#980 Why Indian Markets Are Getting Battered Right Now
32m 21s
India’s economy is navigating a complex policy landscape marked by rising external pressures and domestic financial adjustments. Exports surged 26% in August to $43.8 billion, improving the trade deficit to $26.8 billion, driven by a weaker rupee and strong global demand. However, this momentum is offset by a significant surge in rupee liquidity from foreign currency non-resident (FCNRB) deposits—over $127 billion—raising concerns about inflation, as the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) now faces rising hedging and sterilization costs to manage the surplus. A key policy shift is the introduction of a 0.4% merchant discount rate (MDR) for UPI transactions above ₹2,000, effective October 2026, aimed at ensuring sustainable cost structures for merchants while keeping UPI affordable. Meanwhile, Tata Sons is challenging RBI’s mandatory public listing requirement, arguing its holding company structure exempts it from NBFC listing rules, though the RBI has rejected its surrender of registration. The broader debate centers on whether the FCNRB scheme was a necessary temporary fix to stabilize reserves, or a misstep that transferred wealth from the government to ultra-rich individuals through leverage, while creating long-term fiscal and monetary costs. Experts warn that without structural reforms to boost foreign direct investment, exports, and economic growth, such temporary interventions will fail. RBI now faces a dilemma: either absorb losses from rupee depreciation when deposits mature or maintain stability at a growing cost, undermining its independence and fiscal health. The episode highlights the urgent need for deeper structural reforms to ensure sustainable foreign exchange stability and inclusive economic growth.
Good morning, it's Wednesday, the 16th of September, and this is Kovindar Jagatriyar's broadcasting
and streaming weekdays from Mumbai, India's financial capital, our top stories and
themes why Indian markets are getting better right now, India's exports are up 26 percent
in August, UPI will not be free anymore, why you will have to pay 0.4 percent on transactions
above 2000 rupees when you buy something, Tata Sansa said to go to court against a reserve
bank of India's move asking if to go public does it have a case and banks may see an additional
cost for FCNRB deposits which brought in more than 127 billion dollars what are the options
ahead is the oil crisis here before that global bond sell off once again gain steam this morning
with a 10 year US treasury yield back above 5 percent after oil prices began rising again
the 10 year yield went as highest 5.03 percent in early morning trade on Tuesday according
to trade web the highest level since 2007 as reported in the Wall Street Journal elsewhere
Japan's 10 year treasury yield also hit a new 30 year high going back above 3 percent
the new trigger is the closure of a crucial crude pipeline in Saudi Arabia which has taken
oil prices up again and close to 108 dollars and of course drawn world markets back to
the prospect of a bleaker few months if not much more.
The other question is will the Federal Reserve raise interest rates rather will they raise
interest rates despite US President Donald Trump threatening them not to investors are
now seeing a 92 percent chance that officials will high grades by a quarter percentage point
according to CME data quoted by the Wall Street Journal which is up from 59 percent a
year ago which also added that the pain now in the markets goes beyond AI trade as US stock
futures opened lower on Tuesday and indices in Europe and Asia and of course in India
are also in the red elsewhere the Wall Street Journal also pointed out that the fuel crisis
is feeling more real amongst US oil executives commercial fuel stocks around the world have
been depleting for more than six months and strategic crude reserves can't be tapped
much further the shutdown of the pipeline in Saudi Arabia that effectively bypass the
state of hot mass has removed at least 2.5 million barrels a day from an already tight
market according to analysts all these mechanisms helped to mitigate the price and supply
risk Chevron CEO Mike Worth said on Friday at an energy conference in Texas and he said
that those have largely now played out and we don't have nearly the buffers in the system
that we did when it began he also said in that Wall Street Journal report that I wish
I could tell you that I saw some reason why things could ease but it's difficult right
now to see that happen diesel prices have also hit a record 6.2 dollars a gallon and gasoline
prices which had gone below $4 a gallon a month or so ago have rebounded to $4.32 in
the United States with all this in the backdrop the markets had a particularly volatile day
here in India with the sense ex falling almost a thousand four hundred points and closing
down 777 points to 74,000 three and the nifty 50 falling 279 points to 23,118 in the broader
markets the nifty mid cap and small cap are also down about 2.1 and 2.4 percent each the
rupee hit its weakest level in more than a month on Tuesday but stayed above 96 rupees
a dollar and closed finally at 95 rupees 95 by say which is its biggest one day fall since
mid july according to writers a weaker rupee has also helped exports though economists have
also argue that it's not as much as one should expect or could hope exports jumped 26%
year on year to 43.8 billion dollars for August imports rose about 14% to about 70.6 billion
dollars India's trade deficit was down to 26.8 billion dollars from 27.2 billion dollars
a year ago and 31.9 or close to 32 billion dollars recorded in July according to data from
the Department of Commerce overall goods exports are rising cumulatively between April and
August they stood at about 216 billion dollars and up 18% year on year though imports were
also higher by 18% in the first five months of the current financial year and more macro
data India's balance of payments recorded a surplus of about 20.8 or 21 billion dollars
in July compared to a surplus of 0.3 billion dollars a year earlier thanks to a jump in foreign
exchange inflows following the reserve bank of India's measures to attract overseas deposits
and more on that which is FCNRB deposits later in the show with Rajeshwari Sen Gupta.
The current account balance for July 2026 was at a deficit of seven billion dollars compared
to a deficit of 3.2 billion dollars in July 2025 net transfers which include remittances
from Indian workers overseas rose to 13 billion dollars in July from about 12.6 billion
dollars a year ago the capital account which includes foreign portfolio investments saw an
inflow of 27.7 billion dollars in July compared to 3.5 billion dollars a year earlier.
The reigning debate including through the Global Fintech Festival
2026 in Mumbai last week where we were was where the users will have to start paying
for UPI transactions when buying things now that decision has been taken UPI transactions above
2000 rupees will see a merchant discount rate or MDR of 0.4% or the some merchants will have to pay
while selling you something the finalized MDR framework and threshold structure will take effect
from 15th of October 2026 which is a month from now so the background is this 95% or more of
transactions between individuals to merchants are actually below rupees 2000 which means there is
no cost to it all person to person UPI transactions which means if I transfer to you it will be free
to give you a sense of scale the month of august saw about 24 billion UPI payments worth about 311
billion dollars the national payments corporation of India the nodal body which oversees these payments
for UPI payments has argued that the annual government incentive or subsidy while helpful in
accelerating early digital adoption was designed as short term bridge funding rather than a permanent
measure to compensate the cost incurred by the payment industry something the core report has
also argued in favor of in the past NPS is maintaining UPI payment operations server bandwidth
fraud prevention systems and bank technical support costs about 20,000 crore rupees annually now this
is something that banks have also been pointing out including to me and many years ago saying that
they've invested in core banking solution systems which obviously take a load whenever you do a
transaction whether it's a low price transaction or a low cost transaction or a high cost transaction
and as you hit the core banking solution systems then obviously you need more server capacity and
space apart from everything else that we've just talked about so the NPS I say is transitioning to
a commercial threshold based bottle provides reliable capital for continuous technological innovation
for transactions of 75,000 rupees and above the MDR will be capped at 300 rupees per transaction
it's also a structure to be lower than other traditional card based transaction fees the NPS I say
standard credit card MDRs are usually between 1.5 to 2.5% per transaction debit card MDRs are at about
0.9% and cap there and by setting the baseline UPI MDR at 0.4% on transactions above 2000 rupees
and capping it at 300 rupees for high value purchases UPI remains the most affordable digital payment
acceptance tool for commercial enterprises according to the NPCI the cost difference also helps
merchants lower their payment processing expenses while accepting digital transactions the international
comparison is this the much in charge in Brazil's pick ecosystem is around 0.33% while in China it's
about 0.4% the reserve bank of India has preemptively approached the courts seeking to be heard in any
matter filed relating to the listing or potential listing of tata sons according to writers
tata sons is the group holding company for tata group and own stakes in several leading companies
in the group the move follows the reserve bank's rejection of tata sons application to deregister
as a non-bank financial company which obviously pushes the holding company closer to a stock market
listing the reserve bank's refusal to exempt tata sons from a public listing role has got the
company and tata trusts which own 66% of tata sons of God the group has been hoping to avoid an
IPO for several reasons and tata sons representatives had petitioned RBI to remove it from the bucket
of systemically important shadow lenders or nbfcs which are mandatory required to list
Noel tata chairman of tata trusts would also stand to lose in a listing as the trusts would lose
the control and power they have right now in tata sons and the listing would obviously bring
tighter regulatory oversight and investors scrutiny on the group's internal dealings but also
offer some of the shareholders including shapurji palo and jie a potential exit or rapart exit
now there are many workarounds being discussed including shrinking tata sons balance sheet to
less than the threshold that triggers the mandatory IPO requirement or even splitting tata sons into
two according to a bloomberg report all of this will be discussed in a meeting on third day and
some media outlets have speculated that some of the board directors may even pitch that
nchanda shakran the current tata sons chairman who has indicated that he wants to step down in
february may be asked to stay on a question that the court report has also posed in the past so
does tata sons have a case on merit if this goes to court i reached out to ajay roti cio of tax advisory
from Tax Compass and I am.
him whether there was indeed any hope for TataSans to remain unlisted.
Let's just take a step back from this one and why we are in the place that we are in, is because TataSans
is upper layer in BFC as per the RBI and all of those have to list and that's where the whole
issue started that there's a mandatory listing if you're upper layer in BFC which is a very critical
important in BFC with based on size and all of it. Now what TataSans did was to approach RBI to say
I will warrantfully surrender my CR which is a certificate of registration, you know NBFCs are
issued CRs by RBI and that's when they become a NBFC and they said I want to voluntarily surrender
and their reason from what we understand from what's in public domain is to say that I've repaid all
my loans which they did in 2024. They became upper layer NBFC sometime in 2022. They should have
listed by 25 which is a three a period. 24 they went themselves and said you know I'm surrendering
this because I have repaid all my loans therefore I've not borrowed money to invest which is one
of the basic commercial understanding of NBFC that either you are lending or you're borrowed and
investing. They said I'm not borrowed to invest and I have repaid all my loans. What I'm doing
right now is a typical holding company, investment company, core investment company which is my
core activities and therefore I'm not commercially as you understand to be a NBFC and therefore
cancel my NBFC registration but they are technically as per the NBFC definition still NBFC because
they have a lot of financial assets which is investments. So what I understand now again based
on public documents is that RBI is responded with a two three paragraph response to that that
application was kept ending for a while. Even the latest RBI disclosure said with the
asterix of all the upper layer NBFC it said asterix. Tata Sun's application is under consideration.
Now they have rejected it saying you know considering all the facts you still we don't accept your
surrender and therefore you comply with all the conditions which is listing. Now can they go to
the court and say that I should not be treated as an upper layer NBFC I think they will argue that.
To say that I'm not raising public deposits there's nothing that I'm doing which would
constitute a lending or borrowing activity. It is pure investment and all of my subsidiaries are
also listed. Therefore you know direct the RBI to accept my surrender of the certificate of
association. They might as well do that and that's the only argument in my view that they can
advance to say that I need to get out of NBFC because if they are an upper layer NBFC the law is
very clear that they have to list. Right and Reserve Bank has already asked some 15 such companies
including piramal finance and others to list and they've all done it as well. So would you say that
Tata Sun has any legitimate ground here considering this thing or is it RBI in a way being more strict
than necessary. I think RBI is just enforcing the law as it stands which is to say if you're
an upper layer NBFC or to list what makes it complex is the Tata's holding structure because
Tata Sun is predominantly held by you know charitable trust and philanthropists more than almost
close to 60% and the rest is with the Shapuri is with Shapuri family and some are with other Tata
group companies. If you see what has happened to Tata chemicals which is on the upper circuit is
because Tata chemicals holds 1/2% in Tata Sun. So a lot of Tata companies hold and the family holds
some really minuscule percentage. Now with more than 2/3 of the holding or close to 2/3 of the
holding with being with charitable trust then you know in terms of disclosures what you need to do
once you're listed shareholder approvals for further investment etc. becomes a little complex.
If you apply the law as it stands today maybe becomes a little difficult and may see for the
Tata's and the structure. There is no curve out in the RBI legislation in terms of an upper layer
NBFC which specific patterns to be exempted from it. So I wouldn't say RBI is being sort of
more strict or whatever that's the law and if they don't want Tata Sun to get listed because of
these specific facts it's more of a policy decision rather than reading of the law in my view.
Right and if you were to look at let's say cases where either the Reserve Bank or maybe even
Sebi has intervened in such situations or similar situations what do courts usually do I mean
to what point do they also try and adjudicate or do they bounce it back and this is a very general
sense question. Of course we'll look at the law and say what needs to be done they won't get into
you know policies to say you need to do it. The courts at most can say you know consider their
surrender of certificate of registration light of these facts and treat them reconsider the
application of the RBI says okay I accept your surrender of CR than everything follows because
then you are not an FC you don't need to list. Courts I don't think can say that whether they have
to list or not list they can only say how RBI has to consider its application they can probably
adjudicate on whether RBI is considered the surrender request in all fairness or not. Courts cannot
get into you know the policy what has to be followed they can only see whether the law has been
fairly applied in this case or not but you know there's no coverout for a court to come in to say
that this is what they were eligible for and you denied it. It's a executive policy matter the court
may likely say that we consider it and they may send it back if there are some facts. I don't know
if they will be able to grant an exemption from listing that may not be possible. Right and
finally I mean could this also then for example be in injunction mode could which also in a way
solves some of the problems that maybe Tata Sons has right now. Yeah so there are multiple other
aspects and moving pieces here and most of it is linked to this whole thing whether they need to
go in for a mandatory listing or not. There's also this piece that the Shah Pudi Pallaji family has
been wanting to monetize some of this everybody knows this so therefore what happens if this entity
is listed and then the shares are technically freely tradable. Now none of the Tata Tata will be
able to sell you know they are hooding it for a particular purpose. It's not that they can sell
those shares and do anything. The Tata company is selling it will have their own you know
board decisions. The boards are again Tata Sons controlled boards in a lot of cases so it does become
a little messy in terms of what it does to solving the other problems around the issue but again
you know interesting space we'll have to see what happens in the court. I personally was almost
convinced that this would end up in the courts. What has surprised me is the fact that RBI has filed a
caveat here which just the way I look at it is to say that RBI is also ready to defend its decision.
The Tata's would go to the court was known but what happens there now is what we will have to
see. At least the RBI reconsidering it without the courts intervening is almost ruled out the
fact that they have filed a caveat. Right Ajay thank you so much for joining me. Thank you Boobin.
Costs on foreign currency non-resident deposits are likely to rise by 15 to 20 basis points for
Indian banks over and above the interest cost committed to depositors as banks have to separately
hedge the dollar liability arising from interest payments on these deposits according to bankers
who spoke to business standard. The cost of managing this exposure depends on currency forward
premiums and interest rate differentials between the two currencies. The reserve bank is absorbing
the hedging costs on the principal amount but not on the interest payable. The central bank had
clarified in an FAQ released in June that it would provide a forex swap for the deposits
received. Banks have mobilized as we've been saying about $127 billion through FCNRB deposits
under the concessional swap window introduced to attract those dollar deposits and it was closed
on August 31st a month before the reserve bank had originally scheduled. A senior banker at a
state-owned bank told business standard that banks will have to bear the hedging cost on the
interest component themselves and that's why while some banks were very aggressive they did not
go beyond a point and did not pursue additional deposits. Now the debate of course continues I spoke
with Rajeshwari Sanghukta associate professor of economics at the Indira Gandhi Institute of
Development Research or IGIDR in Mumbai and I began by asking her how she was seeing the cost of
FCNR deposits at this point and what could be the potential moves or path ahead for the reserve
bank of India now that the deposits are in. So this is a very very important topic and I know
there's a lot of noise happening a lot of celebration that FCNR scheme has brought in a huge
amount of dollars which has showed up RBI's foreign exchange reserves which have gone to around
$740 billion. So the way I look at it is my first question to ask is why was this necessary to
begin with? The answer is presume maybe RBI needed to accumulate more reserves so that they had
greater ammunition to manage the rupee volatility but then I will come back and ask that at a time
when the scheme was announced around June 5th 2026 RBI already had about 680 billion dollar reserves.
So you know it's not like RBI was running out of reserves and it had fallen to such low levels.
For example you know in 1991 we did an India development bond that was the first time we tried to
get money from the enterprise. Back then we really did not have reserves so there was a need
for getting NRI money. Now we are not even nearly close to running out of reserves so I don't
understand what was the pressing need to do that. Secondly if 730 billion dollars is all that they
needed you know there is no optimal amount of reserve holding. So what is saying that 680 billion
was not enough and 740 billion dollars is enough is there a psychological level economists
don't understand that because we don't think in those terms. So therefore if at all the objective
was to show our reserves then why do you withdraw the scheme prematurely? Just keep going and keep
getting more and more and you maybe go up to 800 billion dollars. So if reserve accumulation to
manage the rupee was the objective then premature withdrawal of the scheme doesn't make any sense
and I don't even understand why it was necessary at this point of time. Now given that they did it
and given that I think they have a buyer's remorse now because they got so much of money that
they did not anticipate more than 140 whatever billion dollars that came in. The problem now is
Hey, this is something that many people have.
are talking about and I agree that this also means that the surplus rupee liquidity in the
banking system today is more than 11 lakh crore and that is a massive amount of surplus
that the banks are dealing with which is a big problem because A as you know our inflation
is already increasing it's more than 4% and RBI's forecast is going to cross 5%.
So at a time when your inflation is already increasing if your money supply goes up by so
much that further aggravates inflationary pressure.
So in a way it's a little bit counter to RBI's inflation targeting objective because
now RBI will have to do a lot of effort to mop up this liquidity before they can consider
any kind of evaporate hike either in October or in December right.
Now mopping up this liquidity is costly because they are trying some V triple R operations
which are very short term either a 3 day or a 30 day and most of the V triple R auctions
that they have announced have not been successful because banks don't want to return the
money they don't want to lock up the liquidity for 30 days they now need the flexibility
to lend it out whenever they can because banks are also having a deposit growth slowdown
so this is sort of helping their deposit so they want to let me tell so that mop up strategy
is not working so then the only thing RBI can do which is what economists call a sterilization
is that RBI basically issue government bonds and you mop up the surplus rupee liquidity
but that means that the government has to pay interest rate on these bonds the sterilization
cost can be pretty big because 5 year government bond deals are more than 6.5% 3 year yields
are more than 6% average maturity of these deposits are 3 to 5 years so any cost with
the government pays on these government bonds is going to be costly for them now somebody
can say so what RBI can use this money to buy US treasury and US treasury yield today
is almost close to 5% so you are going to on some return out of it but then if you are
paying a sterilization cost of 6.5% or more on government securities here and you are
only earning 4.5 to 4.9% there is a cost that you are still net cost you are still paying
out on a very big amount of money so any sterilization the RBI will be forced to do now is going
to be a cost on the fiscal on the budget so that's one cost and I'm happy to talk about
some other very serious cost of the scheme right okay so I'll come back to that in a second
but if you were to look back at the scheme and why it was announced so how would you
answer the question that you posed as to what was the real need to even float the scheme
correct so as I said if showing up reserve was the main concern I really don't think that
this cuts it because RBI was not really running so low on reserves they do have a very
big net dollar short forward book which is also about 135 billion dollars or so maybe
even more so it is possible that they needed this dollar inflow now to help them settle
the forward book to some extent which again goes back to the same logic of using dollar
reserves from settle forward positions which will further help them to manage the route so
maybe that was one argument but I think what fundamentally people like us understood is
they are doing it in order to buy time that the route was depreciating steady by close
to 5 6% foreign investors as you know are taking out more than 20 25 billion dollars
from the equity market this was a buying time strategy for about 3 months during which
some kind of measures or reforms or initiatives would have been announced to further encourage
foreign investors to come in and put money into the market but the problem is I don't
see any such structural measures that were taken in this 3 months period in order to
workshop either foreign direct investment or foreign portfolio investment so the buying
time argument which is what I thought was the reason for doing this doesn't really work
because in the end all that happened was they floated the scheme the money came in and
now they have a buyer's remorse and the struggling come up of the liquidity they didn't
really use the interim period for doing any kind of structural measures to make the balance
of payment situation better or get more foreign investment so that didn't happen so again
at this point I am actually at a loss to understand why they did this and you're saying this
because you're not seeing the subsequent moves including what you just pointed out so
you're saying that even if it was thought of it was not thought through yeah I mean first
of all I don't know whether it was thought of because the objective of this scheme was not made
very clear and transparent second of all even if they said that you know we are doing this
scheme to get dollars in order to help manage the rupee sure temporarily you stocked the rupee
depreciation but now the rupee is back for falling again because oil prices have gone beyond
$100 a barrel it will keep getting worse and the rupee will keep depreciating so what really
happened in this 3 month period by temporarily stopping a depreciation for just 3 months
when effectively rbi has actually taken a very big bet and the cost to the rbi it's not just on
the budget for sterilization and I'm happy to talk about the cost to rbi it has basically taken
a very big bet in the future so in my mind the cost of this scheme is much greater than the benefit
because the benefit being just a temporary 3 month period of stopping depreciation which is
inevitable it's already started again and rbi just has a few billion dollar more reserves to
stop it which is also start going to get eroded because they're already actively intervening
so I don't really for long term or medium term benefit of this scheme okay so let's say
maybe the expectation was that the war in West Asia will cool off and surely there no one expected
oil to go back to over $105 per barrel and that has put additional pressure so let's say it's a bet
gone wrong so two quick questions so one is you said there are other problems that this is triggered
so one second is now that we've got the money here what's the best way to resolve this problem
so before I come to these two questions go with one thing is also important to remember and I
talked about this in my earlier episode with you that the rupee depreciation is not just a function
of the war there is an underlying pressure on the rupee to depreciate now because foreign investors
don't seem to be that interested in India the growth prospects of the Indian economy do not
seem lucrative enough to attract foreign investors on a sustainable basis so financing even a less
than 1% of GDP current account deficit is proving to be a bit of a struggle for us irrespective
of the war so even if the RBI thought the war was going to end even then this move is not justified
because the rupee was going to keep depreciating now on to the cost of RBI see what the RBI has done
is let's say today whatever dollars have come in RBI has taken the dollars entirely
and given rupees to the banks so that they can lend it out so assuming an exchange rate of let's say
93 94 so for every dollar that the RBI has gotten the RBI has given 94 rupees to the banks
and this is what the banks are now lending or that's the surplus rupee liquidity now the ITS
three years later five years later when these deposits mature RBI will have to do the exact swap
so RBI will then have to take 24 rupees back from the banks and give them back one dollar
this is great it can work perfectly well if the rupee between now and then now and five years later
remains exactly at 94 but even I both know that that will not that's not going to happen
assuming the rupee depreciates to 100 now imagine what the RBI is doing five years later
the RBI is giving one dollar back and getting only 94 rupees when that one dollar is actually worth
100 rupees so the RBI is taking a very big loss of six rupees for every dollar that is giving
back on a very big amount of more than hundred thirty hundred forty billion dollars so that is a cost
that RBI has postponed and kicked the can down the road which will be something that they have to
incur when the deposits mature and the cost will depend upon the extent of the rupee depreciation
but there is also the chance that the rupee would appreciate isn't it?
I don't think between now and the next three four years or three five years unless something
very structural changes in the Indian economy in terms of massive growth engines of exports
investment AI, FDI etc happening I don't really think the rupee is one of appreciate between
now and then because the global economy is quite unfavorable and so far there is not a lot of
substantial interest of foreign investors to put in a lot of money into India for the rupee to
appreciate if it does then that's great but if it doesn't then the RBI has taken a very big bet
on the future and also mind you what's going on is and this is a very interesting point you're
essentially transferring resources from the government to very rich people because these are
ultra high net worth individuals were able to take the leverage and they are getting more than
ten thirteen percent interested on this but the cost is being borne by the government on its budget
how is it ten to thirty percent?
So let's see you keep a deposit of hundred dollars and you get a six percent interest rate on it
right that's the pain of failure but then you're a very very rich individual you can actually
leverage this which means that you can take this hundred dollars and against this let's say you
are depositing an ICI say I ban then against this HSBC is going to give you a loan of nine hundred
dollars and let's at five and a half percent then you can take this loan and again deposit at six
percent so by that you can just end up getting more than ten percent of returns so it's a leverage
that is basically becomes so attractive which is why all the money has come in and a good part of
it is through the leverage route exactly I think most of it is through the leverage route but that
means your transferring resources from the government to the rich people balance sheets
okay so when you say transferring from the government to rich people I mean one of the arguments
deal is that it's the banks who would pick up the bill so why is it the government that is picking
up the bill because when you do sterilization of 11 lakh crore using government security the
government has to pay interest on that that means that is a fiscal cost being borne by the government
and B when the RBI has to do eventually when you have to return all the money and if the rupee
depreciates as I just explained RBI will have to bear the cost this way impinge on the amount of
dividend the RBI can pay the government which is another fiscal cost for the government which means
both fiscal costs means that government has that much less revenue to spend on the common
people so to speak so it is a transfer of resources from government to the rich people balance sheets
All right. So now that all of this is here, what's the way out from your vantage point?
Well, as I said, there's a BIOS remorse. RBI will have to figure out a way to mop up this entire
liquidity before they can consider potentially a reparate hike to deal with inflation.
And then once the sterilization has happened, the government will have to bear the cost.
Eventually, we can only hope the rupee will appreciate. Also, remember what this does go
in this. This also messes up with RBI's incentive of preventing the rupee from depreciating.
Because if the rupee keeps falling over the next two to three years, RBI's cost goes up more and more
because of the mechanism that I described. So in a very weird way, it is in the central bank's interest now
to not let the rupee depreciate. Otherwise, they will incur a loss and they will be able to pay less dividend to the government.
And that's not a right thing at all because the central bank should not have any skin in the game when it comes to managing the currency.
But that is exactly what has happened. So now what happens going forward is this cycle will have to be put in force.
I mean, you mop up liquidity and you just hope the rupee doesn't depreciate.
Or you will do everything in your power to ensure the rupee doesn't depreciate because otherwise you are going to incur a loss.
But fundamentally, I would have hoped the government or RBI would have taken this time to announce more structural measures
to strengthen the balance of payments of the economy. And that is something that still needs to be done.
These kind of temporary bandages will not really work for a very long time.
Got it. I just want to thank you so much for joining me.
Thank you so much.
That was the core report with me, Govindrach Ethi Raj. Do stay connected with more of our coverage at the core.
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Podcast Summary
Key Points:
India's exports rose 26% in August to $43.8 billion, driven by a stronger rupee and improved trade balance despite a 14% import surge.
The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) will impose a 0.4% merchant discount rate (MDR) on UPI transactions above ₹2,000, effective October 15, 2026, shifting to a commercial, threshold-based model.
Tata Sons is challenging RBI’s requirement to go public, arguing it is a holding company with no lending activity, but RBI has rejected its surrender of NBFC registration, citing mandatory listing rules for upper-layer NBFCs.
FCNRB deposits brought in $127 billion, but banks now face hedging costs on interest payments, and RBI will absorb principal costs but not interest, leading to a significant surplus in rupee liquidity.
The rupee’s depreciation due to oil price hikes and weakening investor sentiment has created inflationary pressure, forcing RBI to consider sterilization, which will cost the government and increase future fiscal burdens.
The surge in foreign deposits via FCNRB was likely a short-term measure to stabilize reserves amid geopolitical risks, not a sustainable policy, and has led to a structural imbalance in capital flows.
A significant portion of deposits are leveraged by wealthy individuals, transferring wealth from the government to the private sector through high returns on deposits.
Experts warn that without structural reforms to boost FDI and exports, temporary measures like FCNRB will fail, and RBI’s currency management is now incentivized to prevent depreciation at a financial cost.
Summary:
India’s economy is navigating a complex policy landscape marked by rising external pressures and domestic financial adjustments. 8 billion, driven by a weaker rupee and strong global demand. However, this momentum is offset by a significant surge in rupee liquidity from foreign currency non-resident (FCNRB) deposits—over $127 billion—raising concerns about inflation, as the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) now faces rising hedging and sterilization costs to manage the surplus.
4% merchant discount rate (MDR) for UPI transactions above ₹2,000, effective October 2026, aimed at ensuring sustainable cost structures for merchants while keeping UPI affordable. Meanwhile, Tata Sons is challenging RBI’s mandatory public listing requirement, arguing its holding company structure exempts it from NBFC listing rules, though the RBI has rejected its surrender of registration. The broader debate centers on whether the FCNRB scheme was a necessary temporary fix to stabilize reserves, or a misstep that transferred wealth from the government to ultra-rich individuals through leverage, while creating long-term fiscal and monetary costs.
Experts warn that without structural reforms to boost foreign direct investment, exports, and economic growth, such temporary interventions will fail. RBI now faces a dilemma: either absorb losses from rupee depreciation when deposits mature or maintain stability at a growing cost, undermining its independence and fiscal health. The episode highlights the urgent need for deeper structural reforms to ensure sustainable foreign exchange stability and inclusive economic growth.
FAQs
UPI transactions above 2000 rupees will incur a 0.4% merchant discount rate (MDR). This structure will take effect from October 15, 2026.
The fee is designed to cover the operational costs of UPI services, including server bandwidth, fraud prevention, and technical support, which the current government subsidy no longer fully covers.
Tata Sons is facing mandatory listing requirements as an upper-layer NBFC. The company is challenging this through legal means, arguing it no longer engages in lending or borrowing activities.
The FCNRB scheme was prematurely closed on August 31, 2026, after attracting over $127 billion in deposits. Banks now face higher hedging costs for interest payments on these deposits.
Banks must now bear the cost of hedging dollar interest liabilities, which could lead to reduced deposit uptake and increased financial pressure amid rising inflation.
Yes, the scheme may lead to significant sterilization costs. The government would need to issue bonds to absorb surplus liquidity, resulting in higher borrowing costs and fiscal strain.
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