#604: How To Interpret Nutrition Research – David Allison, PhD
52m 15s
In this episode of Sigma Nutrition Radio, host Danny Lennon interviews Dr. David Allison, a prominent nutrition and obesity researcher, about improving rigor and reproducibility in nutrition science. Allison emphasizes that rigorous research involves a multi-stage process—from framing precise, answerable questions to designing, executing, analyzing, interpreting, and communicating studies—each with potential pitfalls. He highlights common statistical errors, such as the DINS error, where researchers incorrectly infer treatment effects by comparing significance within groups rather than testing interactions between groups. He also clarifies misinterpretations of p-values and the frequentist framework, noting that probability is counterintuitive and often misunderstood. Allison addresses treatment response heterogeneity, arguing that variability in outcomes does not prove differential responses without proper controls and interaction analyses. He stresses the importance of transparency, including disclosing all analyses and exact p-values, and discusses the challenges of multiple testing. Looking forward, he calls for prioritizing key research questions, developing better dietary assessment tools beyond self-report, and implementing systemic changes like mandatory pre-registration, open data and code sharing, and publication of all trials. The conversation concludes with Allison’s advice to "question everything," underscoring a core scientific mindset. Overall, the episode aims to equip listeners with conceptual tools to critically evaluate nutrition research and understand common sources of error.
Hello and welcome to Sigma Nutrition Radio.
This is episode 604 of the podcast.
My name is Danny Lennon.
You are very welcome to the show.
Today we're gonna be getting into
one of my favorite things to talk about personally,
and that is some of the aspects
about interpreting nutrition science,
some aspects related to research,
critical appraisal of that,
and how the field can improve going forward.
So we're gonna get into a lot of topics
that might seem dry at the surface,
but I think are really at the center
of how we can interpret studies,
and understand if a particular study
gives us information that is useful,
or actually tells us what it claims that it does,
or can answer a particular research question that we want.
And so these are concepts that are fundamental,
but are very often overlooked or poorly understood.
And so to go through some of these concepts,
I'm gonna be talking with Dr. David Allison,
who is Chief of Nutrition and Director of the USDA's
Children's Nutrition Research Center
at Baylor College of Medicine,
where he's done research in nutrition, obesity,
regorant reproducibility of scientific evidence,
and he is one of the people
who I really, really value his perspectives
on evaluating research and doing good quality science.
And his work has been especially recognized
in some of the areas we're gonna be talking about today,
related to statistical reasoning, research methodology,
improving transparency and trustworthiness
in nutrition and health sciences.
And as you will see during our conversation,
he is someone that speaks with real precision and accuracy
about some of the most fundamental things within the field.
And I think if we're able to take a few of the ideas
and concepts that he discussed today,
it will massively improve your ability
to critically apply research
and understand some of the errors that go on.
This is one of the episodes where having maybe a couple
of listens will be really, really useful.
Some of these concepts are certainly ones
you wanna maybe investigate a bit deeper afterwards
and practice and apply with.
Also, for those of you who are sigma nutrition premium
subscribers, you will of course get detailed study notes
to accompany this episode,
which I think will be particularly useful here,
as well as an edited transcript
and the key ideas segment after the interview.
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any resources we might mention throughout the conversation.
So that is it.
Please enjoy this conversation between myself
and Dr. David Allison.
(upbeat music)
- A very big welcome to the podcast to Dr. David Allison.
Thank you so much for taking the time to join me today.
- Well, thank you, Danny.
It's truly a pleasure to be here with you.
- I'm really looking forward to this.
I think as I mentioned to you previously
in some of our communications, a really like,
not only your thoughts and your insights
that are based in your experiences,
but how you address some of the,
I think most pertinent issues within nutrition science.
And that's what I really want to get into here today.
How can going forward as a field,
nutrition science do better?
How can we get better quality answers
to the questions we care about
and have some degree of rigor in that?
But before I get to my questions,
maybe for people listening,
can you very briefly give them an introduction
into your work, your academic background,
your interests, anything else that might be relevant
to what we're gonna get into today?
- Sure, I'd be glad to.
My original training is as a psychologist,
but I've always been a scientist at heart.
And by that, I mean, I'm sending likes to look
at things in the world, wonder about them,
wonder's a wonderful thing.
Think about how do they get there,
what do they do, how does this work?
Is what I'm seeing, what's really there,
and so on, and then start to figure out ways
to try to answer those questions,
whether it's by asking somebody else
or collecting some data.
And even as a kid, I did that.
And often when I ask someone else
and get an answer, I follow up with a question
that not every loves it when a kid asks,
which is, how do you know?
And are you sure?
But those are the hallmarks of a scientist.
And so I've sort of been a scientist
for as long as I can remember.
People often ask me,
how did you choose to become a scientist?
And I say, it was no choice in the matter.
It's just what I am.
And then I've sort of evolved to be a statistician
because I'm a skeptic.
And I don't like taking anybody's word for anything.
And so I felt I needed to understand statistics.
That's why I kept studying statistics
until people seemed to think I was a statistician.
And then I stopped arguing and said,
okay, if you think I'm a statistician, I am.
So the statistician, a psychologist,
an obesity, nutrition, energetic, aging researcher,
some had focused on rigor, reproducibility,
and transparency and trustworthiness in science.
And I have the privilege of leading the USDA
Children's Nutrition Research Center
at Baylor College of Medicine
in Texas Children's Hospital.
- We're obviously gonna dive into
a number of those elements you related to,
really a more global sense of epistemology
and how we apply that to nutrition.
Not only what we know,
but more importantly, how did we come to know that?
And so before we get into maybe this specifics,
let me lead off with a perhaps overly broad question,
but feel free to go in which direction you wish.
And that's given that we're thinking about
in the spirit of scientific inquiry,
we want some degree of rigor in the field.
And I think this is where many valid points are made
around some of the problems that nutrition as a field faces.
When we want to have a rigorous scientific inquiry
in whatever field, specifically for us, that's nutrition,
what should that mean?
What things are we actually looking for?
And how do you conceptualize that for people?
- That's a very challenging question
and it's when I struggle with regularly
and think about often.
It was a wonderful book by a tool Gwande
called The Checklist Manifesto.
And I'm very enamored of it.
It talks about using checklists in things like surgery
to reduce the number of mistakes
and it seems to be very effective.
And I've tried to think,
well, what's the checklist for a research project?
And I've struggled with it
because research projects vary so much
that it's hard to think of a single checklist
for the astronomer and the cell biologist
and the human clinical trialist and so on.
And even within those domains,
it's hard to think about them all.
But I think if we think about the scientific process
very broadly, it seems to have a few major steps.
And one is conceiving of a question here,
identifying a topic in which one wants
to find something out and then structuring that question
to be precise and answerable and asking oneself
and checking, is it really answerable?
Not all questions that can be grammatically posed
really have meaning.
And I think when we get into some things
like the so-called debate of carbohydrate insulin model
versus energy balance model,
I think it may be who wants to ask,
is there actually a question on the table
that makes any logical sense?
That's the first step and we can have some checklist there.
The second one is, okay, now design the study.
What are you going to do to collect some information
that bears on that question?
The next step is to execute the practical
and you've got to execute it well.
You've got to record your measurements properly
and so forth and faithfully.
The next step is you've got to analyze the data
and the next step is you've got to interpret the analyses
and then finally you've got to communicate.
What you've found, so those are the steps involved.
And at each point, there are things that can go right
and things that can go wrong and things that we better or worse.
Every single one of those points we need to ask,
are we doing this as fairly as passable?
Are we checking for common mistakes?
Are we documenting what we've done?
Are we being transparent in what we've done?
My own belief is that rigor is compromisable.
We always want the most rigor we can get,
but not every study deserves equal rigor.
Some studies are very important.
If it's, for example, a registry study
of a clinical child for a drug where safety
and a very serious matters aren't hand,
we probably want that to be the greatest figure we can achieve.
On the other hand, sometimes it's a very quick test
of some observational question is A associated with B.
That's actually not really a great importance
or it's very preliminary and we might have less rigor.
We might use self-reported heights and weights, for example.
And I think there's nothing wrong with that.
The key is to disclose it so that if the reader knows
that we did these things that were not so rigorous,
then they can make their own judgment
about how much confidence to put in that study.
So that's, I think, a general approach.
A lot of us can have a focus on how maybe a study was executed
when it comes to interpreting that study.
And we look at that,
Whereas really, as you've alluded to there, we need to look at this at various stages all along, and there's probably no way we can put specific numbers on this.
But as a general point, how would you think about how prevalent or not we actually see in the field of nutrition where the problem with a particular study or set of studies might not be in the execution in of itself, but rather that either the design or the analysis that was used or whatever the case may be.
Was just incapable of answering the question we wanted to answer or ID that should be able to if that question makes any sense at all.
Well, your question certainly makes sense.
I have no numerical information on this. I can only sort of give you a gestalt gut feeling on it for what that's worth.
When we have the opportunity, when I have the opportunity to get a view into those things for any particular study,
I see not in every paper or every study, but in most, I see some things that could be done have been done differently or perhaps better in every phase.
Now, in some cases, those differences were the things that I think might have been done better or differently or relatively minor or modest.
And I would still describe the study as having some validity that is not being completely invalidated by the error.
And by an invalidating error, my group, we use a term to mean an error which, if corrected, could either change the results in conclusion or would change the results in conclusion.
So sometimes we don't know what it would, but we know that it could. And in either case, we consider those invalidating errors. Even if it didn't change the results and conclusions, we still consider it invalidating errors, we could have.
Hard to know in all cases, but when we get a peek into it, we often see it.
We see it at the level of the logic. And I've mentioned one example just now.
We could talk about other things with ultra process foods or what, happy with the very logic of what's being asked is open to doubt.
We see it in the premises where the premises of seed are not valid. We see it in the methods where the measurements may not be valid.
We see a great deal of that with food intake measurements.
We also see a great deal, but not a great deal, but we see it in other areas. There was a very controversial, interesting case recently. You probably know about involving so-called hyper responders.
And whether hyper responders to a ketogenic diet who have high LDL cholesterol are actually at risk from that high LDL cholesterol for coronary artery plaques.
There was a challenge there with the measurements or the image analysis of the CAC measurements.
And so that's a measurement for any problem. As we go into analyses, we see this very often. We see what's called a dins error, which is difference in nominal significance. That's a term my group is introduced in which one looks at the treatment group, for example, in a randomized controlled study.
The treatment group changed and P is less than 0.05, let's just say for discussions 0.049, the control group didn't change, didn't lose weight or lower their cholesterol or whatever.
And the P value was 0.051. So it was significant in the treatment group and not significant in the control group. Therefore, I declare that there was an effect.
The statistical nonsense, you can easily mathematically prove that that's a grossly incorrect procedure, but that's still sometimes used.
We also see with cluster randomized trials, which happen to be very popular in childhood obesity, community, school and other intervention programs.
Very, very frequently, those are misanalyzed to the point of being completely invalid. And there's unfortunately a great deal to explain wrong literature that purporting to show certain things are efficacious or effective for childhood obesity when the studies have not shown that.
And we get to interpretation is a great deal of confusion there, particularly in areas about treatment response heterogeneity. It links back to the design and sometimes analysis that is is a great deal of discussion by clinical investigators.
And there's a sort of treatment response heterogeneity and what they're really observing is variability among people in outcomes like weight loss as an example, but not in response and they conflate outcome with response.
If outcomes were responses, we wouldn't need control groups and studies. The very fact that these control groups recognizes that the response to treatment is not the same as the outcome achieved.
We need to forget that when they go into treatment response heterogeneity and they say, look, some people lost the lot of weight, some people lost the little weight, some people even gain weight.
Well, great treatment response heterogeneity. In which case, we have to say, no, there's no evidence for that at all. Yes, there might be treatment response heterogeneity that that's evidence for it.
So you have an analytic and interpretive problem. Many people misanalyze and misdesign their studies there and misinterpret them. And then in terms of dissemination, that's where it really gets squarely. It is not at all uncommon to see in the paper in the results section of a paper by an aesthetic set of investigators, a very clear statement of something like on our primary end point.
There was no statistically significant difference between the treatment and control. And then the abstract contains some other statement in the conclusion, like this is a promising treatment with some apparent effectiveness in women.
Let's just say, exactly, because later as a postdoc analysis, they looked at women and men separately and found that seem to be affected in women, but not men. And it's not mentioned in the abstract. I was postdoc or it's not mentioned that it wasn't on the primary outcome. It was on a secondary or wasn't on all subjects, it was only on subjects after they eliminated some subset.
And then it's less tempered in the abstract. Then you go to the press release from the university and you get more spin. And then you go to the interview that's published in the newspaper, an online news article with the investigator who suddenly has forgotten everything he or she said earlier, it wasn't the primary outcome or in the observational association study that it was an association, not necessarily causation.
And suddenly you hear words about causation, impact, large effects, outrage, miracle cure, etc. So these are all the problems we see.
The answer is so rich with a number of issues that I think understanding that these issues arise, being able to identify them, would eliminate so much of the confusion that we have around nutrition, even for people within the field and within academia. And so I'd love us to start working through some of those that you've raised in a bit more detail, just to make sure that everyone is clear on examples of where these come up.
Exactly what is happening here and why it is so pertinent. If we start first with that dins error, that's the difference in nominal significance. And in a simplistic form, we're talking about situations where someone can see that in one group, we see a significant finding from pre to post tests at the end versus the beginning. And then the other group, we do a pre versus post and we see that there's a no significant finding.
The issue then comes, people start trying to make conclusions relative to the difference between groups based on this. As you've noted, this is a significant error that can lead us into huge problems.
Can you maybe just restate that again? And then maybe to put a bit of color on this, why does this mistake actually remain so common? Because one thing is that it happens when people are interpreting studies, you see it all the time on social media, people look at a randomized control trial and are making conclusions of this type based on a significance finding in one group from the start to the end of the trial.
And maybe not in the other. However, this, as you noted, is something that is still happening within the studies and being reported by the study authors themselves. Why is this such a problem? And then why do you think this remains to be so common?
I think it's a problem for two reasons. One is, you might say, is innocent and the other is not so innocent. The innocent problem is that many non-statistician investigators don't understand statistics very well.
The most common type of statistical inference we use, an inference meaning you're sort of making it not just describing what you see in the data, in the sample data you have in your hand, but you're making an inference to what's the case in the population from which you've obtained that sample.
That's what you really want to know about. And so the process of inference, one school is called the frequentist school and is by far the most common one used in the health sciences and it involves the p-values and the confidence intervals and things like that that you're used to say.
The logic of frequentist statistics, I believe person is sound, some people don't, but it's not intuitive. Most people want to know about the probability as the hypothesis they're testing for instance.
example, being tree. So for example, if I say to you, well, what's your hypothesis here,
Danny? And you said, well, my hypothesis is that the treatment group would lose more
weight than the control, or better yet, better said, treatment causes weight loss. And
I say, good, that's terrific, Danny. We just did the analysis for you. And the p value
was less than 0.05. Let's say it's 0.04. You said, oh, great, David. So that means there's
only a 4% chance that the treatment doesn't cause an effect. And there's a 96% chance
that it does. You say, no, no, Danny, sorry, you got it backwards. You've made what's
called the prosecutor's fallacy. You're interpreting the probability of a given b as the probability
of b given a. You're interpreting my number. I gave you that p value as the probability
that the hypothesis is true or false, as opposed to the probability of obtaining the data
you observed or data more extreme departure in terms of its departure from what would
be expected under the null hypothesis, if the null hypothesis were true. And then you
might say, David, what the heck did you just say? That is unmouthful. I said, Danny, it's
really we observed the probability of the data given if there was no effect. That's
what 0.04 means, not the probability of the original effect. And you said, well, David,
I don't care about the probability of the data, the data or my hand. I know what they
are. I care about the probability that my hypothesis is true or not. And I said, well, we don't
answer that, Danny. Sorry. We give you the answer to the question. We want to answer.
It does bear on it. If we say there is some chance that your hypothesis could be true.
It's conceivable. And the probability, if there is no effect of obtaining data that look
like this is very low. It strengthens our belief legitimately, in my opinion, that there
is an effect, but it doesn't tell you what perhaps you really want to know. And to get
to that, one has to adopt a different framework, usually called Bayesian. And that's uncommon,
a less common approach. And even, and that has issues too, these things are very difficult
concepts for some. They're not at all intuitive. So I think that's a big part of it. Probability
is just not intuitive. If you know the best example of all is the famous Monty Hall problem.
And I don't, in the interest of time, perhaps, I mean, I can go through it if you want,
but I suspect you don't want me to go through it. But the listener can look it up. It's
a fun problem. And what's also fun is the social history of how many professional, factual
level mathematics and statistics professionals get it wrong until it takes them a long time
to conceive it. So probability is very counterintuitive. And a lot of people make just innocent
mistakes. And I think a big problem we have in health sciences is we don't have enough
professional statisticians involved. Too many investigators either believe they and their
research team have the statistical skills to do the analysis and interpret it because
somebody took one master's level course 20 years ago in statistics and knows how to turn
the computer on it. Or just doesn't have access to a statistician because they're
not available or they don't have funding for it. That's a big problem. You know, we,
we tell a joke sometimes in our group that's not original to us, but someone from the surgery
to bother surging calls up the statistician professor and says, I'm going to do my own
statistical analysis on this trial I did. So I don't really need your help. I'm just
hoping you can recommend a good statistics textbooks for me. And the statistics professor
replies, oh, that's wonderful. I'm glad you called because I also wanted to do some brain
surgery, but I'd like to just do it myself. Can you recommend a textbook for me? And the
point is, you know, we wouldn't trust the statistician to do that. You know, I know what
the newly's principle is and I understand how a combustion engine works, but do you want
me to personally be the one checking the 747 plane before you get on it? Probably probably
probably on a professional mechanical engineering expert. So that's a really big problem. But
if everybody had a professional statistician analyzing every one of their studies, we wouldn't
possibly, under current circumstances, have enough statisticians available. So we really
need to think this through and figure out how to work it out. And I'm not sure I know
the solution. The other cause is not saying what I say. Many people want to publish a statistically
significant result either because they think it makes the paper more interesting where they
really believe the hypothesis. They just don't want to tell you that I still might believe
my hypothesis that this dietary supplement doesn't, for example, causes lower cholesterol
or weight loss or more happiness or whatever you think it causes. And you're entitled to
your belief, you would leave anything you want, but they want to be able to say my evidence
supports it. And maybe they don't get the statistically significant result on the
prep analysis, but they do see if they do this so-called dins error, then they can claim
it's effective. And I think that's nefarious or malfeasance. And when you see a research
plan published in a protocol paper, clinical trials registry at Prairie, and it says we're
going to do this prep analysis, but then the impropriet analysis is reported. You kind of
have a good sense that this was not so innocent. And some of those nefarious drivers, I certainly
want to return to later. Some of them, as you mentioned, owing to the incentives at play
that are related to maybe pressures within academia or just our current peer review publishing
system that we have amongst other things. And I also want to return to this central importance
of statistics to be able to not only interpret studies properly, but make sure that we're doing
proper science. So maybe let me work through a couple of the things that you said. And given
that we are, including myself, not statisticians, having a grasp of certain key concepts related
to statistics can maybe head off some of these potential problems, or at least that we can
maybe make some note of them when someone is erroneously interpreting a study, either
intentionally or not, or spotting problems in actual papers. As you've mentioned, there's
maybe confusion around what probability actually is, how to interpret P values, what we're actually
testing. Certainly, at least from a frequentist perspective, what we're actually testing, we're
re-asking the question, if the null hypothesis were true, what is the probability of observing
these particular data or data more extreme, as opposed to what maybe people might typically
tend to think around that we're testing the alternative hypothesis. So there's a real
key importance of understanding some of these concepts. One that I wanted to return to
that you mentioned a bit earlier relates to the heterogeneity and response. And this is
in particular, I see it come up quite a lot where you sometimes have actually a researcher
promoting the work maybe on social media, or you have other people talking about the study.
And they might hold up trial data, and they will misinterpret some of these findings to
say, well, look, we have these two different interventions, or we have these two different
groups. And based on this response, and they'll show all the individual data points from
the study, they start labeling those people as responders or non-responders, and then going
to make a further claim that, well, this means that for some of these people, this diet
is better and the other one is worse. And for other people, it's the converse. And they're
making that claim based on this one particular trial, which is not, it's not the question
except answer. So could you maybe just, from your perspective, again, explain some of this
confusion people have when it comes to this heterogeneity, how maybe they're taking trial
data and making claims about individualization of response, or making conclusions that aren't
actually what this data is able to provide us with.
This is one that's particularly irksome to me because so many methodologists have written
about this, and yet it just doesn't seem to get to most investigators who are not statisticians.
There seems to be this presumption that GIC, different people lose different amounts of
weights, or have different outcomes in kinds of happiness, or sexuality, or muscle growth,
or, again, whatever somebody's studying. And therefore, there's great heterogeneity
response. I've even heard it in FDA advisor board meetings, I've heard the FDA look to the
sponsor and say, "Can you tell us more about these non-responders?" And, you know, sometimes
want to jump up and scream, "There's no evidence that there are any non-responders. You're
just seeing variability in outcomes. We don't know what that means." And the reason is,
let's just take an example and let's take weight loss. Let's suppose that you and I have
both in a clinical trial, and we're both in the treatment group. And on average, the
treatment group loses 15 kilos, and the control group loses five kilos. So now we have very
good, assuming everything else is good with this study, we have very good justification for saying
the treatment causes a 10 kilo weight loss on average. Estimated the average effect. We had
to subtract a placebo weight loss out from the treatment, mean weight loss. So now we know the
mean effect, or at least we have a good estimate. And let's suppose, though, that in that trial,
in which case, as I said, the average weight loss in the treatment group is
15 kilos. Let's suppose that I only lost five kilos. You lost 20 kilos. It's tempting to say
you had a very good response, a better than your higher weight loss response than average,
and I had a lesser weight. I'm a poor responder, a weak responder, or whatever you want to call it,
you're a high or intense or good responder. But here's the problem. If you and I were in the
control group, we also might have lost different amounts of weight. Maybe in the control group
had you and I have been in it, I would have in fact gained five kilos and you would have lost
five kilos. So there were factors affecting our weight loss other than I respond civility to the
treatment. Maybe during that interval you got a horrible case of a flip and it caused you to lose
an extra five kilos and you hadn't yet fully recovered. And so we see the 20 kilo rather than
50 kilo weight loss for you. But really only 15 or due to the drug, or I should say 10 because
we have to subtract out the placebo, only 10 were due to the drug and the remainder were due
was due to the fact that you got this absolutely hard case of the flu. In contrast,
let's suppose that I moved next door or to an apartment that was right above a donut shot.
And I love donuts and every day I smell the donuts when I walk in their building and I can't
resist them and I start eating a few donuts every day and that's what counteracts some of the weight
loss from the drug. That would have happened in the placebo group two. And so it's not different to
response. It's just differential outcomes because of the swings and arrows of outrageous fortune to
quirk Shakespeare. And that needs to be taken into account in the analysis. You can do that simply
if you have observed things that you think moderated. So if you think for example age or sex or
starting BMI or geographic location or whether you have low insulin baseline levels or high insulin
baseline levels or particular genotype, you can if you measure those things, you can include them
in your statistical model. And what you need to test for is an interaction between that and the
treatment assignment. What too many clinical investigators do is if they do that at all,
they just look at the treatment group or they don't even do a control trial. They just treat some
people. And then they say, I can predict outcome with whether you're a man or a woman or this geographic
area or not or have this baseline insulin level or not. And they mistake predicting the outcome
for predicting the response. What you need to do is have the control. And then you need to look at
an interaction between those factors. And treatment versus control assignment has a variable.
And if you get that statistical interaction, then you've done everything else right, then you
can claim that there's some treatment response heterogeneity with respect to those tree randomization
variables. If you want to look at all of the treatment response heterogeneity variants,
which includes the things you know about and could measure and the things you didn't know about
are didn't measure or didn't include in your statistical model, then you need a completely
different approach. And often probably the only or the most valid one is something that involves
a crashing over design, but not a conventional cross over design. The ordinary two by two treatments
by two period cross over design won't do it. What you need is a multi period cross over design
with multiple sequences. And you need to have for each treatment at least two periods in which
the treatment is applied. And very people very rarely do that. We have found a few studies that
have been set up like that that we can analyze that way. Even though the original investigators
didn't plan it for that, but they use what's called factorial designs. And we're able to extract
that analysis from the factorial design. And we have a paper that's in review on that in which one of
my postdocs Dr. Ready is the lead author. And we find that in some things we get statistically
significant evidence of treatment response heterogeneity. And in some, we don't say, you know,
it just looks as far as we can tell there's no strong evidence that people or mice respond
differently to this treatment. On that, I do have a question maybe I'll return to a bit later,
related to the use of cross over studies in nutrition. But one thing before I forget that I wanted
to pull back on, you mentioned a bit earlier, Dr. Anderson was in relation to the sometimes
nefarious, sometimes maybe just bad practice that can go on that a bit of statistical understanding
can help people realize why it's such an issue. And that relates to the use, particularly of
secondary outcomes. And so oftentimes, I think everyone is relatively familiar that we have this
primary outcome that is the main subject of what we're trying to answer within a particular study.
But there will be certain secondary outcomes listed as well. And sometimes you see in studies
where there's a whole range of secondary outcomes, a big long list of things. And I think for
someone who maybe is coming in without a background in this, they might say, well, what is the problem
with that? If we have a study and someone just is going to go and measure everything they possibly
can because we have access to these participants right now. And then after the fact, we can see kind
of what comes up. Obviously, there's a significant flaw in that. But I think there's also a bit for
those who are very familiar with that and understand the maybe the limits of looking at maybe secondary
outcomes compared to a primary outcome that maybe don't take the time to actually think about the
implications from a statistical standpoint. That is, if we think of the more secondary outcomes
we can list and we just keep testing more and more things and we then we think of the potential
for false positives, false negatives within our data at huge numbers of things that we're testing.
Statistically, we can pretty easily demonstrate why this becomes a problem. So with that ramble aside,
can you maybe mention for maybe people who are not in the field? Why is it so problematic if someone
is just going to measure a whole bunch of different outcomes that they are not our primary outcome?
And then after the fact, just see what ends up being a significant outcome. And as opposed to
the real thrust of the question is, if we do find significance within that particular secondary outcome,
let's say, why does that not necessarily guarantee that's a trustworthy piece of data, let's say?
Okay, really good question. And it's a very challenging question because it brings up these
philosophical issues as well as practical issues. But practical issues are socially difficult,
but not intellectually difficult. And to me, the big practical issue is just disclosure.
There's a wonderful book about statistics that one could probably read in two hours on a plane,
contains almost no equations by Robert Abelson. And the title of the book is statistics as principled
arguments. And at one point in the book, I'm paraphrasing here. Abelson says something like,
you know, students and colleagues often come to me and they say, "Professor, can I do this in my
design or analysis?" And he responds, "You can do anything you want as long as you are prepared to
accept a epistemologic limits that that choice makes upon you." And I agree with him. But I would add
further, you can do anything you want if you accept the limits. And here's the important end,
and you disclose it to the reader. That's the issue of transparency. So you can do any good, bad,
stupid intelligence analysis you want, in my opinion. But just tell the reader what you did,
and then the reader can make their own judgment. That's the key practical thing. And if people don't do
that, if you analyze a thousand endpoints and you just published the one that came out significant,
where you analyze your data a thousand ways and just published the ones that came out significant.
But you don't disclose that. Then we can't properly interpret those statistics you give.
Now, let's jump back to the much harder issue, which is the philosophical issue.
Let's suppose that what we're actually looking at is the effects of, let's say, some elements
of self-reported dietary intake on some outcomes of interest. And we're looking at a big data set.
And there are many, many things we might call outcomes. There are things like body composition
measurements and metabolism measurements and health outcomes. And many of those can be scaled
different ways. So we've probably got thousands of outcomes. We can find that a big data set
like the N-hains, for example. And we've got thousands of exposures of how much broccoli you
get you lead to, how much cauliflower or how much, what's the ratio of broccoli to a cauliflower
consumption? So close to infinite number of things I can put in if I allow myself all these.
If I do all of the analyses, thousands upon thousands of easily getting to the millions,
right? If I have a thousand outcomes and a thousand exposures, right? I'm up to a million now.
I'm sorry, a billion. These lead to the idea that you can just find any random non-dual.
sense. And something will be statistically significant eventually by chance. And we
shouldn't have very much confidence in that. And most people intuitively say, if I'm going
to do something like that, I need to apply some correction. The most one on more and
more is called the bond for only correction. And you basically, I won't go through what
the bond family correction is, but you apply a much more stringent test, right? So instead
of saying the p value of less than 0.05 is good enough, I'm going to take 0.05 and I'm
going to divide it by the number of tests we did. And if that was a million tests, then
it's point has to be a significance level of or p value with less than 0.05 divided
by a million before I get to declare it's statistically significant. Now, most people
intuitively say, yeah, that kind of makes sense. Otherwise, it just looks like you're,
as they so called the Texas shark shooter problem, which is just shoot everything all over
the side of the barn and then go find where there's a clustering bullet holes and draw a
target around it and say, look, I hit the bulls eye. Most of us feel that's who doesn't
make sense and not a lot of argument about the need for some with the values and multiple
testing correction here. But now let's take a different situation. Now, let's suppose
that you and I are both interested in the effect of avocado consumption on mood. We both do
a study of 100 subjects 50 randomly assigned to eat an avocado for lunch and 50 assigned
to eat something else. And then we measure mood using the exact same scale and we get
the exact same result and that is the p value for the estimated effect of avocado on mood
is 0.049. Now, interestingly, in addition to the measure of mood that we both used, which
was let's just say some self-reporting, suppose you are ambitious and you said, wow, I don't
know if people are always going to report honestly or accurately, I'd like another look
at this. So I'm going to have outside observers rate the apparent mood of the subject.
So now you have two variables as an outcome. You have subject reported mood and observer
reported mood. I only have one subject reporting mood. Now we say, well, Danny, if you can
analyze them both, you need to do a bond for only correction. So in order for you to declare
that you have a statistically significant result, your p values need to be below 0.025.
On the other hand, I only tested one outcome. So my p value only needs to be below 0.05.
But we both got the, we did the identical study and with respect to self-reported mood,
we got the identical result. And by the rules of the game, I say my study shows to a reasonable
degree of certainty that eating an avocado leads to this effect in mood, p less than 0.05.
You say, by the rules of the game, my study does not show that eating an avocado has this
effect on mood, p equals 0.049, p is greater than 0.025, not statistically significant.
We have the identical result, but opposite or different conclusions, only because you were
ambitious enough to include an extra measure in your study. That seems counterintuitive
and silly. But it's no different than the big one. It's just smaller. One's big lots
of testing. And many astute statisticians like Dr. Kenneth Rothman, former editor of
American Journal of Epidemiology, said, we shouldn't use multiple testing corrections.
There's no right answer to that. It's a matter of judgment. But I think what we want to
do is be transparent with the reader. So we want to give the exact p value. So instead
of you just saying not significant and we just saying significant, if we both say, and
the p value was 0.049, then again, readers can judge for themselves. If something wants
to do a blindfolded correction on yours, they can. If they don't, they don't have to.
You've given them all the transparent information.
I mean, that's a recurring theme that we want this transparency in how things are going
to be reported, but also that there's some thought gone into that as well. With respect
to the p value in general, never mind some of the corrections, there's obviously huge debate
within the field of statistics around that we could probably spend hours only focusing
on that. But sadly, we don't have time here. And to respect the time we do have, I'll
maybe start trying to get to my final question or so. There's a whole host of things that
I could ask you about David. But one thing that I think is worth coming to is in relation
to nutrition broadly. There's obviously much debate about where the field is going, where
it has been up to now. What areas can we improve? There's a whole range of different perspectives
on that. And one that particularly maybe applies in the case of nutrition epidemiology, but
we could also think of this more broadly within the field of nutrition. Given the type
of exposures we're looking at in nutrition, given the outcomes we're looking at and all
the factors that influence those that go outside of nutrition in comparison to other fields,
we are working oftentimes with effect sizes that are relatively small, let's say. And so
then when we start thinking about a number of the potential measurement errors that can
happen, this starts to become tricky and is where we get into a lot of discussion and
perspectives that people have of where we need to go. So when you think about the general
issue of this measurement error that is always going to come up, the effect sizes that
we're working at within nutrition, all the challenges that come with the type of exposures
and outcomes we are looking at. And again, at the fear of trying to get you to condense
what could be hours worth of discussion into one particular answer, for you, what are
the most pressing issues that you think that as a field nutrition could and or should
be doing much better now, that would give us that biggest bang for the buck in terms
of entering those questions we care about.
I think I can provide a few things in my personal views, not a very good degree, what we could
do to make more rapid progress. One is we could do a stronger calling of research questions
to decide which ones are really important and which ones both important and answerable
and which ones are either less important or less answerable. And then, and I'm thinking
mainly about effects on health outcomes or other outcomes of interest in humans. And
then for those that we think are answerable and important, we really dig in and we do much
more powerful better studies. For the others, we just do a little less of them and accept
more uncertainty. That's the first. The second thing is I think we really need to work
on our methods and I think we need to stop spending so much time debating about things
like the value of self-reported food intake and trying to tweak it in tiny ways and make
it better or to apologize for it and think that by apologizing for its limits. That made
the limits go away and we need to just say that's a terrible method and let's really move
a great deal of the investment from using those methods to coming up with better methods
that are based on biochemical and other types of tests and will have more validity if we
can work them out. The third thing I would say goes to sort of the social behaviors and
I think there are three things we can do, not just in nutrition, but in science and general
with nutrition in particular, that would go a very long way. The first is get all trials
and as many other types of studies as possible, pre-registered, chemically in a searchable
database. That's starting to happen. We're not completely there, but we've made a lot
of progress on that, including having a pre-specified data analysis plan. Second thing
is that upon publication of the study, all raw data and all statistical code for reproducing
every number reported in every line of text, every table, every figure in that paper are
made publicly available online and immediately upon publication. None of this nonsense, data
are available upon reasonable requests and then when you write to people, you find out
that they don't consider your request reasonable. Then the third thing is with exceptions, there
will always be exceptions, but with exceptions that should be rare. Publication, ag trials
should be mandatory. That is no matter how boring you think your result is, no matter how
little you think it will help you get your net's grant, tenure, promotion, fame, you are
obligated to publish it. I think that should be a condition of IRB approval. It should
be a condition of accepting the grant funding, assuming you accept grant funding for it. It
should be a condition of working out a non-profit institution like a university and if people
don't comply with it, then I think the IRB should say, "We're not approving anything else
for you until you do this."
grant funding agency should say we're not giving you any more grants and you're not
always able to apply unless you do this and so on.
There's a whole host of things I had planned that I would love to talk to you about.
I will leave you with the very final short question that I always leave the podcast on.
And it is simply if you could advise people to do one thing that would have a benefit
for any aspect of their life each day, what might that one thing be?
Question everything.
Listen perfectly with what we've discussed today and brings us full circle to I think
your initial response to the very first question.
So with that, Dr. David Allison, let me say thank you so much for giving up your time
to come and talk to me today.
I really, really appreciate it.
More so for the thought and that has gone into your answers to perspectives.
I've learned a lot from your work and hearing your perspectives on nutrition science as
a field has really helped shape a number of things personally.
So I appreciate that and thanks for being a part of this.
Well, Sarah, I have learned and continued to learn so much from your podcast that I'm
truly grateful and if I've been able to repay that learning even a tiny bit today, I'm
happy to have fun.
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And of course, your support is what keeps Sigmundnutrition going.
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So your support is what allows me to continue to do this.
So thank you for that.
I hope you do come back for the next episode regardless and until then, have a great week.
Stay safe and take care.
Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Rigor in nutrition science requires attention across all stages
Common errors include the "difference in nominal significance" (DINS) error, where significance in one group and not another is wrongly used to claim treatment effects.
Statistical concepts like p-values are often misinterpreted; frequentist statistics provide the probability of data under the null hypothesis, not the probability of the hypothesis being true.
Treatment response heterogeneity is frequently misidentified; variability in outcomes is not evidence of differential response without proper control-group comparisons and interaction tests.
Multiple testing without disclosure or corrections can lead to false positives, but corrections are debated; transparency in reporting exact p-values and methods is crucial.
Pressing improvements include prioritizing important and answerable research questions, developing better dietary intake measurement methods, and enforcing pre-registration, data/code sharing, and mandatory publication of trials.
The final advice is to question everything, aligning with scientific skepticism.
Summary:
In this episode of Sigma Nutrition Radio, host Danny Lennon interviews Dr. David Allison, a prominent nutrition and obesity researcher, about improving rigor and reproducibility in nutrition science. Allison emphasizes that rigorous research involves a multi-stage process—from framing precise, answerable questions to designing, executing, analyzing, interpreting, and communicating studies—each with potential pitfalls.
He highlights common statistical errors, such as the DINS error, where researchers incorrectly infer treatment effects by comparing significance within groups rather than testing interactions between groups. He also clarifies misinterpretations of p-values and the frequentist framework, noting that probability is counterintuitive and often misunderstood. Allison addresses treatment response heterogeneity, arguing that variability in outcomes does not prove differential responses without proper controls and interaction analyses.
He stresses the importance of transparency, including disclosing all analyses and exact p-values, and discusses the challenges of multiple testing. Looking forward, he calls for prioritizing key research questions, developing better dietary assessment tools beyond self-report, and implementing systemic changes like mandatory pre-registration, open data and code sharing, and publication of all trials. The conversation concludes with Allison’s advice to "question everything," underscoring a core scientific mindset.
Overall, the episode aims to equip listeners with conceptual tools to critically evaluate nutrition research and understand common sources of error.
FAQs
The main steps are conceiving a precise and answerable question, designing the study, executing it faithfully, analyzing the data, interpreting the analyses, and communicating the findings. Each step requires checking for mistakes, documenting actions, and being transparent.
The DINS error, or difference in nominal significance, occurs when researchers conclude a treatment effect because the treatment group showed a significant change (e.g., p < 0.05) while the control group did not, without directly comparing the groups. This is statistically invalid because it ignores the proper test of interaction between group and time.
Because outcomes in a treatment group include factors unrelated to the treatment, such as chance events or environmental influences. Without a control group and a proper statistical test for interaction between treatment and baseline characteristics, you cannot distinguish treatment response from random outcome variability.
Testing many secondary outcomes increases the chance of false positives due to multiple testing. If researchers only report significant findings without disclosing all tests performed, the results cannot be properly interpreted, and the findings may be due to chance rather than a real effect.
There is no single correct answer; it is a matter of judgment. The key is transparency: report exact p-values so readers can decide how to interpret them. Overly aggressive corrections can lead to different conclusions for identical results just because extra measures were added.
Prioritize important and answerable research questions, invest in better measurement methods beyond self-reported food intake, and enforce pre-registration of trials, public availability of raw data and code, and mandatory publication of all results.
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