Medi Hassan critiques the toxic shift in American political discourse, particularly on right-wing media platforms like Jubilee, where debate collapses into hostility and fascist rhetoric. He argues that conservative rhetoric once centered on constitutionalism has now morphed into authoritarianism, with figures like Mike Lee and Trump openly rejecting democratic checks and balances. This shift is mirrored globally in countries like India and Hungary, where media is controlled through state-backed propaganda and suppression. Trump exemplifies this trend, using populist appeals, emergency powers, and personal attacks to bypass democratic norms, while simultaneously exploiting corporate interests and weakening institutions. Despite Democratic claims of reform, Hassan highlights systemic failures—such as inaction on January 6 and the failure to prosecute political misconduct—demonstrating a lack of courage in defending democratic principles. He stresses that the Democratic Party has become timid and institutionalized, avoiding bold reforms like a $30 minimum wage or anti-gerrymandering measures. The real danger, he insists, is not just the rise of authoritarianism on the right, but the erosion of democratic institutions from within. A new political strategy—rooted in decisive action, transparency, and rejection of compromise—is essential to restore public trust and prevent future authoritarian takeovers.
[MUSIC] Hello, everybody. Welcome to the weekly show. Podged, my name is John Stewart. We're taking this. It's July 30th, which is a, what does that, like a Wednesday? It's got to be a Wednesday. There's so much going on. I don't want to talk. For those of you who are probably listening to this and not viewing it, you might not realize, I have a giant like, divot in my, in my forehead, red and all that. And if you're watching it on YouTube, you probably do see it. I just want to let people know nothing to worry about. As you get older, you find that you have to go into the dermatologist on a regular basis. And he takes out like a freesy ray. And he just points it at your face, variety, different ways to try and keep your face from being consumed by metastasizing skin conditions. So for those of you who might be watching this and think, "Hey, does he know his face appears to be imploding on his forehead?" I do know. Because this morning, somebody shot liquid nitrogen at a wide variety of scaly things that are growing on an old man's head. But we're not going to talk about that today. Today is going to be really a popery with just, I think, one of the best communicators that I see in the, was in the cable world now in the independent media world. And I'm just going to get to him because we've got so much to get to within the world from him. So I'm just going to jump in on that. So we'll get right into it. Very excited to have our guests today. You've seen him from his work on MSNBC, but also now the founder and editor-in-chief of Zateo, Medi Hassen is here. Medi. John, thanks for having me. Oh my goodness. It's so nice to see you. How are things that add Zateo? Things that Zateo very well in this horrific media climate that we're in, where the media is falling apart. Those of us who are taking a stab at independent journalism, I'm glad to report our thriving. We just crossed a million subscribers on YouTube, which was a big amount for us a year in. Yeah. No, you're, I think this might officially make you an influencer. If that's, if that's possible, I have to tell you, I was so like everyone else in the universe was incredibly struck by your Jubilee episode. No, I'm not so familiar with Jubilee, but I am familiar with Medi, so I tuned in obviously because I always love a good Medi debate. Medi goes, he goes hard and he goes fast. It was you in the center of what appeared to be a circular firing squad of the cast of footloos. Like they all appeared to be these lovely midwestern and when they began to open their mouths. You know, I understood, you know, it's going to be Medi Hassan, and it's going to be against conservatives. I did not in any way expect what I, what I saw and heard, which was seemed to be very focused on the fact that you don't belong in this country and are not a citizen. And it was, was there a moment when you were in that environment where you thought, oh, this is not what I had expected? Yeah, I think that moment was minute one. I think it was all the way through. I mean, I went thinking as well, it would be some bag of folks, some Trump cheerleaders, some people are like, tariffs are great. And Donald Trump's a wonderful leader and we hate Joe Biden. I didn't expect, you know, the second or third guys saying, well, where were you born in discussion about crime? And I'm like, what has I got to do with the crime rate? I didn't expect the guy just saying, I'm a fascist and I love General Frank on, I don't believe in democracy. I didn't expect the woman who said, well, immigrants can't be Americans, except my parents who are immigrants. They are Americans, just you or not. I didn't expect the guy saying, get the hell out of my country. You'll be the first to go. No, I didn't expect any of that. And maybe I should have done maybe when they pitched it as 20 far right conservatives that should have been a giveaway. Who, who self describes as far right job at this same? And it was, you know, and, and, and there could have been more pleasant looking sounding folks. But, but when they started to get into that sort of, I'm not so worried about fascism because I don't think they're going to kill me. Yeah. I thought I'm a good Catholic boy. I'm a good Catholic boy. I don't like the Nazis because they were mean to Catholics. I was like, what about the Jews? Listen, that, of course, you could find some justifications in there for those types of actions. But I thought in the middle of it, there was a flip, a switch flipped in your mind. We said, oh, this is not a debate. This is a gang beat in. And I'm just going to have to survive the bananas nature of like how do you debate somebody who just says, oh, no, I think fascism that I think that might be the way to go because you'll, you know, the people will vote it in. And then from then on, we'll be fine. Yeah, very much was they were trying to do a beat down. As someone who loves action movies and comedy action movies, it did feel a little Jackie Chan-esque. Yeah, kind of running up a alleyway, running up the wall. And they're all coming at you at the same time, although they did come one by one. So it was one of those classic fight scenes where you wonder, why do they go one by one? But in this, the rules meant that they had to come one by one. You know, 21, you were Van Dam. You were Van Dam. I'll take that down. I'll take that down. I can't do the splits like that, rhetorical splits. But 20 to one was the, well, you know, look, John, I like a good argument. I literally wrote a book about arguing. So when you said, hey, do you want to come and take on 20 people? I'm like, I like those odds. 20 to one, bring it. Right. What I didn't expect was that they weren't interested in debating at all. I'd watch some of the other Jubiles would Ben Shapiro and Charlie Kirk and my friend Sam Cedar on on the left. And in those debates, some of the folks did want a debate and a few of them were crazy. In mind, it was the other way around like two of them wanted to debate and 18 were crazy. And that's what I didn't see coming the ratcheting up. I went with like one of my claims, John was Donald Trump is defying the constitution. That was one of my four claims. And I went prepped with the first amendment, the fourth amendment, the fifth amendment, 14th amendment. I had it all 22nd amendment. I'm good to go. I've got every amendment. Right. First guy's like, I don't care about the constitution. Where do you go with that? What do you do next? I'm like, I don't have a chapter in my book for that. How wonderful though, Mary, that that is what this has become. It's such an interesting metastasizing of the movement on the right, which is as you know, it's always steeped in kind of the fetishizing of the constitution. We the people, they've got, you know, all the buses are wrapped with that constitution picture, and it's the flags. And it's steeped in the rhetoric of we are the minute men and the revolutionaries. And it's morphed into actually, now that I think about it, now that we are in charge, fuck the constitution. And we don't need like watching them. Fuck the constitution with a little asterisk, John that says, but we love the second amendment. But we, the second amendment, the second is matter of fact, that might be the only amendment that was even put in there. I don't, if you really look at it, but it's such a shocking change. Have you seen in your experience in debating the right that this has shifted? What was any of that constitutional fetishization? Good faith? Is this just a subtle shift now that Donald Trump has exposed how much authoritarianism appeals to them? Look, I think it was good faith amongst the minority of them, but that's the minority those since become never Trumpers or mild Trump critics. So you've got a kind of a Rand Paul in the Senate who will make some noises about, oh, you can't bomb countries with that congressional authorization, but he really got offended recently when Trump didn't invite him to a party at the White House. Even for him, Rand Paul, it was like the constitution, but yeah, the party invite and then the constitution. But you know, you're, you're Justin Amachez, who was a congressman from Michigan, Libertarian. He's been very outspoken, but he's no longer in the party or in Congress. The people who were in Congress and talked endlessly about the constitution, they were clearly in bad faith. Mike Lee from Utah, the senator from Utah. This guy was the constitutional, he'd never stopped talking about the constitutional liberty. And then we turns out he was involved allegedly in the attempt to rig that, you know, overturn the 2020 election with the fake electors. We know now that he defends anything Trump says online. These people clearly were in bad faith. They just confirmed this week, John, a manifestly unqualified, unfit judge to the president's personal lawyer, president, president allegedly told staff, according to whistleblowers, to fuck the judges, tell the judges to fuck off when they get rulings. They don't like. He's now being confirmed to the bench. And there are some like, I think there's a guy called Greg Nunziata, I think his name is former Marco Rubio, staffer, who has been very principled on this and spoken out. And he said on Twitter this week, if you're a conservative claims to care about the constitution, this is it. It's over by confirming this guy never pretend again that you care about the constitution or about due process. So I don't think it was in good faith. And even this stick about we don't care about the constitution, the guy who said I'm a fascist to me on Jubilee, he was very explicit that he loves the second amendment. It's just the other amendments he doesn't love. And then he goes on a little sympathy tour last week, apparently on far right TV, saying he lost his job. Apparently he didn't lose his job. He lost his job earlier, but he tried to say he lost it because of this to get a fundraiser. Don't forget to keep out of the modern conservative movement is go fund me. And he interestingly, he says, well, you know, my free
speech was violated by being fired. I thought you don't believe in the first amendment. I thought it was only the second amendment. That's right. It's so cynical and self-serving and convenient. The victimization, you know, I almost think that the right for all their, it's, did you ever meet Roger Rails? Had you ever had it? Thankfully I did not. Oh, matter, you missed out on one of the love layer. I had one of those bananas types meetings at Fox News in the bowels of Fox News behind. When you were trying to get your prime time show? Exactly. I wanted to work there so badly if you would only let me. I used to go on Bill O'Reilly's show. Every now and again, they would bring in the clownish liberal myself and I would go on there and one day one of the people came down and said, "Mr. Ailes would like to see you." And I thought, "Well, geez, I don't even know he lived in the building." So we had to walk through the kinds of, like, get smart, like, doors would open and you didn't really know where you were until you got into this one part of the building that was colder than the other parts of the building. You almost felt the hair on the back of your neck and the chill and you could see everybody's breath in this one part. And he and I yelled at each other in the office for about an hour. He wanted me to show appreciation to him because without him I have no career and I wanted him to stop poisoning the atmosphere around the country that was killing. But what struck me about Ailes was he meant all of it. He meant every word of it. Yes. But the strategy was cynical. So the good faith wasn't what he believed. It was the methodology that he would employ and his methodology was, "I am going to discredit all of the institutions or any of the voices that may in any way harm my movement. I'm going to make sure that editorial authority is seen as elitism, and yet I am going to exercise authoritarian control over my message machine." And that's, I think, the genius of that movement. Yes. They don't play by the rules that they ask you to play by. No, not at all. And this is why I can go on a long rant here about why Liberated Democrats and leftists have got to understand that you are not on some ridiculous even playing field where everyone, you know, I've been hearing this since Donald Trump came down the escalator in 2015. I've been hearing this since he won in 2016. I've been hearing this since last year, you know, just because they don't play by the rules doesn't mean we shouldn't. And it's like, no, that's exactly what it means, right? If you are playing a football match or a soccer game, as we say here, if you're playing on the pitch and the other team picks up the ball and just runs with it in the middle of a soccer game, and you carry on just playing with the ball on the grant, you will lose. I mean, there's no debate about that. At some point, you either have to accept that you're going to lose honorably, or you're going to say, I'm going to pick up the ball as well and run with it. Now, for those who are listening at home, when you said pitch, he means the field, for those, I'm going to translate this into suburban American. The pitch was, I've already, I've already confused everyone by saying football at soccer that you, of course, you can carry the ball in people. People have no idea what's happening now. I've never understood why you call it football if you carry it. I just don't understand. Well, we don't, there's, there's so many more things we have to get through in the States that don't make that much sense before we, we, we get to the names of our games, but now, but now, we told I don't belong here again. That was when you were saying, I'm a citizen. They're like, no, that's not my favorite was when he said white people are native Americans. And, and everybody starts applauding. And he's like, I got a pause. And you just go and say to the guy like, well, they're all so fascist like that's yes. And then they voted about and I couldn't help, but dig it out. I think the people who clapped for you have just voted you out. They just voted. They just voted you out. But that was the guy who was like in a green t-shirt and going, his opening remark was, I've got this thing where I have to stay calm. I'm like, where the fuck am I? Like, how much security did I need to bring with me? And then it turns out, according to the Guardian, this guy allegedly was involved in all sorts of violent protests a few years back in California. So I'm like, okay, makes more sense now. Makes more sense. I like that that he said, you know, my, my family's native here in the 1500s. And I was like, I think what wasn't Jamestown 16, like the first settle. I was like, did you come with the Vikings? I was going to say, how could you have been here for the 1500s? Unless maybe it was the Spanish. He came up from the West Indies. Maybe he was his people with Cortez, which I think you're putting far too much effort into fact checking the white supremacist. Hey, probably wondering there, what's today's episode sponsored by? What is it? Clouds, sandwiches, gelatin? No, saly. You've read to deal with SIM card hassles. Outrageous roaming fees, waiting in airport lines for a Wi-Fi box. You got to love this. Saly, it's a new SIM app. Let's you stay connected wherever you go. 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It brings up, though, kind of that interesting point of how does the media handle this moment? You've been a part of those institute MSNBC was going to be the liberal answer to Fox. But I don't think they had any idea what they were up against. Fox News was absolutely strategically managed and controlled. Top down, they understood the assignment. Every day part working with every other day part to create a messaging machine that would make sure that if any Republican fucked up the way Nixon had, nothing bad would happen to them again. Yeah. What was your sense of what MSNBC was or what those are? When I worked there, my thing is wherever I've worked in my career, I've probably been the most lefty person at that institution. And there was no difference when I joined, maybe with the exception in set. But when I joined MSNBC, that was the case. I think Chris Hayes was probably the most progressive host there until I joined. And I was probably to the left of Chris. And you know, I had a great time at MSNBC and I did some great shows. But what's interesting is I always found that critique both from the left and the right. And it's by the way, it's on the left and the right. You know, that on this idea that MSNBC is the liberal version of Fox. It's an insane because to say that, you have to not understand what Fox is, which you understand, which is Fox is an organized propaganda arm of the Republican Party always has been and certainly in the Trump era of the Mago wing of the Republican Party. And when people say, oh, well, we've got Fox on the right and members of Missy on the left and CNN in the center. It's a complete misreading of our landscape. First of all, they're all corporate owned entities, which have corporate agendas. Let's just be very clear about that. So this idea that you're left when you're owned by Comcast is insane, right? That's just ridiculous. When CNN now has its major shareholder John Malone, a big Trump donor. Right. And then there's the issue of like, well, hold on, Fox is not just the right. Fox is a propaganda arm. Sean Hannity used to call Donald Trump up after his show every night and chew the fat. Rachel Madder, whatever you think of Rachel Madder, did not call up Joe Biden to chat with him after her show. MSNBC anchors, some of them are ex-biden officials, but MSNBC serving anchors did not turn up at Biden rallies and introduce Biden in the same way that Fox anchors have done. We've seen 20 odd Fox hosts, reporters become members of this administration. Like there is a merger between Fox and the Republican Party and especially the Trump administration, which doesn't exist in any other part of our media. And as for MSNBC, look, obviously has liberal bent. It had liberal hosts. You know, it was it was good on liberal issues like abortion, but there was no organized agenda. Nobody sat around going today. How do all the shows make the case for universal healthcare? Just never happened. I wish I wish that happened. It never happened. Right. We did our own thing, the host. I pushed my thing, Chris, Chris pushed his thing, Joe Scarborough pushes his thing, et cetera, et cetera. Sure. The liberal, the liberal host of five hours of MSNBC program. Some of the most prominent hosts on MSNBC and our ex-Republicans, like Nicole Wallace and Joe Scarborough, that doesn't exist on Fox. Prominent hosts on Fox are not ex-democratic members of Congress or administration members. So I just found this equalizing so ridiculous because it, A, doesn't understand what Fox is doing, which is pure propaganda. B, it doesn't understand how corporate media works, which is in the interests of corporations. And C, it just it also kind of
of it's the banality of evil, it makes what Fox does seem normal and what Fox does is suy generous. I've worked in the UK, I've worked around the world, there is no media outlet I know of anywhere on the planet with the exception of maybe India, where cable news is insane, but yeah, cable news there is like pure Modi propaganda and they incite violence openly against Muslims, Pakistan, et cetera. And it's really jingoistic. Arundati Roy, the award winning novelist, she said to me once, you know, our media makes it is Fox on steroids is Fox, you know, on times 100, but Fox in the western world that I know of, I know of nothing else like Fox that pushes the kind of conspiracy theories hate and government propaganda in a way that I just never seen it anywhere else. And is able to pivot so agilely whenever there is, you know, so just as you said, imagine this organization that makes its bones morning to night every single day part with a real directionality about Barack Obama, Barack Hussein Obama, I'm sorry, I didn't pronounce this full name, you got to have all three names is born and can, you know, they make their bones on the conspiratorial nature and sort of very cynically infuse QAnon into their programming and get it all. The Fox cinematic universe and all of its tentacles. And then the minute that the bomb that they planted needs to be diffused to watch them pivot so quickly on, especially something like this Epstein case is they are really good at what they do in a way that I think is shocking is the idea. So here's, here's the question, it's quite we know it's going to be corporate media. There is nothing right now that has the power of those cable channels to amplify and continue to spin sort of the circadian rhythms of social media. So social media is the thing that first, you know, it's incentivized for these really hateful, really difficult conspiracy theories, right? That's how those things, the algorithm is to that. But cable news is the thing that infuses it into the mainstream of American society. Yes. And the clips. How do you battle that? And maybe it's not a right left issue. Maybe it's the thing you talked about earlier. Good faith, bad faith. 100% and I think, well, I'm not just good faith, bad faith, but, you know, reality versus non-reality, decency versus indecency. This is not about kind of left versus right. There is a sense of my critique of Trump, Maga Fox is not about conservatism. I mean, I have my issues with conservatism, but like when I object to what Trump and Fox are doing, it's not because I'm arguing about what is the best marginal rate of taxation. It's not about what is the best crime reduction policy in major cities. Like, those are old debates. Conservatism abandoned that a few years ago. Yeah. Like, when I turned up at Jubilee, I didn't think I was going to be having like a debate about the Laffer curve, like I'm not that naive, but it is now fundamentally about do you want a strong man or not? Do you believe in equality or not? Do you think the media should be free or not? Like that is the essential question to tackling. And that's why it's not just about right wing propaganda. It's about who here actually believes in the same stuff that we all used to believe in or tried to believe in. And I think that's what's so dangerous in this moment. I'm not expecting a left wing Fox. For many reasons, I don't think such a thing could exist or should exist. I do hope for is a media that still has some kind of independence, some kind of diversity of thought, some kind of adherence to basic journalistic principles of independence, of holding power to account. That's what we're losing right now. I'm not some huge defender of CBS news, right now, my criticisms of CBS, like I do have all corporate media. But do I want to see CBS news become another Fox? No, I don't. And that's where it's heading to right now with the recent FCC deal, with the merger deal, with the Trump settlement. Like, when I see what's happening to ABC and CBS and maybe soon NBC, CNN, that is worrying because I, as I say, India, as we've seen this show before, John, this is a global playbook that Trump is borrowing from India, Turkey, Hungary, what are they all, what have all these countries done? Orban, Erdogan, Modi, they've all taken over the media in their respective countries and they didn't take over the media by sending tanks and armed men into newsrooms. They took over the media the exact same way that Trump is doing right now through lawsuits, through economic harassment, through defaming and smearing journalists, through violently attacking journalists who are covering protests, through all of these methods, through hollowing out public media and PR PBS, deep funding. This is the playbook in India, in Hungary, in Turkey, in Russia, in Israel and here in the United States now. This is a very, very clear, global playbook. And I think we need to wake up to that fast. I think you're absolutely right, Mattie, and I think part of it is what Trump understands and you have to give, and I have to give credit to him, and I don't know if you've ever heard of anything. Evil genius. Steve Bannon, who I think is, in many ways, you know, they always just call Karl Rove the architect. I think he's the art. He understood this melding of populist rhetoric with kind of the more authoritarian, anti-woke, Christian nationalists, melding those movements together strategically to gain the political advantage there was the way that they went. You know, people always thought, "Oh, Russia must have something on Trump." He doesn't have anything on Trump, because they agree with each other on how to govern and what you would want to do. You want less gay, you want more Jesus. Even if you don't believe in Jesus at all, which I don't think Trump is a religious person, but he understands it as a really wonderful force amplifier of power. And it's almost as though those discussions, you know, you were just saying the laugh or curve and all that, all those discussions, I think, are out the window. It's no longer capitalism versus socialism or communism or any of this. No, it's, do you agree with daddy or not? That's right. And the framework of it is woke versus unwoke. That's how they framed it. Yes. That's right. Who's now kind of on the outside is the guy on the inside is our de facto vice president, Stephen Miller. Boy, that dude. He's dark. He's the guy who's pushing this. He's got his hand in every pot. He, I think he wants to be national security advisor now too. Once Rubio stops acting as national security advisor. He's obviously the guy pushing the deportation agenda. He's pushing the attacks on the media, the irony of being Jewish and being part of a Christian nationalist white supremacist administration. Stephen Miller's been kind of cozy up to white supremacist for years. That is very much the agenda. And again, they didn't hide this stuff. They said it very plainly. Donald Trump said I want to be a dictator for day one because the dictators are only ever for 24 hours. You remember when his first time he did it into it, Steve Ducey on the White House lawn. And he said, I just came back from North Korea. And the way they stand up straight for Kim, why can't my people do that? He loves it. He loves it. Yeah. Donald Trump, you know, he's a liar, but occasionally tells the truth. And that was a very truthful statement. He does wish for his people to stand up straight and salute him. And he got his crappy military parade this summer. It was deeply disappointing that he got that he was desperate for. He was angry about his military parade and that he didn't realize that the tanks were all going to be lined up with like safe stopping distance in case it was rainy. Like, he wanted the, I want all my weapons within two feet of each other. I was like, I want bumper to bumper. Yeah. And he wanted the goose stepping, you know, military authoritarian displays and all that. And it turned out to be kind of a nice, maybe grade eight to grade 10 little military history parade. And you had soldiers dragging their feet and not goose stepping. Thankfully, some of them showing their acts of resistance. They were waving. Yeah. When was the last time you saw North Korea parade where the guys would pop out of the tanks and be like, Hey, everybody. I mean, we're not, so the good news is we're not there yet. The bad news is, as did you believe the debate showed, there's an aspiration to be there very soon. And the authoritarianism on the right is off the charts, this desperation for a strong leader, for canceling the constitution, for getting rid of judges. This, you look at the polling now amongst Republicans, the number of Republicans who say there should be no checks on the president. Congress should not be able to block the president. The judiciary should not be able to block the president. That is a very worrying sign. And again, there was this complacency in the United States of America. I came here 10 years ago. I became a citizen five years ago. I have a little bit of an outsider perspective and I have to remind my fellow Americans. It can happen here. This idea that the United States of America is immune to authoritarian global authoritarian trends, especially when you have a tribune like Trump, who is Teflon when it comes to scandal and controversy. That makes it doubly worse for the US. He has understood that some of the guardrails that were, you know, people always think like, oh, well, the businesses will save us because they don't want the trouble. They don't want the volatility. What Trump understands is people don't want friction. And if I can create enough friction in there, well, it's the same way you ran his businesses, by the way, like what he would do to contractors, he would pay them about 80%, 75% to 80% of what he owed them, knowing that the hassle and the friction that they would need to go through to get that last bit. So he got himself a savings and that's the way he's approaching this entire country. The thing I still can. And he's settling. He's calling for a settlement with Fox, you've seen that this week, right? He said, he said this week, I hope they settle. No, he said Fox wants to settle with him, which is planting the idea that is out there. He's very good at kind of testing the
waters, Rupert Murdoch is an old pal of his, so he's obviously put him on the spot. We saw what happened in the Dominion case where they settled immediately when they realized Tucker Carlson's text were going to come out in droves. And look, this is what he's corporate America. This idea that corporate America is going to save us is the most insane one of all. Fascism is indeed an alliance between the strong man and big business boys has been going back to Italy, Germany, et cetera. And that's what's so depressing about some of these corporations bending the knee. This idea that they're all being bullied into it isn't actually true. A lot of them are happy to go along with the anti-diversity staff. They're happy to go along with the crackdowns on campuses. If you're a university leader, they're happy to go along with kind of ending any kind of initiatives to fight racism. And of course, he rewards them with massive tax cuts, right? We just passed this big, beautiful, or ugly bill and who's going to benefit from that? The owners of the big tech companies and the social media giants, the owners of the corporate media outlets and the boards of those major networks. So he knows how to reward them and also how to bully them. It's a mixture of fear and greed on that part. Folks, you know, this company, it meant mobile. I don't want to give you a keeping suspense in any of these things. They got themselves maybe the ad spokesman of the century, Ryan Reynolds. But apparently they need a little extra push and they're bringing in, I guess, you know, it's like anything. You got to sub in one guy can't do all of it. So you bring in a couple of scrubs, see if they can push a few more over the finish line. And that's what this is. That's me for, for, for mid mobile. But the pitch basically essentially stays the same. You got overpriced phone bills and you can lose them by switching to mid mobile. You know, the fucking things, 15 bucks a month, what are you looking for better? What are you thinking? You're going to grab one for nine. It's 15 bucks a month. High speed data unlimited talking text largest 5G network in the nation. To get your new wireless plan for just 15 bucks a month, go to mintmobile.com/tws. That's mintmobile.com/tws. Cut your wireless bill to 15 bucks a month at mintmobile.com/tws. That's it. There's no catch up front payments of $45 for three months, $90 for six months, or $180 or 12 months plan required $15 per month equivalent taxes and fees extra initial plan term only greater than 50 gigabytes may slow and network is busy includes up to 20 gigabyte hotspot capable device required availability speed and coverage varies see mintmobile.com. I really hope they speed that up. You know, as we look at this and we think like, okay, this is a function of Donald Trump, it's not there's this ethno nationalism that is arising. You know, you mentioned Modi and you mentioned Orban and Putin. It really feels like we move from, and it was never particularly stable. There was always conflagration wherever you went, but it's a new world order that goes back to the idea of, and to quote Thomas Shelby from the Peaky Blinders, big fuck small, that this is about what you can get away with through your coercion and power and what limits. And now you're seeing him apply it mostly to former allies. He is much more willing to, as you said, lie in eyes North Korea and Russia and these other authoritarian governments and much less, you know, to him, the EU is just too gay. It's too gay for Trump. He likes those heterosexual countries like North Korea. The classic example of that was, of course, Ukraine and Zelensky in the Oval Office where he and Vance ganged up to break Zelensky, but they would never dare to behave in that way in Putin's presence, or speak about Putin when he's not in the room. Like Trump has said more vicious things about Justin Trudeau than he's ever said about Xi Jinping. That's just a fact, right? It's a demonstrable fact. And you have to ask the question, why, why is this U.S. president? I'm not saying previous U.S. presidents were great defenders of liberal democracy, all U.S. presidents have cozyed up to authoritarian tyrants. But I don't remember one that's done so as enthusiastically as gleefully as Donald Trump in the belief that he too should have those authoritarian powers at home. Why can't I have what they have? And I think Netanyahu's cut from the same cloth. I think Orbán is cut from all of these in illiberal democracies, people who are notionally elected, but would love to be dictators like your Xi Jinping and your Kims. Well, sure. And you see in the different ways that they go about, I mean, Netanyahu, they try and get it so that there's no Supreme Court now. You know, they try and maneuver any of those. It reminds me of the real triumph of this is Trump has shown us where the cracks are. Yeah. In our democratic system. And I think that one of the things that's difficult, and I wonder your opinion about this, for us, constitutionally is to realize a lot of these excesses and abuses are built into the system. Yes. 100%. He's going out and he basically, he's got a couple of historians that sit in the back and go, "Hey, man, I just wanted to let you know like in 1803, there was an emergency power we used on immigration. We might as well just declare that because you get to do whatever you want." I mean, look, the most progressive president, supposedly, we'd ever had in this country's FDR. And he basically suspended Abys Corpus on, you know, anybody of Asian descent and in turn them in camps. Like this, this darkness has always been in the system. Yes. And the second most progressive president, LBJ, just did a mass genocide in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. Right. So there's precedent for all this shit at home and abroad. Look, I 100% agree with you, John. I've been ranting and raving about constitutional reform, political reform in this country for a long time. Again, as an outsider, you come in and you think, this shit doesn't work and no one else does it like this. Electoral college, what the fuck is that? Like no one else uses this stuff. You know, the whole gerrymandering, which right now that Texas is doing and now Gavin Newsom says he'll do for the Democrats, no other Western democracy allows politicians to draw their own boundaries. None only the US allows politicians to pick their voters, rather than voters picking their politicians. That's a problem. There are so many issues. And the problem is the Democrats left this space open, right? And I say this about both wings of the Democratic Party, a guilty of this, the liberal centrist wing, what do we want to call it, the Biden wing and the Bernie wing, right? So Bernie Sanders bless him. I agree with him on universal health. I agree with him on taxing the rich and minimum wage, but I've never heard from that wing of the party about constitutional reform, political reform, because they're also institutionalists. Bernie loves the Senate. The Senate's got to go, right? The Senate is a problem. The Senate is a huge problem. We've got to reform. We've got to reform the Senate. You cannot have a state situation going forward where Wyoming has two senators who are like, if you want to get rid of DEI, the Senate is affirmative action, affirmative action for Wyoming. Old, old white rural dudes like, like 12 people get two senators and like 50 million people in California get two senators like, don't think it's insane. And I think there's so many things at the Supreme Court, right? What we've seen this week is another reminder that the Republicans game the system, rigged the judiciary, packed the courts after accusing the Democrats of wanting to pack the courts. Every accusation is a confession. And meanwhile Joe Biden, he did a report in his first year. He commissioned an independent reform from the great and the good on what to do about the Supreme Court. They came up with a bunch of milk toast recommendations. He ignored them all and kicked it into the long grass. And here we are with a six, three Supreme Court, maybe seven, two God forbid if Trump gets another one is lucky enough to get four, which would be insane. So that complete vacating of the field, the pitch on constitutional and political reform is a huge problem. Don't go back to Europe. I've got to go to the pitch, the pitch, the pitch, my pitch is that on the pitch of reform, we need to fix that. And the next Democratic president cannot simply say, oh, I will be, you know, remember Harris, we're not going back was her thing, right? Right. We're going to move beyond Trump and go back to business as usual. It has to be, we're going to prevent future authoritarians from trying to destroy the system from within. Like the idea that, for example, you know, basic conflict of interest laws don't apply to the president when you have a president like Trump, like the founding fathers did not anticipate the guy from home alone too, becoming president in the United States. They just didn't. It's a fact. We intend. But if you result to build a system for Donald Trump, I have to take you say, if you look at Federalist paper 37, Hamilton said there will be a sequel of a very famous, it really speaks to, I mean, think about when we, we talk about sort of representative democracy. And again, this gets us back to the spirit of the revolution, the people taxation without representation. So we live in a country that is by all measures, very closely divided politically. But there is one side that has 78 million voters, a lot of people that do it. And zero power. And I'm talking about like, can't call a witness, can't hold a committee meeting, can't do, there is zero power invested right now in the 70 some million people that vote for Democrats. They have, and I'm talking on the federal level, obviously within state systems, it's slightly different. I don't recall that power sharing a group, we really are in a joint custody agreement right now. And right now the country is living with dad. And it really does, but the problem is the country's living with dad, John, but dad is offering the kids all sorts of fake gifts. Maybe he'll never give them those gifts, but he's offering them, oh, sure, they're pretending They like they like they like they likely he may beat the
them a little, but they like being beaten by dad. And I think the problem is, is mum, to use a British phrase or mum, going to offer, what is she going to offer to get the kids back? I think the problem is the Democrats have had power, John, they may not have power right now, but they had power. They controlled all three branches of government, right? They controlled, well, they had it during the Obama administration. They had the House to send it, not the Supreme Court, but the House to send it in the White House. And they had it during Obama. They had it to an extent under Biden. And they just didn't use it in the way they should have used it. And the question is, can they promise the American people that next time we get those gavils, next time we're in the Oval Office, we are going to fight A on your behalf, but also B against those corrupt fools. And I think that is a fundamental, you know, the person I blame most for Donald Trump's existence in the White House right now is not Stephen Miller. It's not Steve Bannon. It's not the fascist on Jubilee. It is a man named Merrick Garland, who sat on his ass for three years. Oh, thank God. I thought you were going to see me. No, I don't. I'm so pleased that you are. So really, Merrick are by his timidity. Yes. But it's, don't tell me it's deeper than doesn't that let too many gathered. Of course, it's deeper than that. It was a rhetorical flourish. But my point is, if I'm good to identify, if I'm going to identify a symbol, a symbol, a human symbol of wider fecklessness, coercion, cowardice of the Democratic Party, then it is Merrick Garland. Yes. Merrick Garland is this tribune and symbol of that. He's the guy who don't forget. They didn't just make him a turning general when he was a manifesto, not the right person in that moment. But they cheered him. They were like, wow, this is a, this is a FU to MAGA. They wouldn't put him on the Supreme Court. We put him in the DOJ. That's right. He wasn't appropriate for the DOJ, right? They should have put in someone, an Elizabeth Warren figure, someone who would go into the DOJ and prosecute all these authority. The January 6th happened and he dragged his feet. Donald Trump never saw the inside of a courtroom for January the 6th. That is, I will never get over that. I will never, to my dying days. I'll be on the death, but I'll say, damn you, Merrick Garland. You don't, Donald Trump never saw the inside of a courtroom. That is a scandal. For that, they tried to cappon him. We can't get you on sedition and overthrowing the government. But by the way, that wasn't Merrick Garland, right? Even New York wasn't Merrick Garland. It was local. Exactly. No, that's the Tisha James and it's, you know, everybody else. It wasn't the federal government. It wasn't the federal government had to be dragged kicking and screaming. The funny thing is, I heard Republicans before you say they're weaponizing the government against us. I wish, I wish they'd weaponized the government against you. They did the exact opposite. Joe Biden said, I've got to stay above the fray and not say anything about these cases. Merrick Garland wouldn't say anything. His deputy wouldn't say anything. And they, the federal cases came from Jack Smith. He outsourced that to a special council like this is, it was just insanity to see the past. The next democratic administration has to run on a platform of we are going to prosecute the people who did these crimes. You know, all those masked ICE agents committing crimes on our streets. They need to be prosecuted by the next democratic administration, the next democratic Congress. But it's, but that's letting the, the leaders of it off the hook that's going after the rank and five, of course, and the leaders. I'm, I'm taking for granted the leaders. I'm saying top to bottom. Exactly. We can't have a Barack Obama coming in in 2008 and saying, hey, we tortured some folks, but I want to look forward, not back. That's, that's a great point, but the other issue with that era of democratic politics was they ran on the audacity of what was possible and they covered on the timidity of what they think they might be able to get through with the checks and balances. And you can't have that, that's economy. But isn't there an opportunity then, Betty, in the way that Donald Trump showed the cracks in the democratic system and that he weaponized our own excesses against us in terms of emergency powers and all the things that were possible? Hasn't he also shown the Democrats? And here are the levers of power that you can use for coercion. Yes, that you can actually say, oh, do you really think Democrats are the only people that have tax exemptions that can be threatened? Are you fucking kidding me? Do you really think there are no education that you can't bend the will of corporations who don't want friction to do your bidding? So I'll just give you a couple of quick examples of one Elon Musk, right? Donald Trump and Elon Musk went to war, most richest man in the world. Donald Trump says, I'm going to cancel his contracts and immediately Musk deleted his tweet saying he was in the Epstein files and has gone pretty quiet by must standards. That's right. Why didn't Joe Biden do that? In fact, the opposite, Chuck Schumer hosted Elon Musk in his office in the Senate a couple of years ago. This guy declared war on the Democratic Party and the Democratic Party said, would you like some more contracts, sir? That was an insane approach to Elon Musk. Trump showed that you can actually take on the richest man in the world if you're president in the United States. He did it. There is a template for it. Another example for Senate Democrats when we were trying, when they were trying to get the minimum wage rights through, the parliamentarian said, you can't put it in the bill. I was on MSNBC at the time. We had multiple segments about the fricking parliamentarian. No one knows who she is. She was elected by anyone. Chuck Schumer said, can't do it. Parliamentarian said, no, this time around the parliamentarian said, well, you can't do some stuff in this big, beautiful building. The Republican said, get lost. They wouldn't even meet with the parliamentarian. Right. So the template is there. If you want to get shit done, you can. The problem is, Democrats don't want to get shit done and they hide behind institutional excuses. They say we can't do it because the parliamentarian. But really, they don't want to. No, that's interesting, though, because that says something different. So in your mind, they don't actually want it, because my feeling is, let's not make sweeping statements. Some do, and some are beholden to their donors. But this is where we get into the like, Marik Arland is at fault or the way that Democrats govern. I still, you know, as much as the ACA got some more people, some health insurance, it never addressed the rot at the basis of our health care system that allowed, you know, these insurance companies to me. So basically what the Democrats said was, we understand that one of the greatest threats to liberty and freedom in this country is poverty and not having health care and it limits your choices and you can't leave jobs and all these other things. But instead of dealing with that, here's what we think we can do, convince insurance companies that if we guarantee you billions of dollars in a fire hose of money, that you'll pretend to offer people a good alternative. Not just insurance companies. The plan was to win over Republicans, right? Barack Obama was spent on winning over Republicans. And that's why he borrowed a Mitt Romney plan. Obama K was fundamentally a version of Romney, Karen Massachusetts. And he thought this will win over moderate Republicans. Instead, they spent the next 10 years obsessing over Obamacare. It became a dirty word for Republicans. They never gave him any credit for doing a very moderate conservative style proposal for health care reform. And this is the problem. They will never give you credit. Stop trying to appease them. I think that any Democrat who in this current moment says the word bipartisanship should be immediately primary, right? It just shows you're not prepared for this moment. We're in this current modern Republican body will never credit you for anything. Joe Biden bent over backwards for it to his old friends in the Senate who he hung out in the gym with for decades. They all went against him. No one gave him any credit. All of them voted against his major legislation, which was bipartisan legislation, apart from the infrastructure one. So it was it was it was a fool's mission to do that. By the way, you said something earlier about exposing the cracks. The fundamental thing Donald Trump has shown us is that the rules of American politics don't have to apply if you don't want them to apply. That's right. And therefore you can you can be ambitious, over ambitious. Grow Connor, who I know you know, who is probably going to run for president as a lefty in 2020. He gave a speech recently. He said, look, our ambitions, Democrats, we always limit our ambitions. As you just point out, ACA, we can't go there. We'll go here. Meanwhile, Republicans are like, you know what I mean, while Republicans are like, well, we're just going to annex Greenland. Did you, did you poll test that? Did you focus group it? Democrats sit in there getting every focus group, every policy consultant to check every policy for like costumes and how is it going to be received? And Donald Trump's like, I'm going to invade Greenland. That is the difference right now. And I think the next Democratic presidential candidate, and I say this only half seriously or only half jokingly depending on how you want to view it. The next Democratic candidate has to be able to stand up and say, I'm going to do, I'm going to give you a $30 minimum wage. And when the press say, well, how are you going to pay for that? Oh, I fucking will believe me. It's going to be amazing. I'll do it in day one 24 hours. You will have a $30 minimum wage. Right. You have to be able to take that same rhetoric and flip it on. Yeah, I think I think there's, there's no question now. And I think because one of the things that it exposed is that sort of the pace of democracy is not keeping up with the pace of technology. And it's not keeping up with the pace of modern life. And whatever we want to say about Donald Trump, even when he's going off the rails, the people believe he's doing shit. Yes. And they want shit to be done. And almost to the point where, and now we're stuck with the remnants of these sort of sclerotic institutions that the Democrats have have built not on principle, but on sort of what they thought might be possible. Yes. And the inability to run on your record, which of course, Joe Biden was a very poor messenger for his own record. I thought his domestic record was pretty good, relatively speaking. I thought his foreign policy was horrific, although even on foreign policy. In 2021, Joe Biden ended America's longest war, the war in Afghanistan. It was a hugely popular move. You wouldn't have believed it from the media coverage where it was only sold as a disastrous departure and everything in the departure and the departure was not non chaotic. I agree. But he ended the war in Afghanistan, something that Bush Obama Trump could not do. Isn't it interesting that Democrats went into the last year's election, looking at like the war-mongering party while the Republicans sold themselves as the anti-war party? Trump went to Michigan and said, I'm the peace candidate. I am peace. I didn't hear any Democrats say we ended America's longest war. None of these These wars would have started if. if I were here. But the interesting thing is when that gets exposed, again, nothing damages, you know, nothing permeates it. I've always said, you know, the Democrats are Wiley Coyote and Donald Trump is road runner and they keep thinking we got them now. So I want to push back, John. Can I push back, mildly? Please. I agree with you to agree with you to a certain extent and we'll see how this Epstein thing pans out. But I don't think we should fall into the trap of just giving him the inevitability of. Right. No, it's not an extreme. I don't mean that like he's, you know, one example I often give is immigration, right? That's the issue he's supposed to be strong on. He came in, I'm going to cut the border in Americans apparently and we're going to look at the polls. He's created on immigration. He at New York Times, he had a couple of months ago found that his most unpopular issue, the single most unpopular issue for Trump in his first 100 days, was his handling of Kilmar, Ubrago Garcia and the deportation to El Salvador. We were told by Republicans, that's an 80 20 issue Democrats are on the wrong side of it. Nobody wants to be on the side of MS 13. In fact, no, the American public said, no, we don't want people being deported, who haven't committed any crimes. We don't want judges being ignored. We don't want people being sent to a gulag in El Salvador. We don't want our American Latina citizens being picked up outside of Home Depot just because they're brown. He's hugely unpopular on the immigration issue. And Hakeem Jeffries allegedly, he denies this allegedly told Democrats, stop talking about the stop going to El Salvador. Actually, Senator Chris Van Holland and Congressman Maxwell Frost and Democrats who went to El Salvador, they were on the right side of the issue and they did politically hurt Trump. Yeah, I guess my point with that is you can politically hurt him. You can drive down his numbers, but nothing changes. You can, you know, like you say, he can pull at 35% on immigration, but he doesn't give a fuck. He just goes out there and he continues to raid Home Depot's. He's never been a particularly popular president. Probably the peak of his popularity was during that second inauguration, where there was even some level of like he might be above 50 or 51 percent in terms of he's always been a low 40s, sometimes dips into 30s guy. My point is even with all that, there's nothing he hasn't been able to do that he wants to ultimately do and the Democrats have not figured out a way how to effectively manage that. And that, I guess that was. Or or replicate it, John or replicate it. That's right. Democrats remain scared of their own shadows, right. And in hop to their consultants, you know, well, Trump just does what he's got to do. And sometimes it works out for him. Sometimes it doesn't. I mean, Kamala Harris, we know now from all the reporting within action. She started off strong. She had a lead. She said some populist stuff. She had a great convention. And I thought, what if I hold hands with Liz Cheney and we just, we do, we walk across the country? What if I hold hands with Liz Cheney? What if I go on the view and say nothing will change? There'll be no difference between me and Joe Biden. What if I listen to my brother-in-law from Uber and stop talking about big corporations and greedflation? Yeah, that worked out well. And I wonder to now, you know, all the talk of I'm the peace candidate and I'm doing this. And as we watch the bombings in Ukraine, the horrific tragedy that's happening in Gaza, you know, all that stuff clearly was nonsensical. But what institutions do we have now that have any viability to try and stop these terrible, like the Israel Gaza situation to me, to have to have that go on. And the world seemingly shrug. I mean, now you're seeing a little bit of like, hey, are, are those people starving? Like starvation doesn't happen in a week. This is months and years of a seed. Like what mechanisms do we have in the world now? Not many. And the few that we had have been undermined by Netanyahu, Trump, Biden, Starma, Sunak. I mean, for me, what's so astonishing is we spent decades building a post-war quote unquote rules-based order, which as a lefty, I was far from happy with a deeply flawed system. But we had some kind of system, a UN Security Council, a Geneva conventions, international court of justice, an international criminal court, which America didn't sign up to, but most of the world did. And all of that has been burned down in the interest of protecting one nation, one government, one prime minister. And I think historians will look back and think what an astonishing site to see all of it burned down, all of those institutions, anytime they've spoken out, they have been accused of being Hamas, accused of being anti-Semitic, accused of being anti-American. The United States government has sanctioned the international criminal court judges and prosecutor. They have threatened foreign governments for doing anything to help the Palestinians. They've gone after South Africa for bringing that case to the international court of justice. It is really, really problematic. This is much wider than Gaza. Gaza is a tragedy in a horror show, perhaps the worst of our lifetime. But going forward, this is going to have ripple effects that will affect conflicts and peoples all across the world. Good luck to any Western government ever lecturing another government about human rights or it's just insane. Oh, it sets, it sets a permission structure for any other bad actors to, to basically, that's what I said earlier about sort of this, you know, big fuck small. But it, there is a, the law of the jungle, the law of the jungle. That's right. And a permission structure. I guess my, my question even in that part of the world is, you know, why hasn't there been, you know, Erdogan will say, Israel can't do this. I'm going to attack and then like nothing. And there's, there's never any sense that there is a coalition of the willing for the world to step in and at least separate the combatants, you know. Yeah, do you remember, you're old enough, John, like I am to remember kind of the late 90s, when we were all taught about the responsibility to protect liberal interventionism, Kosovo, Clinton, blah, all of that. It was all about peacekeeping forces. It was all about the United Nations peacekeeping forces. Yeah. And, and that was going into national sovereign countries. This is going into an occupied territory. No, the inability, remember, remember the first couple of years of Ukraine, I spent arguing on my show at MSNBC with people like, should we have a no-fly zone? That was the big debate. Like should the US impose a no-fly zone over Ukraine to protect the people of Ukraine? I mean, the people in Gaza have never had the benefits of a no-fly zone. The people in Gaza have never had the benefits of peacekeepers. And the people in America don't know what's going on. I mean, that's the other thing you have to remember is we're seeing a very different, we don't see the images in the same way that the rest of the world is watching a very different show than we're watching. I think a lot of Americans, thankfully, are watching on social media. Yes. And as much as I loathe Mark Zuckerberg Instagram has been invaluable for Palestinians getting their voices out. And I think people who have seen stuff on social media different from people who haven't. And I think that's very clear. I think people aren't seeing the scenes obviously that you see on Al-Jazeera or anywhere else. But most people by now do recognize what's going on. I think the real problem, John, is not ignorance. It is the inability to do anything about the knowledge that we have. And I think the real democratic, I just talked earlier about the international repercussions of Gaza and what it's done to international law and the Geneva Convention and human rights groups, all of whom have been discredited. Every dictator in the world will say, I can bomb hospitals, Israel did. I can ignore human rights groups, Israel did. I can keep foreign journalists out, Israel did all those precedents. But worse than that at home, democratically, it is exposed the United States, democratic dysfunction that you have huge numbers, majorities of Americans, big majorities of Democrats saying ceasefire now, restrict arms to Israel. And that is not reflected in Congress at all. That is not, you know, there's polling out this week about how unpopular the war in Gaza is. I think it's only got a 32% approval rate amongst the American public. In Congress, it's got a 90% approval rate. So how do you explain that discinate? That 90% of legislators support something that only 30% of Americans do. At what point does that become intolerable? What point do people wake up and say, we're just not represented here by the people in power. It's a concern to the government. But that is in a weird way. And as on the Republican side too, by the way, John, you're seeing Republicans under the age of 50, right? Rapidly turning on Israel. But the dynamic that you're talking about, about the consent of the government is also though, what drove these right wing populist movements, the only difference is it's not Gaza, it's immigration or migration. And as you're seeing that take over the world, you know, these are the competing things we keep thinking about, well, you know, like I think all the time, about 90% of the people in this country believe sensible gun restrictions are a necessity to keep us from every time you hear a pop running out of malls. All of those things that people want, but it doesn't seem to hold the power that loss of national identity seems to be holding around the world. There's no matter what issue you want to pick on and where the public sentiment is and where the polling is, it all pales into the comparison to the feeling of we're going to lose our Americanness. We're going to lose our, you know, it is a very powerful trend. And you saw it not to wrap it back around to Jubilee, but that's what you face down that day. Well, I'm glad you brought about to Jubilee because I was about to bring about to Jubilee. It was interesting was not just the the power of that identity end of session. They don't want to debate anything about immigration. They didn't care about any of my other claims. They only came to talk about immigration. But what was interesting is I had a claim on Gaza. I said Trump's plan for Gaza is ethnic cleansing. A lot of those white supremacists refused to come up and debate me on that. Why? Because they're anti-Israel. And they're not anti-Israel because they care about the Palestinian people. They're anti-Israel because of the people in Israel, right? There's a massive anti-Semitic streak on the right. And when you talk about loss of identity. I have Twitter. I'm aware of the massive.
Yeah, sure what's interesting is how it's being mainstream through Gaza and this is why I say to Jewish friends of mine who are supporters of Israel be careful of the alliances you make the folks on the right a lot of them are using the same MAGA America first national identity argument to actually try and disconnect from Israel and a lot of people left like great isn't it great the Tucker Carlson and Marju Taylor Green and all these folks are on our side now and I'm like I'm not sure I want them on our side because they're not on our side for the same reasons like we're on our side because we care about Palestinian human rights and dignity and self determination that's right because we're anti-Jewish or anti-Semitic unfortunately a lot of these younger MAGA supporters are driven by this idea of national identity Christian national and therefore Muslims and Jews have no role in America and I would say this when the pro-Israel lobby is canceling people getting people fired pressuring con members of congress supporting people like Randy fine from Florida who says yeah let them starve let's new Gaza by the way you know what he read you find actually went too far for a bag for a bag a bag was like hey you can't say that out loud actually that part I think we may have to yeah but that part you shouldn't say on Twitter that's right but my point being is a lot of these you know Trump MAGA folks are like well we don't want Israel controlling our politics we don't all these Jews telling us what to do there's a dangerous trend there which I mean there's so many different fallouts and threads from Gaza and I think that is one of them that a lot of people aren't paying enough attention to many where do you see the energy you know what is going to be the way that this sort of idea that you're talking about on the left how is that going to coalesce you know do you think it's a function of you know if you look at the democratic autopsy they're all like oh I think the way you know the democrats can do this is that you just you go on the ova and then that should take care of everything you know what a judge is doing with peach book bootages is doing and you see them all sort of positioning now strategically for for all this you know the variety things what I love about what you do is there's a tenacious moral principle to everything that you put out there and and you do it in a way that is you know when you when you argue with people there has to be a relentlessness to it I don't think that the democrats have the foundational right now moral and principle stand to be able to be relentless in a in a very directional way because the only way to battle these is you have to match there you know the one thing that I always gave ails was like 24 hours a day seven days a week like that dude was the great white shark of making his political identity the ruling identity of this country I think you're a first of all thank you for your kind words second of all I 100% agree with you on the 24/7 nature of this the problem we have and I mentioned bootage at your moment ago if bootage is one on a podcast reason I saw a clip on my social media where he said he was asked about mum Danny's or on mum Danny who's doing a fantastic job of actually doing everything democrats need to be doing a new or right now in terms of energy in terms of messaging in terms of authenticity in terms of winning over young men and all these groups that democrats struggle with and he said oh well you know we need to borrow I'm paraphrasing but bootage at something along the lines we need to borrow his style I don't necessarily agree with all his policies which is kind of missing the wood from the trees or the forest from the trees I'm getting my British Americans mixed up do you go back to the pitch you'll find it the pitch I'll find it on the pitch and I think the key point there is no you need the substance and the style you can't just pick and choose mum Danny's not just doing well because he has slick savvy social videos which does it's because he's also pushing authentic messages about affordability about standing up for the little guy he's the guy went and screamed at Tom Homan people forget this like he was there as an activist screaming at Tom Homan the border chief few months ago like that authentic rage and anger and moral outrage has to be there on the part of the democratic party and you can't switch it on and off cynically depending on where and when you are Corey Booker being a classic example from your great state of New Jersey this is a guy who stands for 24 hours gives this amazing speech gets us all pumped up and then he's like next day he's voting for arms to Israel day after that he's voting to confirm Jared Kushner's dad is ambassador to France it cannot be on off switch when it comes to author I mean it's not authentic by definition if there's an on off switch that's right and it has to also I think be smartly litigated and that maybe gets us to our and cognizant of your time and I really appreciate the conversation but I think what's been lost here is you know the Fox News and the Republicans they've been this is a 60 year plan that they have had to to basically roll back the new deal and and you know the naturalization acts and everything that they felt changed the the tenor of this country into something that they don't want anymore as sort of a nostalgia for an America that never actually was and they're trying to rebuild that into a you know an America that they think you know and I've always said you know make America great again is a demotion we're supposed to be exceptional so if you just make us great you're actually you know giving us a demotion but what the Democrats have been unable to do is to prosecute their case is to litigate it and in some ways I think the news media has to take a lesson where is the one place maga really usually falls apart forgetting about the Supreme Court it's in court where there are evidentiary standards where there is a process by which you have to litigate the bonds of our shared reality the Democrat that's I think what they don't understand that this is about prosecuting and litigating a vision for the future that has evidentiary standards and that people can find to find something to hold on to and are there people that you've seen out there that you think and it can't be fiefdoms it has to be there has to be a unity to it and it has to work together with your think tanks and every you know you have to have a federalist decide you have to have groups that understand that once you get into a position where you can actualize that vision you have to do it competently and you have to do it quickly I think I I sign off on all of that and especially kind of the federalist society and the long-term vision of the Republican Party yeah I mean Democrats are not playing the same game they're not in the same league when it comes to kind of long-term planning what they did to the judiciary et cetera over decades to get the six three majority what I would say though the problem with again it goes back to the whole is the MSNBC the left wing Fox the same issue the same reason why MSNBC can't be a left wing Fox and the same reason why the Democrats can't behave like the Republicans is money fundamentally fundamentally comes back to money MSNBC and all these CNN and all of these outlets are corporate owned and therefore they will always have a corporate agenda in terms of profit maximization in terms of returns in terms of making sure Fox is corporate owned corporate owned but also you know has a particular ideological bend but purpose that is that is on steroids and it turns out their purpose is actually a money makes a money make it yeah they they get fascism with the side benefit of actually making money off uh preferable fascism yeah profitable white supremacy um but and the same applies to the Democrats like I could come up with a wonderful plan of action a project 2029 uh all sorts of things but the problem is that as long as they are beholden to corporate donors they're not going to take that step forward you know you can get rid of the Senate parliamentarian tomorrow you can get rid of the filibuster you can give Democrats a open playing field slash pitch to do what they want to do and they still won't do it because they don't want to piss off their donors a lot of the not all of them but a lot of them and until we deal with money in politics we're simply not going to have a proper opposition we are going to have you know coke and diet coke we are going to have uh kind of fascists and dare I say in some don't get fascist light and I think that is a fundamental problem in our system right now it does all go back to money in politics it does go back to citizens united it does go back to the ability of Rupert Murdoch and Roger Ailes and Elon Musk and Bill Akman and all of these people to influence our politics our media our culture and that fundamentally sorry to sound all biblical but money is the root of all American evil right now and it is and it has empowered this hostile takeover of we the people and again rolling back around to that idea of fetishizing the little guy and and we the people when in fact the opposite has occurred and the Supreme Court has empowered really this kind of much more authoritative processing of of all those avenues and in some respects then it comes down to is the answer the Democratic Party's right for a takeover and they just need to find the right reality host that can get in there and start lining up please all of those interests please please no no reality host I beg of you unless unless John you're thinking of throwing your hat in the ring which I know maybe Jeff pro survivor I know many people want you to throw your hat in the ring if that's what you're suggesting we can talk about that but but please otherwise no no TV show hosts but up but look I think New York in November will be a very very interesting result is there a lot of money wins it will be earth shattering on so many levels on multiple levels and I think he has a very very I think he's got the energy is there what I would say that that Zoran has that's really remarkable in this moment he has an opportunity to credit the entire
sort of progressive agenda, but I think the way that it has to be done is he's got to do the boring shit well. Agreed. If he can make his vision I think is really smart focusing on affordability and a much more equality of economic opportunity, all those things, if he can make the city competent, if that can be his focus, if he can bring that feeling of it, and I think progressives actually forget this sometimes. Everybody deserves the kind of safety and security that the rich Manhattan neighborhoods get. Everybody deserves that. If that's his focus, holy shit could this be a rebirth of a much more, I think, a fair-minded society that people feel confident will not, the big fear in New York is chaos, always. If he can do both, holy shit, does that guy have an opportunity? I agree. And I think it's much bigger than New York. I think it's going to be national and global. I think the impact of that election in November, if he wins, will be national and international. It will, it will be the biggest boost the left has had. I'm trying to think in my lifetime. I'm trying to think of when was the last time something this earth. Well, I think I think AOC winning that primary was big. I mean, I think people thought Obama was the boost. I think wrongly thought that but yes, two thousand. I think, but I think realized that quite an institutionalist he turned out to be. Yes. And how that damaged the prospects of getting to finish the bigger, but bigger than that, it will also be, you know, to go back to your point about Wiley Coyote, the Republican media machine is going to throw everything already is at Mamdani. By the way, so is the democratic. So it's exactly. Let's not give Gillibrand a pass on a horrifically Islamophobic comments about Mamdani. But my point is the right wing machine, including some right wing Democrats are throwing everything at Mamdani. If he wins, it will also be a reminder that you don't have to compromise. You don't have to bend the knee. You don't have to roll over. You don't have to triangulate to win. You can win authentically, and I think that will be a very scary message for the right. Medi, just a pleasure talking to you. I really appreciate it. MediHaus and founder and editor and chief of Zetaio, now with, and I hate to throw this out there, a million YouTube subscribers, which is I think you get something. I don't know if they give you a platinum. I want a plaque. I definitely want a plaque. Oh, YouTube sent me a plaque. All right. We'll do everything we can. Medi, it's a great talk to you. Appreciate it. Why do you get rid of a guy like that on MSM? Like, what are they thinking? He's so good. I was saying during like, I need whatever coffee he's drinking. I've never been that awake and alert in my life. And his specificity and his ability of recall and the way that he is able to be present, you know, seeing him surrounded by that odd group of sort of right-wing influence and just like a turret just spinning and firing back at each one until he ultimately decided, like, oh, this isn't a debate. Why am I even talking to you? It was the one man fighting 100 guerrillas. Yes. I would love to know the process Jubilee went through to find those people. Like, what forum did they just like chat for messages? Here's my, my feeling is you don't have to do much of a deep dive. Like, that's not one of those. If you skim any pond in any of the recesses on the internet, you will scoop up hundreds of those tadpoles because they're everywhere. It really is, like, it's not an unusual, you know, they're feeling their alt-right joy. It's discord chats come to life. Absolutely. And it's encouraged. Incentivized, algorithmically, incentivized, I'm not even sure it would exist if it wasn't, you know, at a certain point, getting attention for that on social media becomes, no, I really believe this. They get podcasts. I say, "Oraboros." That's exactly right. But I do think that idea of tenacity and relentlessness built upon a foundation of moral principle is kind of the only way out of this. And I think that the authenticity he comes in with is why his independent media is doing well, is because not just with politicians, I think, across the board. People are looking for truth and authenticity, and challenge to. And a resonant establishment, yeah. And I do think, you know, his point about corporate media I think is certainly well taken. And I also think the point of, you know, is it even right and left anymore, or is it just good faith, bad faith? And I think there is an opportunity within media to create a relentless 24/7 good faith machine. Yeah. That could still be entertaining. God, I hope so. Yeah, but we shall see. Brandy, what do the people want as the summer is going into its last month? Oh, boy. Do you think the FCC will also be going after shows with a conservative bias? But right now? No. But wait, what? Who wrote that? No. Have you met the chairman of the FCC? He's like shitposting co-bearers. There's no way. No, he's not going to be. He is going to. He is probably right now on a search for more right-wing billionaires that can buy up some more of these properties because there's going to be, you know, an acquisition and merger spree for these kinds of things. He wants to add more, go after conservative bias. Yeah. What? I also noticed like Fox News is getting in on the party now by counting how many conservative guests are on shows versus how many liberal guests are on shows. The entire bullshit of the, again, this is them trying to police and create rules that they would never follow. The idea that by having what may be a more left-leaning or progressive bent or just bringing in, that's how Fox is popular. That's how any of these people, you know, they all talk about Gutfeldt's the most popular yet. He's not popular because he's a both sides guy. He's not, you know, a fair use, like, you know, the fairness doctrine says, like he's relentless. And, you know, after a day of watching Fox News and being bathed in their very purposeful propaganda, it's a great way to top off the night, but it's not the Jay Leno like, why do you want to thank your audience? Why not just do a show about, you know, why do you have to talk about things you believe? Why would you? Why do you have to make jokes about things you actually think? And I'm just saying, I'm just going to go throw myself down a hill and see if I can get a concussion. I mean, all things fucking ridiculous. And it's, if you look at the social media profile, all the people that complain about the left wing bias, they're all right wing influencers. They all make their money. Their entire economy is based on how willing they are to attack and defame and to crush liberals. The whole thing is bullshit. Anyway, what's next? Pivoting from that. Pivoting from that. This is one is follow up from last week's podcast. Oh, John, do you think Democrats are capable of electing a vindictive prick? I do. I absolutely think they're capable. But when will a vindictive prick rise? A vindictive prick must rise from the east. I think for the Democrats, the vindictive prick must die. And then the new one is reincarnated. And then we have to wait 35 years. This is, it's like a Dalai Lama situation. The vindictive prick is just a little baby right now. It's not even about what what they're incapable of is using that idea of friction to get real concessions. I always go back to, you know, Donald Trump is like, if I catch you transferring the money you're paying for tariffs onto customers, like, I'll shut your business down. And the Democrats are like, great news. We can negotiate the price of five drugs. Now it's not the five that you use. But we got five of them. And we've got a whole plan that over the next 25 years, we're going to add 12 more. I'll be dead in 25 years. Right. And then Trump said he's going to know what he's going to, like, lower the cost of drugs by a thousand percent. Trump's not even, he's not even following the basic laws of math. Yeah, they're going to give you money when you along with your drugs. Sounds good, though. Pizza for everyone. But the Democrats are like, what is the parliamentarian thing? And Donald Trump is like, drug companies are going to pay you a thousand dollars to take O's epic. Congrats. What are we going to do? How do they keep sending those questions in there, Bernie? Twitter. We are weekly show pod Instagram threads Tik Tok Blue Sky. We are weekly
show podcast and you can like, subscribe and comment on our YouTube channel the weekly show with John Stewart. Well, thanks guys. As always, in the dog days of summer, you guys continue to kick, kick crazy ass, lead producer Lauren Walker, producer, Brittany Mimmedevich, video editor and engineer Rob Batola, audio editor and engineer to Cold Boys researcher and associate producer, Gillian Spear executive producers, Chris McShane, Katie Gray. We'll see you next week. The weekly show with John Stewart is a comedy central podcast is produced by Paramount Audio and Busboy Productions.
Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Medi Hassan was shocked by the hostile, non-debatable tone of the Jubilee episode, where far-right participants made fascist and xenophobic remarks instead of engaging in rational discourse.
The conservative movement has shifted from constitutional idealism to authoritarianism, using rhetoric of liberty while undermining checks and balances, particularly on issues like executive power and judicial independence.
Right-wing figures like Mike Lee and Justin Amash have shown bad faith in their constitutional claims, especially after being linked to efforts to overturn the 2020 election and supporting authoritarian appointments.
Trump’s media strategy, including settling with Fox News and promoting authoritarian displays, reflects a broader global playbook seen in India, Hungary, and Turkey, where media is controlled through legal, economic, and political coercion.
The U.S. democratic system has deep structural flaws—such as the Electoral College, gerrymandering, and Senate power imbalances—that are being exploited by authoritarian leaders who bypass institutional norms.
The failure of Democrats to act decisively, including Merrick Garland’s inaction on January 6 and the lack of prosecution for misconduct, has enabled a dangerous erosion of democratic accountability.
Trump has demonstrated that political power can be weaponized through emergency powers, corporate alliances, and direct confrontation with elites, revealing that democratic institutions are not impervious to manipulation.
A new Democratic platform must reject bipartisan appeasement and instead champion bold, uncompromising policies—like a $30 minimum wage—to regain public trust and counter authoritarianism effectively.
Summary:
Medi Hassan critiques the toxic shift in American political discourse, particularly on right-wing media platforms like Jubilee, where debate collapses into hostility and fascist rhetoric. He argues that conservative rhetoric once centered on constitutionalism has now morphed into authoritarianism, with figures like Mike Lee and Trump openly rejecting democratic checks and balances. This shift is mirrored globally in countries like India and Hungary, where media is controlled through state-backed propaganda and suppression.
Trump exemplifies this trend, using populist appeals, emergency powers, and personal attacks to bypass democratic norms, while simultaneously exploiting corporate interests and weakening institutions. Despite Democratic claims of reform, Hassan highlights systemic failures—such as inaction on January 6 and the failure to prosecute political misconduct—demonstrating a lack of courage in defending democratic principles. He stresses that the Democratic Party has become timid and institutionalized, avoiding bold reforms like a $30 minimum wage or anti-gerrymandering measures.
The real danger, he insists, is not just the rise of authoritarianism on the right, but the erosion of democratic institutions from within. A new political strategy—rooted in decisive action, transparency, and rejection of compromise—is essential to restore public trust and prevent future authoritarian takeovers.
FAQs
Medi Hassen believes that the debates on Jubilee were not genuine discussions but rather a coordinated attack, where participants expressed extremist views like fascism and anti-immigrant sentiment, shifting from a debate to a hostile, aggressive confrontation.
He observes a shift where conservatives, despite claiming to value the Constitution, now show hostility toward its protections, especially the first and fourteenth amendments, and use it as a tool to justify authoritarianism, often claiming to love only the second amendment.
He argues that Fox News functions as a propaganda arm of the Republican Party, actively shaping narratives, promoting conspiracy theories, and aligning with authoritarian rhetoric, unlike other media outlets which he sees as more balanced or independent.
He points to global examples like India, Hungary, and Turkey, where leaders have taken control of media through legal, economic, and political means, using similar tactics to Trump’s current approach in the U.S., such as lawsuits, defaming journalists, and undermining public media.
He sees Trump as a strongman who weaponizes power, undermines democratic institutions, and creates friction to push for authoritarian policies, showing that political systems can be exploited when leaders prioritize control over accountability.
He criticizes Democrats for avoiding bold reforms, relying on institutional excuses, and failing to act decisively on issues like constitutional reform, judicial accountability, and economic justice, which he believes enables authoritarianism to thrive.
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