's father's strong opposition to his monastic vocation, especially during the celebration of his first mass, planted seeds of doubt. This conflict challenged Luther's faith in his own choices and contributed to his later questioning of church doctrine and the efficacy of good works.
The 'Tower Experience' refers to Luther's intellectual breakthrough while studying at Wittenberg around 1519, where he reinterpreted Paul's concept of 'the justice of God' as being about faith, not works. This revelation ended his spiritual torment and laid the foundation for his doctrine of salvation by faith alone.
No, the idea of salvation by faith was not entirely new—Augustine had earlier described a similar concept. Luther's contribution was not in originality but in authenticity: he articulated the doctrine from genuine personal suffering and spiritual struggle, making it deeply relatable to others.
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