E12 Raza y racismo en Colombia en tiempos de pandemia
32m 47s
"Clase a la Casa" is a podcast by the University of Los Andes that addresses the challenges posed by COVID-19, particularly focusing on social sciences. In one episode, Javier Ortiz-Casiani discusses race and racism in the context of the pandemic, exploring historical perspectives on racism and classism in Latin America. The conversation emphasizes the intertwined nature of race and class in the region and the need to recognize and address structural inequalities. The impact of the pandemic on racial disparities and the importance of mobilization to promote equity and address historical injustices are key themes of the discussion. The episode underscores the significance of historical context in understanding and addressing racism, highlighting the complexities and nuances of discrimination in Latin American societies.
Transcription
4494 Words, 25991 Characters
Clase a la Casa is a podcast sponsored by the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Los Andes
and produced by Project 070 and 070 Podcasts.
070 is an independent journalism medium sponsored by the University of Los Andes
which seeks to spread bridges between the academy and journalism.
The University of Los Andes continues. This is Clase a la Casa.
A virtual continuation of the initiative Clase a la Calle
which has been in its effort for four years to get the academy out of the classroom.
In this podcast, professors from the University of Los Andes
will talk about the challenges that COVID-19 offers us as a community.
It is the turn of the social sciences.
This is Clase a la Casa. Stories for what comes.
Welcome to the 12th episode of Clase a la Casa Stories for what comes.
We will talk again about Ana María Otero-Cleves, professor of history at the University of Los Andes.
Today we have Javier Ortiz-Casiani to talk about race and racism in the times of the pandemic.
Before I start, I want to introduce you to Javier.
Javier is a historian at the University of Cartagena.
He has a teacher in history at the University of Los Andes
and is a candidate, doctor in history at the College of Mexico.
In addition, Javier is an ordinary collaborator of the viewer and the misunderstander.
Javier was explored from a historical perspective, the race in Colombia
and its impact on the actions and perceptions of society today.
Javier, thank you very much for joining us.
No, thank you for the invitation.
Super, Javier, so I wanted to start with a reflection before I throw you to the first question.
In the last month, the discussions about race and racial discrimination
have been issues of all days.
And most of all, we all know this as a cause of George Floyd's death on May 25th,
while he was under police custody in the United States.
This has generated protests against racial violence in everyone, including several countries in Latin America.
And in Colombia, there have also been some demonstrations, for example, with punctual complaints,
even specific cases such as the death of Anderson Arboleda.
So, to understand a little bit the dimension of this problem,
I would like to start with a broad question that has to do with,
and I think this can be an interesting point of discussion
with the differences between the experience of the United States and Latin America.
And I think that my question was more oriented with the desire to question
some stereotypes and preconceptions that we have about race in Latin America.
So, my first question would be,
what measures would be comparable to racism in the United States with Latin America,
and what do you think are the differences?
Well, Ana María, that is perhaps the great question,
and the one that has been debated for a long time.
From the books of Frantan & Vaughn and Davis Brown Davis,
when they were talking about, one of them was talking about the supposed
benign condition of slavery in Latin America,
in the spaces that would later be Latin America,
unlike the United States.
What is there, of course, are very clear similarities,
and they are both products of colonialism,
of colonial power, of a model.
It is the installation of a colonial, hegemonic model of power
that is also supported in the construction of a race idea,
of building another and of inferiorizing that other.
To have the possibility of controlling the other,
you have to build a difference with that other.
The difference is that that other is saved, is uncivilized,
and it has to be saved, saved by this civilization.
That is what it looks like, that is exactly the same.
Racism depends on both territories of that.
Now, as for differences,
we would have to say that it has to do with the same models of colonial exploitation,
and the construction of societies, on the one hand,
with greater cross, with greater mestizage,
and on the other, with greater separation.
In the case of the United States,
the black population, the African-American population,
remains isolated in some way,
even after the abolition of slavery.
While in the Latin American area,
the black population is mixed very early.
That does not mean that communities are not preserved,
well, the Simarrones people, those same communities,
in certain spaces where there is little penetration,
or little cross with white population, or mestiza population,
but normally a mestizage is much stronger,
and that generates another type of relationship.
I think that's good to have it clear, historically,
to know in what terrain we step on from the discussion.
I mean, one could almost say that this stereotype
that it has generated that in Latin America there is less racism
can not be explained by this idea of mestizage,
that what you do really allows us to have a different perception
of the way racism is experienced in Latin America, I suppose.
Of course, it plays a very important role in that,
that the mestizage is the discourse that is going to scream
the intellectuals, the propagandists of the nation
in the construction of the liberal republics of Latin America.
They are going to talk about the construction of the mestiza nations,
and in the idea of the construction of the mestiza nations,
what is being done is, in reality,
it is not the construction of equal conditions,
but of invisibilization or inferiorization
of indigenous supports and Afro supports.
Almost that mestizage is to become white or to become civilized.
And that's why the discourse of the mestizage is very long
to talk about that there is no racism,
because here we are all white, black, indigenous,
and we are all integrated, but obviously in practice,
that is not translated into practice,
because the prejudices towards certain sectors
continue to be there, they continue to be present.
So that is a bit the myth of the supposed Latin American integration,
that it always screams when it is going to talk
about the difference with the United States.
That does not mean that there is no difference,
but of course there is racism in Latin America.
I like how you are positioning it,
because one can talk about differences,
and it is giving us historical experiences
to understand those differences,
but then I would understand what it is more about,
it is about manifestations and different nuances
that make less or more visible structural racism.
And that does not mean that racism does not exist,
but rather that it is how different manifestations are manifested,
and it is more, yes, that they are different nuances.
And in that sense I wanted to ask you yesterday
that we were talking a little about this topic before the podcast,
that I really liked the reflection you made at that time,
is going through that historical experience,
what did you give us that historical experience
to understand why certain societies
react differently to this type of discrimination?
I'm going a bit to what has happened right now,
like the United States and the United States,
and everyone is protesting here, no.
You are that as reflected by the historical experience
that we have in the form of how we associate racism,
even the classism in Latin America?
Yes, of course, of course.
You have to have a very clear thing,
and it is that racism and class in Latin America
are almost directly proportional.
There is a very strong relationship,
and that makes the racist manifestations
sometimes confused with classist manifestations,
because basically the Afro population
is the poorest population.
So many people say,
"No, no, we are not racist here,
but we are, we are classists."
But it is proven,
it is very proven,
that the racial variable,
it is a problematic variable
for everything that we know of the idea
that the biological race does not exist,
but it does work as a category
for building identity and to inferiorize it too,
that that variable plays an important role
in certain moments.
In the war itself, for example,
in the confrontations in Latin America,
in the processes of handling the land,
of expropriation of the land,
of taking people out of certain spaces,
that is to say, there are people
who hurt less to kill them than others.
It is easier to kill certain types of people,
and then some elements of class, race, power are crossed,
that sometimes disimulate that idea of racism,
but that yes, it is very present.
Because among other things,
Maria was talking about the intellectuals
who build the Discourse of the Nation,
because in the same Discourse of Construction of the Nation
there are racist bases.
That is to say,
since one reads Caldas,
since one reads later to Sampere,
since one reads to José María Restrepo,
there are some elements that they are talking about
and that they are classifying people
who are racializing the geography,
who are saying that the people who are located in certain spaces
do not have the capacity to access democracy,
to the political faculties that demand
this new liberal democratic system.
That is also there,
and that does not end overnight.
It continues to permeate the societies of Latin America.
[Music]
Javier, and seeing what I love,
how you describe it,
how it affects this way of conceiving the nation,
even the political current of Afro-Colombian communities like this,
how they use the past to position themselves
in the Discourse of being part of this Colombian nation today.
Yes, of course.
They always ask me,
especially in May,
May, which is the month of Afro-Colombianity,
now it is called the month of African heritage,
and the media always ask me the same question.
What are the contributions of the black population
to the Colombian nation?
And I am always saying the same answer,
do not ask me about the contributions.
What you have to think is that the Colombian nation,
as we understand it now,
would be something else without the Afro-Colombian population.
So do not talk to me about the contributions,
that simply this nation would not understand
without this population.
So they are not contributions,
they are part of the constitution of the nation,
because without that presence, this would be something else.
Without the experience of the African diaspora
and of everything that that meant,
and the whole cross that was later given,
this would be something else.
So what the Afro-Colombian communities do,
is a little to cover that past,
which can act in double style,
because the recognition of the difference,
can also be another form of inferiorization,
and with that you have to be careful.
That is to say, I recognize you as different,
I give you a different treatment,
I recognize your difference,
but in the treatment of the difference there is an inequity,
there is an inequality,
because then what I do is sotize the other,
treat it as a different being,
a different being, but in that idea of difference
there are some assumptions of inferiority of that other.
So with that you also have to be careful,
because the difference is claimed,
it is very good to claim the difference,
but you also have to be careful
that in that difference they do not sotize,
they do not put us in a rare place,
that is there.
I really like a Teyukol expression,
who is a writer of Nigerian ascending,
North American Nigerian ascending,
photographer and writer, very good,
who says that they are as good as the Vali masks,
like Rembrandt's painting and Beethoven's music,
that is to say, I am an Afro-descendant,
African-American, but I am universal,
I have universal elements,
and I also can, and I always put this example,
because the difference can generate essentialization
and essentializing the subject is
doting it on some capacities, but removing others,
that means that the boy who was born
in the Narinio neighborhood of Cartagena de Indias
or in the Palenque de San Basilio
can only play drums,
that is, if he wants to be a ballet music dancer
or wants to play the piano,
he can not because his essence is to play drums,
because that is what identifies him the most,
because no, it is not about that,
the equity consists in that this boy,
if he plays a wonderful drum,
but if he has the ability to do something else,
that has the conditions to do it,
that would be the equity.
Very interesting what you say,
not only about what the truth is about the equity,
but what you mention about the advantage
and the danger of the difference.
Of course, of course, and the renunciation
also to the condition of citizenship,
in universal terms,
which can also bring its burden of danger,
because it is more easy to attack or get to certain points
and solve certain particularities,
but the integrity is also lost in those processes.
Look, in terms of victims,
even victims have to be indigenous or Afro,
there are no peasants anymore,
it is as if those categories that have a tradition
of fighting also begin to disappear in these recognitions.
So those are points to look at how things are complex,
and the discussion is not so binary,
there are a few nuances that are necessary to take into account.
I totally agree.
Javier, and I wanted to ask you a lot what we have done in the podcast,
is to look at the questions,
let's say these great questions about inequality,
about racism and race,
we have talked about many things in general,
even it was one of the podcasts that we had before,
and what we wanted to give to the culture,
let's say the pandemic,
and that would be my last question,
and it is to ask you,
in what way do you think that the pandemic
increases or explains these types of complaints,
or that it has become more visible in our questions
about race and racism in Latin America,
and if you think this would have happened if we weren't in this situation?
Well, there is something,
there is a complaint that I have not seen,
that has been fixed,
and it is that this happened not only in the pandemic,
but in America, in Colombia specifically,
the Anderson-Arboleda case occurred in May,
on the 19th, two days before the key date,
which is May 21,
which is the commemoration of the definitive abolition
of slavery.
So there are sensitivities in the environment.
The recension itself of the death of George Floyd
is also related to that in this space in Colombia,
let's say.
Surely the recension would have been different
if not all these sensitivities
in the Afro-collective that are generated
in May for the number of events,
well, in this case, virtual events,
around the Afro-Columbian issue and the African heritage.
And, of course, the recension also of the pandemic.
The pandemic has concentrated people,
has people thinking more,
maybe with more time to think about some things,
and the pandemic, what it does is nudging,
nudging structural flaws.
And racism is a structural flaw.
It's another kind of plague.
And before the pandemic,
what it does is sit down.
Well, if the pandemic has put us in a place,
it has nudged the inferiority,
the different place in which we are in society.
And if these things happen,
of course, it shrinks with much more force,
the movement, right?
And, well, the pandemic,
who is more killing,
is the poor population.
And in the United States,
also the poorest population
is still the Afro-descendant population.
Now, I would have to say that this tradition
of mobilization in the United States is not new,
it is not only active with the pandemic.
There you have to recognize that there is a tradition
that comes from many years.
And also something that is forgotten
with relation to Latin America.
And it is that until recently,
in the 60s,
the struggles were being made
to annul the legal discrimination
that existed in the United States.
That is, until recently,
they could not sit in certain places on a bus.
Until recently, they could not enter
in certain places, hotels,
through the main door.
Until recently, they could not enter
to certain bathrooms,
to certain public bathrooms,
because they were not for those of their color.
So that makes the memory
very fresh,
that is, it does nothing.
We historians have that vice of talking,
believing that what happened
100 years ago is nothing,
or what happened 50 years ago is much less.
But it is the only way
that we have as a variable
to explain the incidence of that past
in the present.
Of course, totally.
And the experience is different,
because in the civil movements of the 60s,
it was precisely against what you notice
a legal racial segregation.
It was legally forbidden,
let's say,
to share with the public spaces,
for example, in Latin America,
there was no law,
which does not mean that there was no practice,
or that there was no space.
What you say is very interesting,
because, look,
in the United States it was clear,
and they said it,
they do not admit people of color.
I am sure,
I have not checked it,
but I am sure that the statutes,
the regulation of the National Army
in Colombia did not say
but they did not accept it in practice.
So,
I think it is a good example
to show
those matices of racism,
those matices of exclusion
and discrimination,
supremely complex.
[Music]
I love it,
and I wanted to ask you a question,
the last one is
what are the challenges right now?
We did not talk about this,
but I am going to answer the question
about mobilization,
in other spaces,
and I have a lot of doubts.
In 2019, there was a lot of mobilization
in the streets of Colombia,
which we have not seen in many years.
And I think the challenges are right now
how to mobilize ourselves
to fulfill their rights.
How do you see it right now,
especially for the topic we are talking about today?
Well, I think that the pandemic has generated
a lot of mobility in networks,
a lot of mobilization in networks,
a lot of manifestation,
a lot more easy,
to go out to the streets.
And I think we have to take advantage of the lockdown
for when this,
this thing that you like to talk about now,
of the new normality,
well, in short, all these terms
that are invented that sometimes
do not trust them much,
but I think they are thinking
some things that can serve
to a future, to a medium time
to reevaluate,
the subject of racism, of course, is key,
the subject of education
and the subject of health,
which are fundamental pillars,
well,
of the social mobility,
of the social sense,
and of course,
of the health,
of the quality of life
and of the health of people.
I think those are fundamental issues,
because, as the pandemic said,
it denies all those structural flaws
and the future is towards that,
towards thinking about that.
And all this discourse about the reinvention,
well, I think that the reinvention
is that,
reinventing this device
that has led us to the
reaction to what we have,
has been
what we know it is doing.
So the future would be
would be in that process.
Racism sometimes naturalizes
and people do it unconsciously.
I think what you have to naturalize
is
the discussion
about its historical condition.
That is to say,
to me, it draws my attention
that people,
we always like to build
civilian heroes, right?
Well, Hegel is magnificent,
Kahn is magnificent,
they did wonderful things,
but Hegel
and Kahn said racist things
and we have to say it,
without dancing about Hegel's grave
and Kahn's.
But we have to say it,
because it is the only way
that we can
naturalize
racist practices
against
some sectors that,
despite, because someone can say
they are going, they are deriving
colon status, something that has happened
for a long time.
Well, not what has happened
for a long time, it continues to
interpolate society now.
And that is why we have to
historize it and ask it
and say it.
Maybe not
for me personally, maybe the solution
is not to derive the status.
For me.
But they are not all historians.
I am an undignified person
what makes reactionary
or what they consider is oppression.
But in academic terms
and in terms of
the incidence of the academy
in society,
I think the academy has to discuss
these things with the most naturality
to be able
to start a little
in these times of reinvention
to try to heal
some wounds and historical debts
that are there.
Very beautiful that reflection
in tenor. The idea is to naturalize
to colonize also
the discourse
of having a serious reflection.
You said that at least the pandemic
made us think, everyone sat in a house
to evaluate
the moment we are living.
Now as historians we will always be very happy
to say that we have to add a little more
to take advantage of these reflections
but I think it is very valid.
You mentioned before
the Colombian experience
that it is very interesting to see
how the discourse
in front of the race in the 19th century
incorporated this in the concept of citizenship
from a republican age
in the first half of the 19th century
what you said yesterday
that I thought was very interesting
this idea as if the evolution
of the cleavage had been great
numbers
being that the experience in Colombia
has been that it was liberation
from one to one, they defending
their emancipation, paying
their own manumission. I think
all those details are what I did
I studied in Matisse, they allow us
to conceive much more and I think
to put in place historically
what you said, not as if it was an addendum
to the history of Colombia, but
it is part of the history of Colombia
of the process in which we are
and what we are talking about. Exactly,
they are not
like foreigners,
they are not Colombian citizens
that have a past
that made them
move in certain conditions
obligated
and that reacted to that
and that tried to become
social subjects, historical subjects
despite that condition
of inequality in which they lived
and that were, as the Peruvian historian
says
Carlos Aguirre
they are agents of their own emancipation
they are agents of their own emancipation
they are agents of their own emancipation
and I think
that in political terms
is as important as
talking about oppression
I am also interested
to leave it there
because you have to build
references of dignity
the children of the schools
you have to build references
of dignity and not only
talking about the oppression
that existed and you have to say it
and you always have to say it
and we will not get tired of saying it
Well, the Holocaust keeps being
and they keep making movies
and writing books about that
well, yes, you have to do that
also with the African diaspora
but you also have to talk about
that capacity
of becoming subject of struggle
of dignity that is necessary
for the subjects of the present
for the children and girls of the present
Okay, very good
thank you very much
I think I have one last question
that I'm going to ask you
what happens
right now you recommended a writer
I think that you would recommend us
to read if we were your students
and we were just starting to understand
the dilemma of racism
and the Latin American race
Well, the classic book
that is already a classic
of Peter Waite
about race
about race
in Latin America
and I think the book
this synthesis
that George Andrews makes
about Afro-Latin America
is called the book
I also think it's a very good summary
to understand this
of course there are a lot of things
that are more specific
more specialized
especially about George
Andrews
that is called
Afro-Latin America
I think it's a good book
to understand all this
in terms of
more Latin American
and more broad
specifically about a country
Yes, and I like the reference
to be able to differentiate
the Latin American race
it's very different from the North American
you have to understand how
it has been read from one side to another
you don't necessarily have to read
the North American book
Yes, it's not the same
and they have already learned
the North American researchers
because they made the mistake
of finding the same thing
that here it's not that easy
He went to the In-Hel with Cuba
He went to the In-Hel with the first book
but when he made the books about Colombia
he understood that the thing was different
so he always talks about the failure
of the failure because
because they are looking for IT
and they are not going to find IT
but that does not mean that it is less important
the destiny that follows is another thing
the values are another thing
but there are some
different processes that you have to understand
in your
in your
that it costs a lot of times
the North Americans to understand it
to understand those
those particularities
that sometimes even costs
the same interior of Colombia
between the Pacific and the Caribbean
Colombian
sometimes there are some differences
because they do not understand
historically
the processes
Well Javier, thank you very much
it's a pleasure to have you on the podcast
I hope we can
also invite you to the future
you left us many tasks
and I am very happy to invite
that reflection to begin to read
to understand a little our own dynamics
so thank you very much
for joining us today
No, no
Ana María
thanks to you
for the invitation
and delighted
for me and Bogotá
they will always be a good reference
I am not
a discontented host
I speak very well of Bogotá
Well, hopefully we can have you
here soon
Well, I just have to say goodbye
and thank you again to Javier
and to the audience for listening to us
and reminding you that the podcast
class at home
can be found on the different platforms
both on Spotify, on Apple
and on Google Podcast
we will be with you in the next chapter
thank you very much
(bell rings)
Podcast Summary
Key Points:
"Clase a la Casa" is a podcast sponsored by the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Los Andes and produced by Project 070 and 070 Podcasts.
The podcast aims to discuss challenges related to COVID-19, with a focus on social sciences.
Javier Ortiz-Casiani, a historian, talks about race and racism in the times of the pandemic, comparing experiences in the United States and Latin America.
The discussion delves into the historical context of racism, classism, and discrimination in Latin America, emphasizing the intersectionality of race and class.
The impact of the pandemic on racial inequalities and the need for mobilization to address structural flaws and promote equity are highlighted.
Summary:
"Clase a la Casa" is a podcast by the University of Los Andes that addresses the challenges posed by COVID-19, particularly focusing on social sciences. In one episode, Javier Ortiz-Casiani discusses race and racism in the context of the pandemic, exploring historical perspectives on racism and classism in Latin America. The conversation emphasizes the intertwined nature of race and class in the region and the need to recognize and address structural inequalities.
The impact of the pandemic on racial disparities and the importance of mobilization to promote equity and address historical injustices are key themes of the discussion. The episode underscores the significance of historical context in understanding and addressing racism, highlighting the complexities and nuances of discrimination in Latin American societies.
FAQs
Ambos territorios tienen similitudes en cuanto al colonialismo y la construcción de la idea de raza, pero difieren en la mezcla racial y la separación. En Estados Unidos, la población afroamericana se mantiene más aislada, mientras que en América Latina hay mayor mestizaje.
La pandemia ha puesto de manifiesto las desigualdades estructurales, incluido el racismo. Ha concentrado a las personas y ha permitido reflexionar más sobre estas problemáticas.
Los desafíos actuales incluyen aprovechar la movilización en redes generada durante la pandemia para reevaluar temas clave como el racismo, la educación y la salud. Es fundamental repensar las estructuras sociales y la calidad de vida de las personas.
En América Latina, la relación entre racismo y clasismo es fuerte, lo que a veces hace que las manifestaciones racistas se confundan con manifestaciones clasistas. La población afrodescendiente suele ser la más afectada, evidenciando la problemática racial.
Es necesario naturalizar la discusión sobre la condición histórica del racismo y reconocer las prácticas racistas en la historia. Se debe historizar y visibilizar estas prácticas para desnaturalizarlas y trabajar en su erradicación.
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