A Bulwark Against Trump (Finally) with Sarah Longwell
1h 25m 9s
The transcript blends holiday shopping advice with a powerful political reflection. Ulta Beauty is highlighted as a destination for thoughtful, brand-backed gifts, while Sam’s Club offers themed clubs that reflect diverse consumer behaviors. The core narrative centers on Jon Stewart’s emotional response to a historic Democratic electoral victory, which he describes as a moment of genuine hope and democratic renewal. Sarah Longwell, a political observer and author, shares how voters—particularly those who once supported Trump—have rejected the MAGA movement due to its failures on economy, immigration, and governance. She stresses that the shift was not just political but cultural, rooted in a rejection of division and a return to human connection. Through focus groups, Longwell reveals that voters are not monolithic, but complex individuals whose values are multifaceted and often contradictory. The mood of the moment is one of renewal, where people recognize that political change requires trust, empathy, and a recommitment to democratic values. This transformation is also reflected in media and public discourse, where right-wing infotainment has lost influence and the electorate is now more engaged and self-aware. The tone is hopeful, emphasizing that the election’s outcome represents not just a win, but a chance to build a more inclusive and compassionate society. The episode concludes with a call to action—encouraging generosity and mindful giving, exemplified by Quince’s gift-focused products and the broader message to prioritize others over self.
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Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to the Weekly Show Podcast.
My name is Jon Stewart.
On this Wednesday morning, November 4th, you may hear in my voice a slight rasp, a slight
hoarseness, but also an inflection of some would call it enthusiasm, excitement.
I don't know if you've been paying attention.
There was an election last night, the midterm elections, and I'm left with a feeling as
I watch the results up until, I want to say, three in the morning, something along those
lines, but it fills me with, it's a hard to describe feeling, one that is a little
bit alien to me within these times.
I believe it's referred to as hope, or that might be its ancient name, you know, the Egyptians
referred to it as hope.
What an exciting feeling of opportunity.
What an exciting repudiation of cruelty and shittiness in our politics.
The Democrats ran actual good candidates who seem in it for virtuous and nonpolitical salesman
reasons.
It was an incredible night.
I was watching it.
The, the, I can only liken it, you know, you're seeing they haven't had a Democratic Senator
in a hundred years.
This was like the Knicks championship.
This was Nixon five.
This was watching result after result.
Each result was like OG Ananobi, just tipping in another one, just up there, hanging in
here with old Wemby representing the Republican Congress.
Sorry to do that to you, Wemby.
OG just tipping in.
South Carolina.
Boom.
No way.
There's no way.
Every five minutes was another explosion of, I can't believe they came back like this.
It's an incredible night.
And now all they have to do is fucking govern, govern sanely, govern competently.
This victory means nothing if squandered, but oh, the beauty of hope and opportunity,
raising its.
Delicious head.
Uh, and, and, uh, boy, have I been waiting for a night like this for a very long time.
And I hope you have as well.
And I hope you're feeling that same feeling of it's not it.
It's an exhalation that creates the space for progress.
And I just am so excited for it.
Uh, and, and to that end, we got a great guest to discuss all that happens.
So let's just get right to it.
Uh, ladies and gentlemen, delighted, delighted to welcome today, Sarah Longwell, New York
times, bestselling author of how to eat an elephant, one voter at a time publisher of
the board and host of the focus group, uh, podcast.
And I'm going to let the people in on something.
This is, uh, backstage knowledge.
I hope I'm not in any way, uh, you know, portraying any confidences.
Sarah Longwell has not slept.
How could I sleep?
How could I sleep?
We just had the greatest night in America.
It's been 10 years and I wanted to be awake for all of it.
I wanted to be on Twitter.
Uh, I was filled with adrenaline.
Um, I wanted to revel in the, some of the shot and Freud, the, the, the greatness of
democracy.
I am just, uh, and I'm still running on it right now.
Sarah, you just said a sentence that I've not heard in, in maybe ever in my life, which
is I want it to be on Twitter.
You said out loud to me, I wanted to say I was feeling joyful.
Yeah.
Yeah.
What was it like being on Twitter?
Was it, uh, were you Conan the barbarian?
Were you, were your enemies lamenting before you?
What, what was the situation there?
Yeah.
I would say I'm like at a high level of insufferability on Twitter right now, um, in large part because
listen, I have been waiting for 10 years for a thorough repudiation of Trump and his political
project and we got it last night.
And I didn't want to miss a second of it.
And so, uh, some of it was to be, to be fair, was watching some of the people who had been
saying that the polling was wrong and Trump would persevere once again.
It was, um, it was reveling in their tears just a bit, but mostly, mostly it was election
nerd, Twitter watching the margins.
Um, because that's the really satisfying part when you see places like South Carolina and
Texas and Kansas.
They, the difference.
The Democrats didn't win in those places on a knife's edge.
It wasn't a whisper.
It wasn't a hair.
It was six points, seven points.
It was awesome.
And um, and, and that's just, that's what I've been waiting for from the American people.
And it is frustrating that it took this long.
I wish that it had happened sooner.
I wish that it happened because Donald Trump tried to overturn an election, lied about
the election, all of his manifest, uh, sort of venality.
But what it ended up being was that the American people were hurting, uh, over the economy,
over the war, over Trump's, uh, lying, not caring about them.
And they sent a message and it was just, it was something I wanted to revel in it.
And as re and revel, you should, you've earned it.
It, it reminds me, you know, it w I feel like the Democrats should all be faded in the Canyon
of heroes, not that the Democrats, but the voters, the American voting public should
get a ticker tape.
Parade.
Today.
for being really the one remaining institution in this country that had the courage to repudiate
the reality distortion machine that has been the Donald Trump project.
The universities fell before his feet. Law firms fell before his feet. And the American people
said, oh, let me just give you a quick little reality check here. This isn't the greatest
economy in the history of our country. Yeah, look, I know the way so many of my
colleagues feel. I've certainly felt this. We like I said, we wish that this had come sooner.
We wish it came for other reasons. But this I can't overstate. And I like to be careful about
overstating. This is not the day for that, Sarah Longwell. This is the day to overstate.
Listen, put yourself out on a limb. Listen, we have made deep, structural,
change right now. Just think about the Supreme Court. If the Democrats now have a Fetterman proof
majority in the Senate, we are looking at somewhere Fetterman proof. Yeah, we are going to be over
250 seats in the House, which is a governing majority. We haven't seen it's an earthquake
in Texas. They didn't just get the Senate seats. They got the governor's races in so many of these
places. And do you know what that means? It means all of the things that we have sat around being
so scared of.
Donald Trump could just stay in office, that he could unleash ice on the streets, that we couldn't
get our democracy back. No, what we are watching right now is our ability to bring it back. One of
the things that's crazy about last night is how many new voters there were in the system. In Texas,
the number of people who showed up who were first time voters, the number of Gen Z and young
millennials who showed up. This is about building the future and the range of Democrats who won,
like the.
ideological breadth of them, the deep red places they ran in, the trifecta in Wisconsin, the way
we're going to be able to beat back so many of the gerrymandering. And you know what? They tried to
gerrymander us out of that majority and they didn't get anything in Texas. They did a mid-cycle
redistricting and Texas voters send them packing. They didn't pick up anything from that. The people
who've been helped Donald Trump try to overturn the election, like Scott Perry in my home district
in central Pennsylvania, he got beat. He got crushed by Janelle Stetson last night. It's just,
I mean, if you have hopes of Ossoff in 2028, if you've been watching him thinking, my God, what
is this? What is this man? And you were like, oh my gosh, but he can't run for president because
he's in Georgia and they can't give up that Senate seat. Well, Keisha Lance Bottoms is the first
Black woman to be governor of Georgia. And if he wants to run now, she can appoint another Democrat
to that seat. I mean, it's just, it's just glorious, John. You can stop me. Sarah, Sarah Longwell,
I want to know.
I want to know what your Starbucks order is. I want to know. I want to know what's keeping you
on this. I'll calm down. This Jeremiah, don't calm down at all. I am, I am enjoying this.
This is, uh, uh, you are reflecting.
the emotional sentiment. If I were a younger man, I would have the same pace and rhythm
that you are speaking in right now. But I'm enjoying spectating on your joy and your excitement
and it is grounded and it is founded. Sarah, these past 10 years, I always viewed Trump as
a black hat hacker. And he was able to find the holes and vulnerabilities in a constitutional
system that we thought was so brilliantly and meticulously designed that nothing,
and it turned out it was all built on a kind of handshake agreement that we would all kind of
abide by the constitutional precepts. And it was proven to be false. But the one area,
that redeemed it all, was the little part of it called the consent of the governed.
That was the thing last night that turned the tide on all of the rejections of the constitutional
checks and balances that had been built in this system that Donald Trump had obliterated
over these years to turn this country into, and I don't know how you feel about this, but
he attempted,
to make us an adjunct of the Trump organization. Just a group that was ruled by the whims of someone
who doesn't even have, you know, a shareholders board, doesn't have anything controlling him,
the Congress. And what a repudiation of a lily-livered Congress this was. And I did say
lily-livered just to give you the chance to understand that I'm in my sixties. I was going to
say, I was going to say petty fog, but I, I pulled back and said, no, I don't want to say petty fog.
But I, I pulled back and said, no, I don't want to say petty fog. But I, I pulled
back at the, I, I, it was right at the tip of my brain and I pulled it back at the last moment.
But speak about that because you, your life's work is out there talking to voters. And this idea of
we had forgotten Washington exists in such a bubble that sometimes we forget that in a
representative constitutional democracy, the consent of the governed is still that most
powerful final backstop. You know,
when Trump won in 2016, I was so shocked. I couldn't imagine a country that would put,
elevate Donald Trump to the presidency. And I, I had this idea. I was like, well, we've got to
primary him, you know? And I, I was a, I was a Republican, kind of a normie centrist Republican,
but I was like, we've got to, we've got to go get our normie centrist Republicans to primary him.
And I was talking to Adam Kinzinger and I was talking to Larry Hogan and in Maryland, and I was
saying, come on guys, one of you have to run. And they were like, well, go figure out if that's even
possible. And so I went and did a bunch of polling at focus groups. And as I was sitting
in the focus groups, it was like a revelation in a bad way, because what, what I heard from voters
was how much they were fine with Trump, like all the reasons that they wanted him, all the reasons
they were against the establishment, all the reasons they wanted something new that they saw
him as transcending politics. And it struck me how disconnected I was sitting in Washington, DC,
doing think tank panels on education,
reform and the national debt and that policy that norm, you know,
normie centrist love to talk about. And I was like, man, this is not how voters are thinking
about things at all. And, you know, Abraham Lincoln said, and I opened with this quote,
public sentiment is everything in a democracy. That's just what it is. The voters. And so like
their cheat code for politics. And it was amazing to me after I started just listening and listening
to more and more voters. I mean, I got addicted. I was like, I need more voters right now to tell
me what's going on. It became the only way for me to understand politics. And I was like, I need more
people to understand politics because too many pundits try to understand it through their own
experience. But of course, the pundits who are talking about politics right now, they're not
unable to buy beef at the grocery store. They're not going to the gas station being like, well,
this is too expensive to fill up my nice car, but the average American is, and they talk about it
all the time. And so when I talk to voters, I just feel like I get a true picture of what is
happening in the country and what is a priority for them. And it is often not so connected to what
we're talking about in Washington, D.C. And so I was just like chasing the dragon from 2016 on.
I've done nothing but listen to voters. I've already done a focus group today. I've done two
today. In fact, wait, wait, wait, Sarah Longwell, you've buried the lead. I got to know you buried
the lead of this. You know, here we are talking about we're in a celebratory moment. We're talking
about the game last night. We're going over tape. We're going over the things you're at. You're
already studying. You're already going for. No, the Super Bowl. That was last night. I'm working on
what's our next game? What's next season? Because this was more than, you know, I think maybe 2016 was that way as well.
This was a visceral election. You people were feeling something deep in their souls
that did not sit with them. Right. And I think you're so right to say it's not necessarily
about parsing educational policy or, you know, the federalist system that people were
feeling a sense of unease. I think they felt and we'll talk about this maybe right now when you go
over your focus groups. And I don't know if you discussed this, but I felt that the kind of right
wing experiment spearheaded by kind of banning using Eastern Europe as our test kitchen where
they would say, like, what about Hungary? I kind of like their soft, illiberal kind of illiberal
democracy, soft authoritarian. That's what we're talking about. We're talking about a very, very
conservative democracy. We're talking about
a very conservative democracy. That's a wonderful
project that we can graft onto America. That's something we should be pursuing. And they
pursued it relentlessly and they've had a lot of success with it. But I think last night,
America rejected the organ. They that they viewed it as a foreign experiment
and the T cells and whatever our immune system has still left, rejected that graft. I think that's
exactly right. But here's it's not that it was a would you say? I'm not sure what kind of spirit,
but it was a failed experiment. By the way, sir, I'm talking a lot of shit. So you're going to say,
what did you just say? And I'm going to go. I don't remember. I just I'm talking. I'm talking
a lot of shit right now. I'm just going to use a slightly different word, which is the American
people know a failed experiment when they see when there was a lot of people who gave Trump a chance,
who gave this Republican they gave them a chance to do what? OK, let's make America great again.
OK, what does America first look like? OK, if your economy is good, I'll ignore some of the,
you know, worst impulses of it. And then they watched and they got the results. And some for
some Americans, it was a stove touching exercise, right? They had to get burned. They had to feel
the pain before they understood why this was a failure. And so that's what you are seeing right
now is this rejection, this backlash. And this is what's look, man, I'll tell you, this is why
I wrote the book. This is why I think we have a generational opportunity. Yes. Burn maggot to the
ground and salt the earth with its ashes. And it starts with this 2026 election, which was always
necessary, but not sufficient, but has moved us forward even further than I thought it might
by just the sheer scale of it all, because the the rejection of MAGA going forward,
the way that we don't fall to that of liberalism, the way that we don't become hungry is with this
thorough repudiation. And yes, it's probably, again, because of a lot of these economic issues.
But when I was doing the focus group this morning, it was also just a lot of people saying because I
did a group with Republicans who voted for Democrats who showing up to that, who like
the morning after we pay two hundred dollars to wait to throw down too large to go really do a
couple of honeys. OK, we'll go high. We'll go high for a morning focus group in the aftermath
of an election. We screened them. We screened them earlier. We knew we knew who they were going to
vote for. And and we just got them on to talk about why. And it was funny. They're not going
through what I'm going through right now, what you're going through. They're not sitting around
doing victory laps. They're just they're being like, yeah, everything was really bad. They've
screwed it up. Trump made these choices about the war. He made the choices about tariffs. And I
wanted to send a message that what they're doing sucks. I mean, several people described it as a
shit show. And and so, you know, and then also on top of it, one of the things that was heartening
to me is how much a lot of times you get sort of lesser of two evils framing where they're like, I
didn't want to vote for either. Everyone was bad. This was a little bit more like I thought James
Tallarico ran a really nice campaign. You know, I thought he was doing something different. I liked
the pitch where they said they were going to try to work with everybody, where they were not going
to be cruel and mean, like they liked the tone of what Democrats were saying in these places. And
that gives me hope for the future that Democrats can build on this by taking some of the lessons
that can be drawn from this moment.
I hate the news. I hate what it's doing to me emotionally. I hate that you don't really
know where the information is coming from. Sometimes you don't know how it's being manipulated
and it adds to the creeping fog of sadness that grows. But I have to keep up. I have to understand
what's going on in the world. And that's why Ground News it's they've got a website. It's an app. It
lets you compare news coverage across the board to understand how you're being zoomed.
Do you know what I'm saying? You can see how different news outlets will frame the same story.
They've got a blind spot feed so you can challenge yourself about your news consumption.
You'll see who owns what news outlet to understand why they're framing the stories the way they are.
This is the one.
This is the one you should get a hold of.
Enlighten yourself, please.
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And by the way, to your point, Sarah, and I reflect everything back to sports, unfortunately, but, you know, every now and again, a draft class shows up where it's just like these quarterbacks that you can't believe.
Like, what?
How did we get five Hall of Famers in one class?
I thought more than in any year that I can recall, Democrats ran generationally competent, interesting candidates.
Right.
On a spectrum of kind of political ideology, some feeling a little bit more on a progressive tip, a more socialist tip.
And then, you know, the guys in Iowa that are, you know, Turek and their governor, Rob Sand, Rob Sand, who I thought was really impressive.
They ran a much more committed and competent group of individuals.
You know, I've always said Donald Trump is going to make America great again.
Just not in the manner in which he thought, because I think the the immune system reaction to him will create not to go Kennedy on this shit, but the torch being passed to a new generation of leadership that is showing itself.
And I want to go back to something that you said.
You said, you know, we've got to repudiate MAGA.
But I want to ask you if you think it's it's broader than that, because I think MAGA was also.
It was also a repudiation of a feckless Democratic leadership and a government that wasn't responding, you know, to the needs of the populace in a way that was agile enough.
And we can't go back to that.
The repudiation of MAGA last night cannot be seen outside the context of the repudiation of whatever that.
And I'll frame it as the neoliberal status quo, democratic governance of the past.
It's why seeing Chuck Schumer out there last night, give his acceptance speech.
I don't know if you saw Sam Seder, if you know Sam Seder on.
But he was hilarious watching Chuck Schumer and losing his fucking mind.
As Chuck Schumer went right into like, what an amazing night to we took a red brick.
Wall and we took the bricks and each brick, we put different bricks and you're just like, I think that might be the wrong tempo, you know, not my tempo.
Chuck, let's go.
But but what do you say to that?
That it's not just about the recklessness and the fecklessness and the cruelty of MAGA.
The Democrats have to rebuild something new.
A hundred percent.
But I got it.
Tell you right now, that argument seems to people are fighting along these factional lines of like, should the Democratic Party be more centrist?
Should the Democratic Party be more progressive?
I don't I don't mean it in that way.
I don't mean it in that way.
No, no, no.
I know.
I know.
But this is sort of like this.
That's what's in the system.
It was the big fight sort of going into this.
It was a fight about, you know, the Haley Stevens versus Abdul El-Sayed.
Like this played out in a lot of different races.
Yeah, I'm not.
I'm not talking about that.
But I'm going to use it to, I think, express your point, which is to say what voters
were looking for in each of these cases.
And when I talk about a broad ideological range, what I mean is Adam Hamilton in Kansas
ran neither a centrist nor a progressive campaign either way.
He ran something.
He ran a tremendously human campaign.
Yes.
Something that transcends politics overall.
Right.
It's above it.
It's something that says and Tallarico did, too.
I mean, I think, you know, Republicans were mocking Tallarico's faith, but Tallarico ran
a faith human campaign.
One where he said, I see you.
I know you're hurting.
I'll be kind to you.
I'm going to love my neighbor.
Both of them ran these like love thy neighbor campaigns that aren't.
And so when you say something new, some of it is just like getting rid of our old paradigms
where we feel like locked into it's all the like pro-life and pro-choice of it.
And I'll tell you something about listening to voters that you come to understand pretty
quickly is like voters aren't linear thinkers and they're not segmenting people into these
things like it's a big stew of stuff.
It's a people are a weird salad.
I got five.
One more voter.
Be like, they're like, if that's not the name of your next book, Sarah, people are a weird
salad.
Come on.
They are.
That's got to be.
That's got to be the follow up book.
It's like, do you put croutons in it?
Yeah.
But I also put carrots in it.
But I also put I don't know, a meatball in it.
Like, this is how this is how voters are.
Yes.
And and and they'll say, you know, in one breath, they'll be like, I, I, I'm pro life,
but I believe in a woman's right to choose.
Okay.
Well, what does that even mean?
I'll tell you what it means.
It's somebody who says, Well, I have these personal values where I wouldn't have an abortion,
but I don't want the law repealed.
And that's too extreme for me.
It might be like I want a closed border, but I don't want them to drag off the abuela down
the street or the guy who's been living and working here for 20 years.
Like, it's not so linear the way politics is.
People contain multitudes.
And so if politicians could run as humans and talk to people like humans, which is a
lot of what just happened, you could break out of some of this internecine squabble and
be like, we're going to be super.
Focused on.
And this is why it is a fight for the soul when the Trump sort of dark night of the soul
stuff.
The American carnage.
Trump wanted us to hate each other.
He wanted to divide us.
He was that's the strategy anger all day long to pull us apart.
And this can be us coming back together, not just to build political coalitions, but to
rebuild America in the spirit with which it was originally intended, which is a pluralistic
society in which we all get to say and like we learn to live together and all our differences.
But that, Sarah, that but that's no fait accompli, because, you know, one of the kind of seminal arguments that's being made on the right right now is that we are not that, you know, when you have J.D.
Well, they're wrong. Sorry. I agree. I've read the thing a couple of times, the Constitution. It seems to be somewhat creedal.
But when you have someone out there who is who is saying as part of his platform, there are heritage Americans who this country belongs more to than others.
And it is not based on how they view the Constitution. It is not based to their fealty to a rule of law or to whatever, you know, documents that we had that were part of our founding. It is literally based on how long you've been here. And did you come from a generally white Christian European country? That's this that's this kind of pitch.
Right. And it's also a fundamental misunderstanding of who we are as a country. In fact, it's just like completely wrong.
But it was it was the seed of, look, Donald Trump, for whatever we think about his policies, one of his one of the the nuclear power packs in his rise was nativism. Most certainly.
A hundred percent. Here's the thing. If you think about American voters, though, on a spectrum, there are the people who responded to the nativism. And then there's the people who responded to, I think we should have a border that's closed so we know who's in the country.
And like then everything in between on that spectrum, like the nativism and the racism
is real, but also a big chunk of those voters are people who are like when he said he was
going to build a wall, what they heard was just somebody who's going to take immigration
seriously and a bunch of politicians who haven't been right.
This is sort of Mamdani in New York where people heard him talk about his explicit policies
of free buses or whatever.
And they're kind of like, I don't really care about the explicit policy.
I just know this guy is laser focused on affordability.
And so like I'm going there.
And so I think that is what I try to do.
What part of listening to voters is that I see the worst stuff and then I also see the opportunity for persuasion for people who are not being awful but have reasonable views on things like fairness.
They'll talk about like, well, I know people who came here, you know, and they were waiting in line for this length of time.
And these other people just came over the border and like that's not somebody being crazy.
And so, right. To me, I always feel like you can build the biggest, broadest coalition by taking some of those rational people who are voting for a bad thing for not irrational, horrible reasons and like try to get them into your coalition.
How do you do persuasion? Sarah, have you will will people share with you the worst stuff?
Oh, yeah. Well, when you're in a focus group, have people become immune to masking that? Like, will they share it? Is Trump's coalition now have all those people you're talking about? Are they the ones that dissipated? And the core of it really is that nativist kind of more cruel that share with you the worst stuff?
Yeah, I mean, so one of the things we do in focus groups as a, I'll call it a methodology of qualitative, is to make sure that the groups are actually homogenous. So we don't have. So we don't have. Oh, really?
Yeah, so at the beginning of every group, we'll say, this is a like-minded group.
You all voted for Donald Trump in 2024, and you think he's doing a bad job now.
Because the number one way to get people to tell you the truth is for them to not feel
like the people around them are going to judge or fight them.
And so the way that you, and people do things differently, different qualitative people,
but my experience has shown me that the way to get the truth out of people is to put them
with people that they know agree with them.
To feel safe.
Yeah, to feel safe and just tell the truth to each other, and for the moderator to always
be on their side, so that they feel comfortable saying things.
Now, look, in a group of strangers, do people always, you know, say the most racist thing
that they think, or the most sexist thing that they think?
No, but I've heard plenty of it.
Wait, so the moderator, does the moderator have to be in there being like, yeah, Mexicans,
I mean, come on, those are, like, how do they do that?
Basically.
So I've moderated a bunch of these, and I don't know if you can tell from my hand movements,
but I'm a lesbian, and so, you know, you'll be in a group, and you'll just listen to some
old guy be like, and there's all these gays, you know, and, like, the gay basketball players,
or, you know, whatever, and they just want to trans everybody and groom everybody, and
you just sit there being like, uh-huh, okay.
You know, it's not that you say, I agree with you, you should nuke the NWNBA and all the
lesbians there.
It's just that, you know, you. You say, ah, yes, that's a. You just treat it like it's all a valid perspective.
For those of you who are watching at home, I want to reiterate, or not watching at home,
but listening, her hand movements do not give away any kind of lesbianism.
I just want to make that very clear.
Strong wrists.
Strong wrists.
It seemed vaguely ethnic to me.
There was a little bit of movement, but nothing in the. It's. And that part of it, understanding that, what you're saying, I think. I think resonates, but I think you're a very good person to do that, and I want you to
talk a little bit about your story, and I want to bring it back to earlier on, you were
saying, we, we finally did it.
We turned this over.
For those who don't know Sarah Longwell's story, you know, you started out as a relatively
conservative Republican, I guess, closeted at some level with the people working for,
you know, real culture warriors.
And. And. What does it feel like for you, your journey through that, to be. I mean, you're a full-on, like, I'm, like, watching somebody in a Knicks jersey sitting
next to Spike Lee, like, high-fiving, like, I've always been a Knicks fan.
Like, what. Where's your head at?
How does that feel for you?
Okay.
I'm very excited for this part of the show, because I'm going to live out a dream of mine
in the next couple of minutes.
So everybody buckle up.
All right.
Everybody just hold on.
You especially, Mr. Stewart.
What kind of movement are we about to see?
I'm gripping the mic hard, because I need it to stabilize myself, because I'm about to
have a dream moment.
All right.
Here we go.
So I did.
I grew up in a very small town in central Pennsylvania, very culturally conservative,
all white.
And I didn't come out until I was, you know, in my 20s.
I was kind of. I became a John McCain fan in college.
But my specific journey. I wouldn't consider myself super conservative.
I just. I was thinking of myself as kind of a normie Republican squish.
But it was in reaction to, you know, the way you describe it, that Bill Clinton's kind
of moral turbitude is what drove you.
Oh, yeah.
You want to go that deep on my past?
Yeah.
Okay.
If that's okay.
No, that's fine.
That's totally fine.
Because I write about all this in the book.
It was a reaction to something that you saw as corrupt.
Yeah.
So, you know, sometimes politics, it hits you at different ages, right?
And so I'm 18 when Bill Clinton is impeached.
We're sleeping with Monica Lewinsky, who is not much older than I am at the time.
And so that impeachment was really formative for me.
And the discourse around it was really formative.
So watching feminists and sort of Democrats rally behind him after he had lied to the
American people when he said, I did not have sexual relations with that woman, you know,
I'm young and idealistic.
And I think, well, that's really gross.
And I was like, that's a gross thing to do.
It's a bad thing to do.
And so the people who defended him were sort of discredited to me.
At that early age.
Right.
I saw that.
But on the inverse, though, and this was a little bit of a problem, is that I ultimately
gave too much credit to his critics.
Right.
Because my first exposure to them was on something I thought they were right about.
But I was too young and the Internet wasn't quite a thing yet.
Sure.
You didn't know.
You didn't know Gingrich's backstory.
I didn't know Gingrich's backstory.
I didn't know Rush Limbaugh's backstory.
I didn't know they were all married a thousand times.
And I also didn't know I was gay.
And so I went to work after college at a very conservative think tank.
Also, again, by accident.
And this is a true story.
I got stoned because there was this place that funded student newspapers.
And I didn't do anything really political in college.
I played sports.
I played softball and field hockey.
Again, lesbian.
But I wrote a couple of things for the conservative magazine at the time.
So they invited me to this dinner at the fanciest restaurant on campus.
And so I got high and went.
I was like, I'm going to eat a great dinner, a free dinner for me.
And then the guy who was taking us out was like, I started telling him about my thesis or something.
He was like, OK, you should come work at this place.
I just said, yes.
I didn't have a job.
I didn't know what I was going to do.
I ended up at a pretty conservative think tank.
And I ended up working for Christine O'Donnell.
Do you remember that name?
No.
Christine O'Donnell.
Yes, you do.
Because she was not a witch.
Oh, shit.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Where was that?
Delaware?
In Delaware.
Is that where she ran?
That's where.
That's where I was.
I moved to Delaware.
Christine O'Donnell ran in Delaware.
And it was.
Yeah.
She had the commercial.
I am not a witch.
That was her closing argument.
Yes.
Son of a gun.
And she was the.
She was.
So.
So this was before all of that happened.
But I ended up at this pretty conservative think tank that that funded.
It had like this separate thing that funded conservative campus and libertarian newspapers.
Right.
But she ran the communications for the whole thing.
And this was in the on the kind of the Sarah Palin wave where they were looking for.
Those like tough women that had that conservative.
I remember.
It was the Tea Party wave.
Tea Party wave.
Tea Party wave.
That's what it was.
That's right.
Yes.
That's right.
So.
So before she was the Christine O'Donnell who lost to Senator Chris Coons.
Still Senator Chris Coons.
Yes.
Still senator.
Yeah.
She was.
She worked at the same place that I did.
And when she left, I got her job.
And I was quite young.
I was about 25.
And it had a publishing imprint.
So it published mostly published like the Constitution and Aristotle.
So whatever.
Was it Regent or Regents?
One of those, you know, those.
Yeah.
It's like it is something like that.
Regnery.
Regnery.
That's what it was.
And so.
But but it was well, I aside books, but Regnery, it's like a similar thing.
Yeah.
Yeah.
So they were publishing Rick Santorum's book.
And so as a 25 year old who was just starting to come out, I end up on Rick Santorum's book tour.
OK.
And I have to run sort of the part for the publishing company.
Now, I was the lowest person on the totem pole.
I was the youngest person there.
I was not important.
But it was a terrifying stretch for me.
And I just want to read you, if you'll indulge me.
I remember one part of my book.
So it takes a family.
Well, right.
Because he came on your show.
Yes.
And I was with him.
You don't remember me, but you and I have met before because we met in the green room of your show when you were interviewing Rick Santorum.
And if you don't mind, I just like to read you this part of the book.
Yes.
During the book tour, I traveled with him several times, him being Santorum.
He had a lot of kids and sometimes the older ones.
We'll join him on the road.
I remember taking the train with him and his two oldest kids to New York at one point to do The Daily Show with Jon Stewart.
They were there.
Santorum was a devoted dad and an easy hang because he was.
I got to meet Jon Stewart in the green room and it was like a dream.
I remember that when he walked in and saw me and Santorum's kids, he said to the senator, wow, you have a bigger entourage than Snoop Dogg.
But the trip.
I still use that joke, by the way.
Yeah.
OK.
But that trip was also when things began to shift as nice as Santorum was to me.
I found myself in.
And I was eternally cheering against him as I stood off stage while Stewart took his anti-gay marriage argument apart brick by brick.
Other interviewers hadn't managed that kind of devastating pushback and watching it happen live jolted something in me.
I'd been surrounded by people who agreed with Santorum for the last few years, and Santorum himself was deeply competent at defending his worldview.
Gay marriage was far from becoming a reality.
I still wasn't out to my parents and it just hadn't occurred to me yet how to advocate for such a thing.
I'd been standing in the wings of the studio watching Jon Stewart forcefully and nimbly argue in favor of gay marriage.
I realized I could do that, too.
Oh, my God.
So this is the moment when I get to tell you that you changed the trajectory of my life with that interview with Santorum.
And after that, I went and I became I joined Young Conservatives for the Freedom to Marry, Logcam Republicans, anything I could do to repeal.
Don't ask, don't tell, fight for gay marriage as a Republican.
And then so when you ask me, what does it feel like now?
That was.
The question where you started this.
It feels like being an American because I don't have to play politics like a team sport between Democrats and Republicans.
I can still play it as somebody who loves the country, who feels like it gave her an enormous gift and who wants to see it thrive and succeed.
And that means a thorough repudiation of Trump.
That's what I got.
But I've always wanted to thank you for giving me that moment.
You don't have to thank me because I remember that interview being.
pleasurable to be able to do that
to Rick Santorum for
that pleasure is how I feel today. So that's how it feels. Oh my goodness.
That's how the journey feels.
So how you doing? Let me, let me ask you a question.
I know you've been listening to podcasts and hopefully you're engaged.
Hopefully it's something interesting, but let me ask you a question.
I didn't want to bring this up and I certainly don't want to pry, but, uh,
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What do you got going? What do you got them in a drawer somewhere?
Done the basement. You're always looking around for one. Well,
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What makes you,
I think such an interesting kind of Rosetta stone to this is your journey
reflects the complexity of what we're all feeling because what social media
what, what the general, uh, tenor of our media,
what it's funneling us all into is purity camps. Yes. I mean,
I don't know if you're watching the MAGA kind of media infrastructure machine
that's been holding up that reality distortion field.
I don't know if you're watching them today, just utterly dissolve.
Like they have no fucking idea what to do with themselves.
I mean, watching Laura Loomer say like, there is no God.
You're in a dark night.
The soul and we're all about to speak Arabic. I'm like, yeah,
this sounds right. You guys, you guys are Sue having a real normal one here.
Right. And they're not, let's even go beyond the Laura Loomers.
Let's talk about Brett bear on television,
on Fox news in the middle of this is their gold standard.
We hired a Cronkite so that you can be sure that we are not a,
in any way,
the political propaganda organization that Roger Ailes designed us to be.
And we're not going to be the only one. We're going to be the only one.
In the middle of it going, okay, so how do we spin this?
Like asking it to the ether, the Fox News complex, the brain.
Can anyone in my ear real quick give me something that spins this fucking thing?
Oh, I'm sorry.
We're on the air.
That's how deep this is.
It is architecture.
They have designed the blueprints of a reality distortion machine.
And this burst that.
And this is why you needed this repudiation is because the MAGA media infotainment ecosystem
is part of something I call the Republican triangle of doom, which is the toxic and symbiotic
relationship between the right wing infotainment media, the Republican elected officials and
the Republican voters, where they like mutually reinforce each other with their nonsense.
Right.
And so a lot of people last night are genuinely people.
If you watch Fox News and Benny Johnson and Tucker, whatever, you are shocked by what
happened because all of the people from that ecosystem, they're not there to tell you the
truth.
Right.
Right.
You live in a world where you're like, wait a minute.
How did this just happen?
Did they steal it?
Wait, it's so big.
And even Donald Trump's not saying it was stolen because it's just too big and massive.
Like it is a it punctures their reality.
They have they have constructed a reality that now when it breaks down, yeah, they don't know what to do.
Like you're watching Bret Baier short circuit because they're like, we've built this distortion field for people to live in.
Right. And now they can't live there anymore.
And also there's an economic incentive.
Oh, for sure.
A lot of that grifting mechanism is, you know, these are folks that have just been elevated to really great wealth by participating in what is ironically,
kind of a welfare system where they're paid by right wing billionaires. You know, they are
basically just on the dole to push this nonsense out to people. Yeah, there's been a real Trump
economy and it's not the one you and I and all the rural voters and all the people live in.
The Trump economy is the people who sell MAGA lies to voters. And it's a it's a whole host of
podcasters it's your megan kelly's uh and your yeah benny johnson's and all of these sick folks
and and i do think they're sick they are cruel they have reveled in the cruelty they have pumped
up the cruelty that's the thing that's so insane is the when i look full disclosure never been a
huge fan of megan kelly not gonna but when she was on fox there was that patina of like it's like in
the old wrestling thing like she was the face the network was a heel but she was a face she was the
good guy then she tried to live out in the normie world and like they they were all just like yeah
i don't think you know outside of that fox ecosystem not that interesting not that special
they were like wait why can't santa be black ever right couldn't santa maybe he could be right and
didn't really care and so she kind of falls apart there but that humiliation drives her to and i
don't know if it's a reinvention or just she's she's living her truth right now but it's such
a cruel truth i don't know if you saw that she said something about the poor woman from cornell
where she her body she body shamed her she was like oh she wanted that attention because she's
not she had fat arms or something right you're like it was so disgusting what kind of fucking
like what kind of fucking human are you like what what are we doing here this this and when people
talk about like well what is trumpism because sometimes i use the phrase trumpism and to me
it is like the way that people's souls have been corroded by this moment where they've sort of
lost because vice signaling is a is a mode of communication now in right wing circles like
when you hear one of these news stories comes out right where there's a bunch of young republicans
and by young i mean like in their 30s and early 40s on some chat and they're all just making jokes
about uh you know using the n-word or talking about putting in people in ovens fresh off their
nazi curious years that's right that's right and that's and so they vice signal like the way that
they accuse libs of virtue signaling, they vice signal. And that over time, right, there's like,
you do it for a while with an ironic distance, like, oh, this is just commentary on woke libs.
But over time, that ironic distance shrinks. And before you know it, you wake up and you're a
terrible person. And that is what has happened because you've defended.
Now it's your soul.
Too many indefensible things. And it's who you are.
But it's so interesting. Did you see, so you're in these focus groups and these are just regular
people yeah do you feel the downstream effects of that economy in those moments when you're sitting
in that group could you just as well be sitting in uh with the twitter feed from a benny johnson
like are they have they bought the product is it scientology are they regurgitating or are they
processing it through their own experiences and everything else? Yeah, it's mostly the latter.
It's mostly through their own experiences with with with a bit of like a covering of the vibes
of like they all swim in kind of a MAGA soup, like the Trump voters. Right. A lot of it is
we are geographically sorted in many ways. Right. And so and polarized. And so people who who live
in these really red areas, right, they find it mutually reinforcing with each other.
But mostly when I listen to voters, we were joking about Twitter earlier.
One of the reasons that I can kind of like throw down on Twitter and fight with people
from the far left and people from the MAGA right and whatever is that I know it's not
real life because listening to voters, voters, everybody is at their worst on places like
Twitter.
They are anonymized.
Sure.
It is flattened.
Like, are you talking to somebody from Nairobi or are you talking to an 18 year old?
You know, you don't know.
And the algorithm incentivizes that that conflict and that totally and that hatred.
And they silo us and they are meant it is meant to it is a they put an algorithmic like gasoline on fear and anger.
Right. They take our fear and anger and they say, that's why we're going to keep them on this platform.
But out in the world, they might swim in this soup or whatever, but like they don't walk around their neighborhood, you know, screaming slurs at people.
They can take the cape off. They can put it on and take it off. Although there's always two houses in the neighborhood that do like there's a house in my neighborhood that's got like fuck Joe Biden still up on like a like, you know, when you go by a high school and they have the giant sign that's lit up.
That's like welcome back students.
He's got one of those handmade on his lawn that just says like, you know, let's go Brandon still.
But that guy doesn't have any friends.
But that's what I'm saying.
Right.
There's always a couple of houses where you go, oh, he doesn't.
He's now lost to that dimension.
He's not living in the world.
But that's because for those people, it has become their personality to be that person.
Right.
Like they've taken it on as a.
Do you see them in groups?
Are they like, are they there?
Yeah, I guess this is what I mean about the groups is like you see the people that you're like, I see you, you're Twitter pilled, like you're a Twitter pilled person and you can recognize it.
school and like I
I walk into the grocery store and this is what everything costs.
And like, this is the trade-off I had to make between driving to this place or being able
to do this other thing because gas prices are so expensive.
Like, that's how most people talk.
And most people talk about what they do for their families.
They still volunteer.
This is the thing.
I get actually filled up more by the groups.
People are often say to me, like, how can you listen to all these dumb voters or whatever?
And I'm like, no, Twitter is where all the terrible people are.
In the groups, mostly people are pretty normal.
And you hear people say terrible things sometimes, but mostly you don't.
Mostly what I hear is people struggling to be decent and live decent lives.
And I just, I won't lose faith in Americans because, you know, after we've exhausted all
the wrong choices, we'll do the right thing.
And that's what happened last night.
We exhausted all the bad things and here we are.
And that's why the feeling of last.
Night was so emotional for me because it was a feeling of hope and opportunity in a
new path.
It wasn't, I didn't at any moment feel like we did it.
It's over.
What I felt like was, oh, we got a fucking chance.
Yeah.
We just got ourselves a chance to do that.
Sarah, when you're in with those groups, is there.
Is there.
A moment where you feel you break through that patina, that Twitter patina, is it, do
you have to design it to kind of get past the superficial, like everybody's got their
shoulders up and their kind of thing.
And can you feel a room relax and start to reveal their true selves?
Yeah.
So there's always a couple of moments.
The first, the first thing that happens is when you tell them it's a like-minded group,
you do feel everyone relax there.
They, okay.
So they understand they're going to talk about politics, but they
understand that everybody, that they're not going to be in a bar fight for it.
Okay.
So that's the first time they relax.
And then as they settle into the conversation, the opening question that we ask every single
time is how do you think things are going in the country?
And it's the most revealing question of the entire two hours, because what people bring
up organically is the things that are top of mind that are vexing them.
And they form connections through those conversations.
You watch them connect with each other because they are all saying,
so let's say we'll do a group of Trump voters who now think he's doing a very bad job.
So they're all kind of feeding off of each other's like, is it the war?
Is it gas prices?
A grocery prices?
They're telling stories to each other.
And so watching them connect with each other's stories is honestly the way you get the best
read.
And then the other thing, one reason I like qualitative.
So you, we all sit through polls.
We all have PTSD from the polls.
We look at the polls.
They drive a lot of the political conversation.
Well, it's interesting.
Like that'll tell you the what.
And I'm interested in the why.
And the stories that they tell each other are the why.
And the connections that they make in the group kind of mimic real world connections,
right?
You see them through what they're saying to each other.
You figure like that's kind of what they're talking to their friends about.
They tell you stories about, you know, when the Vivek Ramaswamy ad against Amy Acton dropped,
we immediately convened a group of Ohio voters who were Trump voters, but were disaffected
Trump voters.
And there was a guy who was like, my brother, who doesn't even follow politics.
And I don't really, he called me and said, have you heard about the ad?
And to me, I was like that.
When you have people picking up the phone to call their family members because they're
so disgusted about something, it reveals something that that's moving people.
It's broken through with people.
And so, you know, for me, like democracy is the practice of collective action in the country.
Like our voting democracy is just a bunch.
A bunch of people in this country getting together and saying a thing, making their
wishes known.
Yeah, but and also sort of being in community with each other, right?
They're influenced by the people that they're around.
And so I feel like what I really get out of the groups is watching people interacting
with each other and telling their stories and that that feels authentic.
And then the other thing is sort of the energy.
So one of the things I was saying going into this election, and I was like, there's an
enormous enthusiasm gap.
You sit in Republican groups right now and they are depressed and they don't want to
elect their candidates and they think Trump's doing a bad job.
You get in Democratic groups and they're like, somebody let me vote.
Somebody let me out of here.
I'm going to go.
I'm going to go vote so hard.
Can I do it now?
Yeah.
And I was like, OK, well, that says a lot to me.
And you can feel it in the body language.
And so it's a lot of that watching that.
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Best way to support the show.
Do you see your journey reflected in the voting groups that you're talking to?
And is that a way that you can relate to them?
And then the second part of that, and I guess we'll get into this is like,
so where does this journey then go for you?
Okay.
That's a deep question.
Yeah.
Well, because it's such an interesting,
it's a transformation, you know, we're all aware of like never Trumper and the never
Trumpers and we're all going to be never Trumpers.
But then you think to yourself like, well, is this a diaspora?
Is it a Republicans of your, because it doesn't feel that way.
It feels like something new.
What you're advocating for doesn't feel like a return to what we imagine is the Republican.
You know, there's a nostalgia for the Republican of old,
but that doesn't sound like what you're talking about.
No, actually, I'm really glad you asked this because I do think this isn't just about me.
This is, I do think that there have been a lot of Republicans who have thought that Trump
is the aberration and that there's a going back.
I even think Democrats think this sometimes like, oh, well,
the Republican party could get back to a Mitt Romney, John McCain, Republican party.
It is never going back.
And I know this not for myself.
And this is where I see myself.
The voters.
No, it's not going back.
They don't want it to go back.
And this is where I really divert from them is when I listen to Republican voters.
I don't see myself in them at all.
Not that I think all of them are bad people, but the political project that they are interested in,
the candidates that they are interested in, the people who who really want to Trump,
they want something that their values are just different than mine.
And so I don't look at the Republican Party right now.
There's nothing.
In it that connects for me like it when you say like, oh, there's been this big evolution.
Like, I know that this sometimes is hard for Democrats, but I I'll just tell you from my own perspective.
Somebody like John McCain, who was like in a camp and wouldn't leave without his guys and like was a war hero and talked all the time about what a great country America was like.
I'm invested in that.
I'm invested in America being a great country.
And like I could I could connect to that.
There's nothing in this cruel performance.
There's nothing in it that is so affirmative, anti pluralistic, anti rule of law, entirely corrupt.
Like nothing about that reflects my values or what I thought the Republican Party.
And so the Republican Party could get less sick than it is now.
But its trajectory, even with this thorough repudiation, it's going to take a long time for it to find its new level.
But that level is not the Mitt Romney, John McCain, because there's Republican Party, because that's not what Republican base voters want.
They want something that is they're going to be in a.
Real America first has never been tried moment for a while.
And again, that's not me.
And so I think about everything now from, again, going up here instead of the partisan back and forth is to think, what is the best thing for America?
And I knew that the best thing for America was going to be.
And this is once I started trying to fight Trump, it became clear to me pretty quickly that there's two political parties.
People can wish that there were more, but there's two.
Right. And that's how the government functions.
That's right.
One of them.
It was going to be the home base for the pro-democracy movement.
And even if a lot of Democrats.
So sometimes I do get in fights with people on the far, far left.
And part of that is that our political projects sometimes are are a little different.
Like theirs is one of.
I don't know.
They have a lot of like progressive policy things they want or whatever.
Yeah. And that's fine.
It's very factionalized anyway.
It's it's.
And you'll always.
And again, we're incentivized for that type of fighting.
It's all villagers and pitchforks and torches wandering the countryside.
Right. And that's why, to me, the candidates that are so excited
are the ones that transcended it, because I think people are looking for somebody to transcend the
partisan divide. And I think that I see myself in a lot of swing voters where I'll say, you know,
I am pro-choice, but also don't think that, you know, I think, you know, we don't want it to be
all the time everywhere. You know, I'm like, it makes me, it makes me, you know, or I think that
we should use American military power incredibly judiciously. I am somebody who is always quite
pro-Israel, who in this moment thinks that America at least needs to reevaluate our relationship with
Israel. The American people want that, but also. You don't like to deal in absolutes. You like to. I don't, and neither do American people, right? Right. Oh, that's what you're learning, I think,
from seeing them. Sarah, to this new project, right?
Yes.
To this. To this opportunity that we find ourselves in, and it is an opportunity. How would you like
your work to be utilized to that new project? And what are the aspects of it that you think are
useful to be utilized in that project? For you, what is the purpose now?
Where do you want that understanding? Because so much of your project is understanding the mindset
of people that may think a little like you, not like you at all. How are these people operating?
So much of that work is commoditized for the boilerplate of the consultant, the political
media consultant machine. Yeah. But it doesn't sound like you're invested in that project of it.
So what. And can you speak to that project of it or what you would like this to be? I know that's a
lot, but. No, no, no.
But the reason I wrote the book is that what I want is for people to listen to Americans.
I want them to understand what Americans are asking for. And then. Okay, so there's two ways to think
about a politician's relationship with voters. They can either be led or they can lead. And to me,
there is a kind of alchemy where it is not one or the other, where it is you listen to voters,
but you also demonstrate leadership, right? So one of the things I talk about in the book,
there's this old parable, like a Native American parable, grandfather talking about. Talking to a grandson saying, grandson, inside each of us, there are two wolves,
one representing greed and avarice and falsehoods and all the bad things, and one representing truth
and light and decency and compassion. And they're constantly at war with each other. And the
grandson says, grandpa, which one wins? And he says, the one that you feed. And I want to feed
what is good in us. Americans have light and dark inside of us. We are not all good or bad.
America itself is not all good. We are not all bad. We are not all good. We are not all good.
It is complicated. But leadership, what I wanted is for people to take this book. I want John Ossoff
to read it. I gave it, I handed it to Pete Buttigieg. And Pete Buttigieg is like, it's on my
nightstand. I'm reading it. And I'm just like, I want Democrats to read it. And I'm going to be
like, listen to these voters. Stop demanding, stop like. And pundits too. Everybody's like,
well, here's my personal opinion about how I think the country should go. And I'm like,
okay, but also let's listen to what these voters want, because they want to be safe
and they want their material well-being to be considered. And for people to think about
humans and leadership in a way that's like, I want to bring out the best in people. I want to
bring out the best in the country. I want to take what our country was built on and draw out its
best aspects. I want to lead with that. I want to rediscover what's great about America, because
this was the Bill Clinton line. For funny, for Bill Clinton kind of turning me into a Republican
in the first place, he's got the best line in politics for me, which is there is nothing that
is wrong with America that cannot be solved with what is right with America. And that's what I want
for this moment. That's my political project is how do we get back to a place where America is on
its front.
I mean, we've got we've got so much work to do now. Trump's destroyed so much. So the question
is, if Trump's going to burn it all down, what are we going to build? Not what are we going to go
back? Not what are we going to reestablish? What are we going to build new? Because we have we have
a renaissance moment. And I want to be part of that. What does this opportunity represent? And
that is such a crucial point, is that this cannot just be another turn of the wheel in the cycle
that we have been on. This is a moment.
Of that needs real consideration. And and that's, I think, where these things and it's kind of nice
to see, you know, we're all building out our ecosystems of communication and we all exist in an
economic thing. But there's good faith and there's bad faith. And there's people that utilize those
mechanisms cynically. And there are people that that are doing it for the very reason that you're
talking about, which is I'm just trying to figure out how to exert some kind of gravitational force
in this battle of what I perceive as good versus evil that pushes it to the good. However,
incrementally, we can do that. My man, that's right. And is the idea of that, is it for you
to identify those leaders that you think are going to have sway
and try and get them in a position where they are going to be able to do what you want them to do?
And is it for you to get them to understand. The parameters of that conversation with American
voters that you've been having. Do you know what it is, actually? It's that I do think that
politicians, pundits, like whatever elites, I just think they start to forget about regular people.
I think regular people become an abstraction like these like dots on Steve Kornacki's big boards,
like places you go to mine votes. And I just I want politicians to act more like human beings.
And I want them. And in doing so, I would like them to remember that, like the stakes for human
beings are real. Like the reason I rejected Trump in the beginning wasn't because he was just a
different kind of Republican or he was kind of icky on this. It was because he did not care about
people at all. He did not care about America at all. You could feel that you know it. You could
feel it. And so what do I want? I want to feel from a politician and voters want to
feel from a politician. We use authenticity as a buzzword. What they mean is like, man, show me your
face. I want to feel like you like care and think about me, that you care about this country, not as a strategy, but as as a being as a human, like a human level. And you're saying that you're doing this job, that you came to this work because you wanted to make people's lives better, that we can argue about what our specific policies are to do that, but like believe that people want to make people's lives better.
Chicken and the egg. Do you think that our system of politics for all its shenanigans and fundraising and corruption enabled mostly by a
Supreme Court that's decided money is speech and corporations are people and corruption doesn't
exist and partisan gerrymandering is fine, but remediation is not. Do you believe that that
system creates that in politicians or that a certain kind of more craven individual
looks for the ring and wants to get that power? Or is it a combination? What has been your
experience in seeing like, does the system create that in people or are the people going into that clearly corrupt system that way?
Man, that's a good question. I don't. I think that's what we're ending on today.
That's what we're ending on. OK, well, let me let me tell you why gestures while you're I'm going to I'm going to tell you, this is why last night, this is why last night mattered so much, because I think there are vicissitudes in politics, right?
There are there are.
There are eras. And I think we are coming out of an era where a lot of people were in politics for the wrong reasons. And the people who won last night, you know what they are? They're young. They're like thirty nine, forty years old, five years old. Right. These are people where Donald Trump has defined the last decade of their politics. And they were forged at a time. They were called to service to oppose that. Right. And so I believe we now have a generation of people like Hamilton, the guy who just won in Kansas. These were people who were
called to service. John Ossoff. He's a guy who I feel like it's not just that it that that he wants the moment. The moment's choosing him. Pete Buttigieg just went and spent months on the road going to every red place, talking to every person who voted Republican, believing that they can still be reached. And that energy, that new energy, this new talent, this new era, this group of people that got pulled in because they are a reaction to Trump. I think they could be in it for the right reasons. Now, will the system corrupt them? Maybe or maybe they'll change the system. It's possible to still hope.
Bless up. Bless up. Bless up. You just you explain the entire sociopolitical media complex through Taylor Swift's Errors albums, which is exactly what I was trying to do. And let me tell you something, to be able to pull that off on no sleep. God, God bless her. I don't know what you're like when you're getting enough rest, but you're fucking crushing it today. For sure. Thank you, Jon Stewart. Really appreciate you, man. And really appreciate it.
Thank you.
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What?
She is functioning on a level of expertise and execution on no sleep.
The vibes are just that good.
She's got the pit vibes.
Yeah.
She's got, there's been an accident at the plant, and we've got, we've been here all night,
and now there's 37 more fucking people that are coming in.
The day shift, baby.
There was a gas explosion at the corner of Permonte in Maine.
Uh, flying high.
I, I'm telling you though, I fucking hate consultants and focus group people because
it always feels cynical and it always feels like they're just trying to figure out a way
to hack into your brain so that they can manipulate it.
She does not strike me in that way.
And I don't think I'm being naive.
I think she is idealistic.
I think she is trying to actually.
Oh my fucking God, find out what people really think and work towards the good.
Yeah.
And it really comes across in the podcast.
Like, I feel like, you know, you always like understand that people are complicated and
like how, like at the end of an election, you're like, how did it shake out this way?
You're looking at like which groups went where and it, but people are very nuanced and that
is something that like really comes across in her podcast.
I, it was very enlightening in the week.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
And it's also, you know, oftentimes, and I, and I apologize, I am working off of the
most cynical interpretation of focus grouping and because that's been my experience with
the people and the people that I know, like it's all, it's like Frank Luntz shit where
they're like, I found a word that if you use this word, you can trick them into not understanding
what the affordable care act is.
Well, you're also trying to hear what you want to hear.
You know, it's like, yeah, but you're, you're, what you're doing is you're poking their brains
to find ways around what they really think you're trying to hack it.
Right.
And you view the people that you're talking to as a commodity, a means to the end of what
you want.
I get the sense she really is a humanist.
Yeah.
Like she really has an.
Affection for people.
You might not, you don't have to agree with her on all her political people, whatever it
is that you want to do, but there's no question in my mind that she is approaching this from
the perspective of like, people want to be good.
100%.
And she writes about people so affectionately in her book, which is after listening to the
people on her focus group podcasts, I'd like, if you can have affection for all of these
people, you're a good person because I'm ripping my hair out.
She's respectful.
And how she does it as well, which I appreciate.
Like, she's not talking down to people.
She's not talking down about people.
Like she said, it's human politics, which is great.
Yeah.
And I've always known that about her.
I mean, I remember that from when I met her in the green room.
Yes.
You mentioned that.
Yeah.
Oh yeah.
No, I remember that.
Uh, the whole, I do actually remember though, Santorum and his kids, like, cause I remembered
that so clearly.
Cause it was, that was on Santorum's.
We used to get a lot of conservatives that would come on and be like, I'm the.
The relatable, like they would write a book, you know, the title of it would be like, liberal
skull fuck nuns and then like they'd come on and I'd ask him like liberal skull fuck
nuns.
Is that, do you believe that?
And they're like, look, I don't think we're that far apart.
I think, you know, I'm looking to build a bridge, you know, and that was Santorum was
on one of those like bridge building, like, Hey, I'm just a normal, you know, not this
person with these abhorrent views.
with these abhorrent views. Speech across the aisle. It's wild. What are the, what are the
people do we even want to hear? What are the people want to know today? How are we going to
celebrate? How are you celebrating? And I mean this, this opportunity, this means nothing other
then what an opportunity to rebuild the better infrastructure and system of this what a chance
that is now in front of everybody but it is no fait accompli that that chance will be realized
and taken let's fucking do this let's fucking go all right we have four this week so first john
Yeah. For all that is good and righteous. Yes. Could you please ask George Clooney to write an op ed calling on Chuck Schumer to step down as majority leader?
Oh, my God, that's hilarious. I thought they were going to say, can you ask George Clooney to write an op ed to get Biden to run again?
He just write an op ed. That is a total apologia. Just say, hey, man, I don't know what I was thinking. Now is your time. The the torch has been passed to the old generation. Let's do that again.
yeah let's run it back boy if they don't take and and by the way that's job one of this opportunity
job one of this opportunity is to tear down the the obstacles and old way of thinking
that got us into this mess someone has to meet this moment and they have got to show
and and this moment is not oh we get to impeach everybody like fuck that like you have an
opportunity to actually govern do it take it and one of the first things you need to do
is remove that system of seniority from democratic politics it is a bullshit system and it needs to
go and they're by the way they're already like chuck schumer deserves a lot of credit for putting
together this yeah chuck schumer deserves chuck schumer fought tooth and nail against half of
these fucking people and even if he didn't he does not understand the urgency of the moment
and what the future demands i truly believe that yeah from the fucking genius that brought you
hayley stevens like let's let's move on yeah you never see that on the movie poster do you yeah
from the director of hayley stevens what else you got all right john so we're definitely not
getting the five grand now right uh oh no i he was always going to give us the five grand
it was one of those things like hey if you uh if you eat all your vegetables i'll take you to go
see a movie saturday and you never eat your vegetables but you know what you always end up
doing going to the movies so i'm sure he'll deliver he's the type of man and i think we've
all known this in new york that always means what he says always delivers on on the promise of of
tomorrow he is a promise made as a promise you know he is the type of leader and he he said this
himself uh while he was standing by the reflecting pool uh that he has actually delivered on more of
his promises than he made yes yeah he's pulled off really a mathematical miracle that we have
not seen from a politician who is anyone or any human yeah new maths he has elevated you know
they always talk about how the elevations that you take in certain religions to get towards nirvana
he has gone beyond that to the land where you can deliver on more promises
i have answered more questions than have been asked drug prices are down 400 percent more than
riddle me this it's the best economy in the history of the world he didn't promise that
no but he delivered god bless okay next what do we got john yeah do you think elon is kicking
himself for not having spent just a little more money that would have done it can i tell you he's
now playing the whole like oh hi you know he's like joking now like i guess my space lasers
didn't work like it was no fucking joke it was the richest man in the world who controls a social
media platform that he tilted in the direction of his politics his ethno-national whatever the
fuck he is now and and tried desperately to exert gravitational force uh outside and exceeding of
what any citizen has any right to be uh exerting on our political process and now he's going to
play it off like ah it was just a little lark i was on fuck that like that more than anything
demonstrated a poison in the political system that needs to be excised nobody should have
no unelected individual should have that kind of power over uh our system at all
never never never and i don't mean that like oh it's criminal like if that is the way the system
is designed then the design of the system is incorrect and he can play it off here's
the thing about elon musk he got fucking cyber trucked he he got hit by by the
by by the
worst he got hit by a refrigerator on wheels which is what his car is it exploded it exploded
in his face best laid plans and he was cocky and arrogant about i have thrown my lot in his whole
like fucking if if the dems win this we no longer have a democracy no if we allow one man who
through the process of his own riches is allowed to exert his will over the will of our voters
that's the threat yeah it's on a fucking man sexist can't be bought amen well yeah probably
okay last one john long time listener here i don't know just curious how long did you
been listening
we're going to do this
you
just curious if you're ever going to get around to hanging those photos on the floor
where would i put i don't know where i would put i do do you have a place like i'm looking at the
symmetry in the room first of all what am i doing in this room like it really like what kind of weird
doctor who side office am i even existing in i i don't it's like it doesn't exist in dimensional
time or space i'm i'm in you know
uh willem defoe's lighthouse i don't even know what i'm doing here with a long beard but they're
right look i have i don't even like to show you see that cardboard box there yes that's been there
for five years i'm not even sure what's in it what's in it i don't know find out today's the
day there's something in it oh my god if you're listening on the audio john just walked away
oh it's an oar that's unexpected this is you know what this is from they're gonna have to watch the
youtube for this this is from uh i i hosted i think it's memorabilia from hosting you know
the warrior games you know those it's like the invictus but for so i host those a bunch of years
and they always give me like super cool shit but i don't know what to do with it so i think that's
just a box filled with super cool warrior games shit yeah you'll have to hang that on the wall
as well that's the oar you can use to paddle away from your lighthouse it's been there the whole
time that's hilarious you know should i put the pictures up or let's ask the the viewers at home
put the pictures up or maybe just festoon my office with gold cherubs oh very in right now
in the style of despotic uh leaders again for those listening to youtube we'll be out on thursday
this week you know i think between this and the election what we've learned is that people really
want home renovations they really want home renovations they want them desperately uh britney
how are they going to continue to stay in touch with us twitter we are weekly show pod instagram
threads tiktok and twitter we are weekly show pod instagram threads tiktok and twitter we are weekly show
blue sky we are a weekly show podcast and you can like subscribe and comment on our youtube channel
the weekly show with john stewart fan fucking tastic guys uh thank you so much fabulous episode
as always uh and uh i want to thank uh producer britney medvig producer jillian spear video editor
and engineer rob at all is rob even still here today or did he did he have the last day last one
rob atola is leaving us for a couple of weeks to what rob to what he's having a baby
he's having a baby rob's having a baby
he's having another baby he's building a team of video editor and engineers he's going to need the
sound proofing that many of us have as he fills his house with young so congratulations so much
to rob and his beautiful family uh our audio editor and engineer nicole boys our associate
producer rebecca rodenberg he's getting the producers chris mcshane and katie gray uh we
will see you guys are we seeing everybody next week we sure are it doesn't feel weird like after
an election like this you're like take the week off
vacation baby uh excellent excellent excellent we'll see you guys next week
the weekly show with john stewart is a comedy central podcast
it's produced by paramount audio and busboy productions
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Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Ulta Beauty offers a wide range of gift ideas from trusted brands like Rare Beauty and Sol de Janeiro.
For those unsure what to buy, brands like Balmung, Clinique, and Redken are recommended for both gifting and personal use.
Sam’s Club supports holiday shopping through curated clubs like the Food Coma Club, Deal Hunters Club, and Cool Ants Club.
Jon Stewart reflects on the excitement and hope generated by a major Democratic electoral victory, marking a significant shift in political sentiment.
Sarah Longwell emphasizes how voters rejected the MAGA movement due to perceived failures in economic and social policy.
The election revealed a broad, diverse electorate with new voter engagement, especially among Gen Z and young millennials.
Listening to voters—rather than relying on political pundits—provides a more authentic understanding of public sentiment and values.
A deep cultural shift is underway, as Americans are rejecting divisive politics and embracing pluralism and human connection.
Summary:
The transcript blends holiday shopping advice with a powerful political reflection. Ulta Beauty is highlighted as a destination for thoughtful, brand-backed gifts, while Sam’s Club offers themed clubs that reflect diverse consumer behaviors. The core narrative centers on Jon Stewart’s emotional response to a historic Democratic electoral victory, which he describes as a moment of genuine hope and democratic renewal.
Sarah Longwell, a political observer and author, shares how voters—particularly those who once supported Trump—have rejected the MAGA movement due to its failures on economy, immigration, and governance. She stresses that the shift was not just political but cultural, rooted in a rejection of division and a return to human connection. Through focus groups, Longwell reveals that voters are not monolithic, but complex individuals whose values are multifaceted and often contradictory.
The mood of the moment is one of renewal, where people recognize that political change requires trust, empathy, and a recommitment to democratic values. This transformation is also reflected in media and public discourse, where right-wing infotainment has lost influence and the electorate is now more engaged and self-aware. The tone is hopeful, emphasizing that the election’s outcome represents not just a win, but a chance to build a more inclusive and compassionate society.
The episode concludes with a call to action—encouraging generosity and mindful giving, exemplified by Quince’s gift-focused products and the broader message to prioritize others over self.
FAQs
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Safe and universally appreciated choices include Clinique, Balmung, or Redken products. These brands are known for quality and reliability, making them great picks for anyone unsure of their preferences.
Listen to what people value—many voters and consumers prioritize quality, authenticity, and practicality. Brands like Quince focus on premium materials and real value, helping you find meaningful gifts.
Yes, adding yourself to a gift list is a great way to take care of your own needs and enjoy a little self-care during the holidays, whether through a salon visit or something special like a new beauty product.
The recent election results signal a strong repudiation of past political extremism and a shift toward more inclusive, community-driven governance. Voters are showing a desire for change, transparency, and a return to democratic values.
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