50 Days to Midterms: Trump DOWNPLAYS the AI Apocalypse (ft. Dana Bash)
45m 48s
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Welcome to Raging Moderates.
I'm Scott Galloway.
And I'm Jessica Tarliff.
Jess, where are you today?
I am in the Vox Mecca in the offices,
which is how I can have the fancy Raging Moderates logo behind me.
Oh, nice.
Can you see?
Isn't it beautiful?
It is.
Well, actually, I can't see it.
Yes, I'm in LA, but tomorrow night I'm jumping on a red-eye
to come back to interview you in front of a live audience,
a sold-out audience.
It's. It's the 92nd Street Y to talk about your book.
Very excited.
But before that, joining us today is Dana Bash,
CNN's chief political correspondent
and the anchor of Inside Politics and State of the Union.
She's also the author of the new book,
The Elections That Changed the World,
15 Pivotal Moments That Shaped How We Live,
which comes out September 22nd.
Dana, it is so good to see you.
Scott does love both of you.
He talks about you all the time.
I do.
All right, before we get into the book,
what we're going to do today is we're going to start
with the midterms.
We're now 50 days away from the midterms,
and we have a new CNN poll that should give Democrats
or should have Democrats feeling pretty good
and Republicans pretty worried.
Democrats lead Republicans in enthusiasm to vote
and the midterm is 42% to 30%.
Give us, in your view, kind of set the table.
Give us the lay of the land regarding the midterms
from your vantage point.
The hunger is there for voters who will support Democrats.
The passion is there.
The anger is there,
which is probably the most important
of the three words I just used.
But the question is whether or not the systems in place
are stacked so much against the Democrats
that they can actually maintain or have the blue wave
that all of the metrics,
right now, look like they should have.
And I think my answer right now is probably not.
You don't know.
I mean, it could be a tsunami and maybe I'm totally wrong,
but between the mid-decade redistricting
and the who knows what's going to happen
with what Trump is doing in trying to tell people
don't use mail-in voting,
which we can talk about more in a second
because I think that cuts both ways,
and even not just midterm redistricting,
the redistricting beforehand,
that there just aren't as many swing seats
to get a big majority as there were,
nevermind 2018, but certainly 2006.
I feel like 2006, it feels the most like today
in terms of the issues and whether it's healthcare,
which is the broader affordability bucket,
and also war.
Who knew that we would be in an anti-war,
post-war posture right now with Donald Trump as president?
And do you think, so the polling I'm seeing
is that it's a sort of a fait accompli
that we're going to take the House,
but now it feels like we're starting
to really actually believe we might take the Senate.
Talk about what you think the prospects are
of the Democrats capturing control of the Senate.
Look, it's an uphill climb
and everything has to go their way
to get even a one seat majority,
but it is possible.
I mean, if you think about the state of Kansas,
Kansas has not gone for the Democrats
in decades and decades on a federal level.
They've elected governors,
but not on a federal level for the Senate.
And the vice president of the United States,
whose time is very important and very valuable,
is campaigning for the Republican incumbent senator.
In Kansas, that tells you everything you need to know.
Not necessarily that he's going to lose,
but that they're afraid enough
that they need to bolster him up.
So if you look at that,
I don't know that that's going to happen,
but obviously the biggies are Texas, Iowa,
which because candidate quality really matters
and the candidate in Iowa,
the Republican Ashley Hinson is a very good candidate.
Even Democrats will tell you that.
And then they have to not lose.
Michigan, which is an open Democratic seat
and New Hampshire,
which is an open Democratic seat because of retirements.
I'm glad you brought up New Hampshire
because this is like my latest anxiety attack
because we just haven't been focusing on it at all.
And I had Chris Pappas on before the primary.
And it feels like the last couple of weeks,
this has just started bubbling up
as like we could have a. And we're saying we know that you are
not going to win.
You're not a we in this.
This is a me and a Scott we in terms of the Democrats.
But I did not think that I would have to be
having panic attacks about Michigan or New Hampshire.
And I mean, Sununu's are great candidates in general,
but it seems more fraught than we thought.
And I don't know if it's just the Pappas' team
hasn't been talking about this enough
or what's been going on,
but it does feel like it just. entered the conversation.
It did.
I think part of it is because we just had the primary.
Their primary is very late.
It was just last week.
So now the general election is set.
By the way, you, talking about the two of you
and others who want the Democrats to win,
should be very happy that Pappas won that primary
because the sort of DSA lefty candidate was closing in.
Didn't end up really that competitive,
but you never know in these times
with the Democratic Party.
And so, yeah, so the primary is done
and the Sununu name is still really rock solid
as a family and independent and individual candidates
who look out for New Hampshire.
Obviously, starting with the father, Governor Sununu,
the first John Sununu, and this is John E. Sununu,
who was a senator.
And then he lost to Gene Shaheen,
the Democratic senator who's retiring.
And. So if there's any kind of sort of flavor of Republican
who can try to walk the line between
still appealing to the MAGA base,
which exists in New Hampshire,
but also to people who just want to get things done,
which also very much exists in New Hampshire,
John E. Sununu, who's on the ballot,
is definitely their best bet.
Let's talk about some of the more recent news
around technology, specifically AI and prophecy.
Oh, I have questions for you.
I have questions for you on this.
You're going to go first here.
Anthropic CEO called for a slowdown
in AI development over the weekend,
and now we're seeing an interesting example
of bipartisanship with Bernie Sanders and Stephen Bannon
teaming up to push for keeping AI under human control.
What's your sense of how these growing fears
about an AI apocalypse and the backlash over data centers
will impact the midterms?
I think it could be,
and it sounds silly to say that this is an October surprise,
because AI,
AI is not a surprise,
but this anthropic statement from Dario
and the way that other companies and CEOs are responding,
and more importantly, to your question,
the way that candidates are being forced to respond
should be seismic.
And like everything else in politics right now,
the way that Donald Trump is playing it
is potentially not helpful
to the way that he's playing it.
to his fellow Republicans who are on
the ballot, because he keeps saying, in fact, he has a lengthy post out this morning about
the fact that this is just a conspiracy and people like the head of Anthropic and others
are just weak and they don't have courage and they don't understand that we can't cede
this territory to China and so forth, which the first part is obviously that's Trump and
he gets personal.
That's what he does.
The second part is what we're hearing Mike Johnson, the House speaker, and other Republicans
saying, OK, we do need to address this, but we can pump the brakes, but not slam on the
brakes, because if we slam on the brakes, China is going to pass us by.
If this was in a vacuum, it would be one thing.
But the fact that this speaks to the larger set of anxieties that people have, not just
on affordability, but on like what's next.
And we don't know who to trust.
Do we trust the CEOs?
Do we trust the government officials?
Do we trust the candidates?
The answer to all of that is no.
And so there's a sense of sort of foreboding among voters and this issue and the fact that
we now have this dire warning really feeds on that.
What do you guys think?
Well, I want to ask Scott, I want to read you something that J.D.
Vance said this morning about it, which I'm curious to get your take on.
So he said, I have to say, just personally, I feel a little bit weird about the fact that
you have so many frontier AI tech.
Companies kind of coming to the government and begging the government to regulate them.
It feels to me like a bit of a Trojan horse.
And the fact that they are talking about pushing back the IPO, it did over the weekend.
I remember thinking that now that like everyone's piling on and it's created these strange
bedfellows, right?
Like, you know, Bernie Sanders and Steve Bannon is like a horror movie, essentially to me.
So do you think that the AI companies are looking for the government to clean up?
Their mess?
And what does all of this entail?
Like, what are we missing about what's going on here?
I think you can hold two thoughts in your head at the same time.
I think these guys are looking to absolve themselves of any real liability by saying,
we warned you in case something terrible happens and asking for internal, I think they're called
evaluators from the government.
But we've never had a trillion dollar industry with no regulation before.
And it reflects really poorly on the Trump administration that effectively what they've
decided is a fear to believe.
This is a fear to believe.
They're letting Oppenheimer, Foreman, LLC raise money from Andreessen Horowitz and then
sell nuclear bombs into the UAE and Procter & Gamble.
The fact that we have absolutely no governance, no equivalent of the FDA, the FAA, the
International Atomic Energy Association just shows this government has no understanding
of science, no leadership, and their priority is, can I get a VIG?
I want to make sure the economy keeps running and the existential risks here.
I'm not interested.
I want a small number of people, including myself, to capitalize.
I'm going to capture shareholder value and I'm going to normalize and socialize all of
these risks, including perhaps a mass extinction event.
This is incentives, a bunch of 30-something-year-old white dudes who all have fever dreams of being
worth $40, $50, $100 billion, which in the U.S. makes you the sexiest man alive.
There's a lot of incentives to keep doing that.
And then an administration that has abso-fucking-lutely no idea.
The head of HHS, RFK Jr., heads the Center for Disease Control or oversees it.
What could be a greater risk to the control of disease than a super virus coming out of
one of these labs that has absolutely no oversight right now?
If Dana gets on a plane tonight, that plane took 10 years to get through the FAA.
We can spin up a model trying to find a super virus with open-weight Chinese models.
And there's no regulatory body we need to get approval from.
This is about incentives.
And highlights how incompetent and devoid of leadership in our administration.
So with my rant, Dana, I want you to react to that.
First of all, I think that, and I've heard you both talk about this, that it is true that the
regulation, the lack of regulation is stunning, but not surprising, if that makes sense.
But it's also true that AI didn't just happen in January, January 20th, 2025.
It has been something that has been developed since Joe Biden was in office.
And then if you look back on the technology that we all talk about and that we're using right now,
I'm sure in some of these cliffs that will go out is social media and the Congress and the
government totally and completely inept at figuring out how to regulate that.
They said it was free speech.
Now, at least there is a conversation acknowledging,
by people other than Donald Trump, that this is not a free speech thing.
This is a, you know, are we going to be starting the end of the human race?
But it is true that this administration doesn't want to deal and the president doesn't
think that this is as big of a problem as the CEOs are saying.
But it is also true that this is very much a bipartisan ineptitude.
What do you, politically, it feels like, I would argue that income
inequality, frustration with tech, the fact that tech CEOs have not acquitted themselves well,
that filled this empty vessel of data centers.
It feels like it's about to fill this empty vessel of, this does feel like it's about to
become a populist issue from both the left and the right.
Right.
Your thoughts?
Yes.
Yeah, absolutely.
Are you talking about data centers or just the threat of AI?
It's all like one.
It's all one thing.
I mean, everyone is just saying there's this stuff we don't understand and it's scary.
I think.
No, no, I totally agree.
And with data centers, obviously the NIMBY part of it feeds into it.
Like, you know, don't, you don't want to build it.
We don't want it to be built in our backyard because of high energy costs, because of
environmental issues, because, because, because.
But I totally agree with you, Jessica.
I think it's all one thing and it is about finding a place to put your fear and in the
case of AI.
If you listen to the people who built it, the fear is justified.
But sorry, I mean, you can't get in the heads of these guys, but it feels like the boys
that cried wolf a little bit late here.
They knew what they were doing, right?
This has been in process and the whistleblowers, if that's what we would call them, or, you
know, the folks who've been speaking up in the last few weeks and then doing the requisite
interviews afterwards have had concerns about it for a long time.
And you've seen the odd interview, right?
With Sam Altman talking about it or Dario, like, do they want to set up this showdown
with the government?
Because, you know, Trump, I read Vance's comments.
Trump has come out and said, we're not regulating it.
He's, you know, he's sticking to his guns there.
Do you get a sense of where the company is actually, what their authentic desire is?
Because it seems like you could argue both sides of it.
I think that what Scott said.
Is, is set on about the fact that they want to have deniability when and if nothing gets
done and the shit hits the fan.
But it's also about, it's the same reason I think, you know, Mark Zuckerberg was asking
for regulation of social media.
It's so that there's a level playing field so that they're all, nobody's pulling back
at the expense of their own profits while others say, no way, I'm not doing it.
You can't, I mean, they can't regulate themselves.
It's just, it's.
It's just not how human beings work, right?
It's not how business works.
Yeah, we've never, we've never had a trillion dollars successfully regulate itself.
Self-regulation is usually a smokescreen for, to trying to stave off actual regulation as this is.
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I want to move on to something more fun. Mitch McConnell. I heard he was spotted at an Olive
Garden with Dianne Feinstein. True? No, because Dianne Feinstein is not with us anymore.
That's the humor in it, Dana. That's it. Thoughts on Mitch McConnell supposedly being
close to return. Have you heard anything? No. I think here's what I know. According to the people
who say that they talked to him, he wants to come back. He is, I don't know if you are. Yeah, yeah, exactly. He wants to come back, and he. How do I put this? He's a man of a certain
age who is very proud and doesn't want to be seen in the physical state that he is in.
But let me ask you just a tactical question and then a broader question.
He's clearly not even capable of recording a 15-second voicemail of saying,
Speaker Johnson, I look forward to seeing you back.
Even that would give a lot of credibility to the notion that he's okay or at least capable
of coming back. He has not even been able to record a 10- or 15-second voicemail.
It's concerning.
I see no evidence that he's effectively not entirely disabled right now. It seems to me that
it just seems obvious that he's not even capable of even communicating at the most basic level.
Have you heard anything to the contrary? Yes. I mean, I've talked to people who say that they
have talked to him on the phone, communicated with him. Not Scott Jennings.
Including Scott Jennings. Having said that, I agree with you that
this is such a thing, rightly so, that there's really one easy way to put it to bed, which is to
talk to camera or talk to a reporter. Sit down with Dana Bash.
I will say that when I first started covering the Senate, I remember Strom Thurmond, he was there,
air quotes, but he wasn't there. He was being wheeled around by his chief of staff,
who was effectively the senator. Thad Cochran was there, but not there. I mean,
there is a sad and long history of members of the elected United States Senate,
and also the House, staying longer than they should. I mean, you mentioned Dianne Feinstein.
I sort of laughed. I remember doing a piece. She was the first interview I did for this online
series I had, Badass Women of Washington. And I remember sitting in her beautiful home in San
Francisco, and she was deciding whether or not she was going to run for re-election, which ended up
being her last term. She didn't finish. And she said, I'm going to stay as long as the old bean
holds up. And it didn't.
And, you know, it's, this is another thing that makes people very mad,
that they want representatives who can actually represent.
I mean, this is like the lowest level, right? Like being alive is, you know.
Science is winning in a bad way. Just before, just before Jess starts asking questions about
the book, I'm just curious if you see any momentum or possibility that we might have
something resembling term limits or age gating.
I mean, the first thing that goes in cognitive decline is your ability to recognize cognitive
decline. My dad was convinced he could, he could drive an F1 car about the time we took his driver's
license away. It's just the recognition of what's going on declines. That's the first thing to go.
Yep. I don't see it. No, I don't see it. I think the answer is no. But what I do see is more and
voters making those decisions. But it doesn't always happen. Like Ed Markey in Massachusetts is
80. And look, he's very vibrant. And he's very sharp. He now is going to have a six-year term
where I guess he'll start when he's 81. And the end of the term will be 87. God willing,
he'll be fine. But, you know, there the voters decided no. Yeah. Because if I was saying if it
had been Ayanna Pressley, I think they would have taken her in a flash that it was a Seth problem
more than an affirmation of an 80-year-old Markey. Yeah. Which I'm sure makes Congressman
Moulton feel even better about it, that they would rather risk having to do a funeral midterm.
It is true. But I will say that, like, the through line of everything we're talking about now
is candidates do matter. And what they
do in office matters. And a lot of these members of the House and also Senate who are successful
despite age, despite differences of party and ideology, is constituent services. Yeah. It's
like the most unsexy term ever. But I don't think we do enough talking about that because it does
matter. When you help somebody in your district or in your state, when your office is the place that
can call when they say, I need something, it goes a long way. And that is what they're supposed to
be doing. That's what's going on with John Ossoff right now. That's exactly right. Like the Republican
mayors that are crossing over are, you know, they represent people, farmers, you know, traditional
Republican voters who are saying, I can get him on the phone. I can get literally him on the phone,
not just his office on the phone whenever I need him. Yep. That goes a long way. Yeah. He also
gives a banger of a speech.
I want to talk about your book, which was awesome. And we have that fun connection that your co-author
I grew up with. We lived in the same building. So I loved.
So funny. He's so funny. David Fisher is the best.
He really is. And the book totally shines. And I was struck before you get into the elections
themselves or I mean, they're not all elections, but we can talk about that.
Yeah.
You like history, obviously. Your last book was about a
historical event as well. But at this moment, when everyone is so obsessed with like refresh
and, you know, what's happening right this second. And if you're into politics,
you're following the horse race. Right. And every day there's a new slew of polls. And you're like,
well, what does this mean? What does this mean? You know, is it going to be our year in Texas,
et cetera? Why did you guys think we should do a historical book now? And what do you think
it can tell us about?
Our present moment? Because you end in 94 is your last election that you guys cover.
With Mandela. Right. Exactly. Nelson Mandela. Well, first of all, we ended in 94 mostly because
from there on, we felt was too much present day to give a historic look on it. But I think that
it's such a good question, Jessica. And the answer is, you know, every time people go to the polls,
they're told this election matters.
It matters more than any other in a generation or in my lifetime. And usually that's just not
true. But sometimes it is. Sometimes there is an election or elections, whether it is
for a party, for a parliament, whether it was Martin Luther King to run the organization that
was in charge of the bus boycott in Alabama. There are elections that have consequences well beyond
what you even think will happen as an immediate result of the election, but also
well beyond your lifetime.
And so it was just sort of an interesting exercise
for us, first of all, to go into these 15
because they're by definition subjective.
There are lots of elections
that are consequential in different ways.
But we chose different ones
that have different kinds of impacts
and have had different kinds of impacts
on what happened locally, but also well beyond that.
But I think that the bottom line is it's a reminder
that whether or not you think
it's the most consequential of your lifetime,
it's important to participate
because it is a privilege to be able to participate.
I know that sounds corny, but it's true.
When you look at elections
that are quote-unquote consequential,
what is it about the election that makes it consequential?
Is it the candidates?
Is it the moment in time?
Give us the criteria that were the filter
for when an election is consequential or not.
Different answers to that question.
By and large, it's that the candidate's election
changed the course of history somehow.
The candidate's ascension to power
changed the course of history somehow.
It's not always good.
I mean, Adolf Hitler is in this book
because the Nazi party was elected
through a democratic process
and then he became chancellor, as we all know,
and then he made himself president.
And then. The rest is history.
Adams versus Jefferson.
Those were obviously two monumental, iconic figures,
but we chose that not because it was Adams versus Jefferson,
but because it was the first real contested election
of the new United States of America.
And it turns out that there was a problem
with the Constitution that they had to overcome
because there was a tie
because they didn't realize
that if you put the president and the vice president,
not on the same ticket,
it could get screwed up,
which they fixed later with the constitutional amendment,
but it could have really dissolved
the United States of America
if they didn't figure that out.
And they did.
So there are different answers to that question,
but overall, it's the impact
that the election had on the future,
for good or bad.
And do all of those moons lining up,
does it feel as if this is going to be that consequential?
The midterms are 28.
If you look at the past ones,
do you think, well, the moons are lining up again?
I don't know about 26,
but I do think 28.
I really do,
because we are in such a specific time
with Trump and Trumpism
that has been with us for a decade
that either we're going to totally change course
or we're going to stay in,
the kind of governing and government
that he has set up.
I personally think that he is a unique figure
and that whether it's J.D. Vance
or Marco Rubio or, you know, Ted Cruz,
they just, even if they try to get away
with the stuff that Trump gets away with,
I don't think they'll be able to do it.
It's just not the same.
But even if they try,
it will set this country up
and then, by extension, the world up
for something,
that is, I don't know,
that it will be able to sort of come back
in the way that we grew up with this America.
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I'm curious, Dan and then Jess,
how people get elected has changed.
It used to be, you know, my sense is,
you know, JFK's dad had a role in his getting elected
and maybe not the most democratic of roles
that obviously money appeared to be playing a bigger part.
Or is it?
Is it now candidate charisma
and going direct to consumer with social media?
Is it party, you know, the party machine
that a lot of people would say in 16
kind of ordained Hillary versus, you know,
or coordinated her versus a competition.
I'll put it to Dana first, but Jess,
then I want your view.
How has the industrial machine
or the machinery of how we bubble up the nominee
and ultimately the president changed over time?
In some ways, it hasn't changed that much, Scott.
Julius Caesar was elected because of money,
because of money in politics.
It kind of started then.
He had a whole bunch of supporters who were rich
and he came from a wealthy family,
but he needed more money.
And there was, you know,
overt or not so overt, you know, bribery.
And by the way,
one of the main reasons why Julius Caesar ran
at the end for the big job
was because he was trying to avoid prosecution
because he was going to be put in jail.
So as much as things change, they stay the same.
I think each election has a different vibe,
a different answer to that question.
But all of the components that make elections
so wonderful and also so gross
are all there throughout history
and throughout different elections.
I'm curious.
Yeah, this is an extension of it.
So I'm kind of cheating a bit.
I'm not answering, Scott, but adding on to it
the element that we're all concerned about
for the 2020, I mean, the midterms to some degree,
but then 2020 is cheating.
Yeah.
And people invalidating,
trying to invalidate election results,
like intimidation at the polls to downright,
trying to throw out votes.
And you mentioned at the top
that you could say more about what's going on
in the struggle over allowing mail-in voting.
What does history, you know, from your data set
or from a more broader look even than beyond those 15,
say about elections when somebody is trying
to subvert them in various ways?
And I'm curious what you think about,
because I've been in talking about my own book
and because it's a lot about understanding
the way the other side thinks.
And I've shifted to not only considering
what the positive affirmation of the candidate is.
So like, what is it that you like about Donald Trump?
But what is it that what you're afraid of signals
about what kind of voter you're going to be?
And I have found that it underlies
more than I had hoped in explaining elections,
both here and abroad.
And I worked in a British election
before I moved home after grad school.
And it was all about the fear factor.
There was actually very little positive affirmation
of any candidate.
So I guess that's kind of two-parted.
But what about the, you know, the concerns
over whether you have a free and fair
election and then also fear as this animating factor in why people turn out or make the choices
that they do. I think those are actually connected in today's times because fear is how President
Trump got elected. You know, we went from hope to fear very starkly from Obama to Trump and anger
and grievance, and he still employs that every day. And the flip side of that is the fear of him,
the fear of what he will do, and the fear, what if he goes another two years, the rest of his
term unchecked without a Democratic Congress? But I also think the fear now is kind of circling
back to what we were talking about. It's fear about my life, about
what I'm going to do, what I'm going to do, what I'm going to do, what I'm going to do.
It's fear about my life, about what I'm going to do, what I'm going to do, what I'm going to do.
It's fear about my ability to buy a house, fear about AI, about data centers, about all of those.
And I think it's fear and frustration. And the fact that we have social media and echo chambers
and nobody gets out of their sort of lane except for people like you, Jessica,
it amplifies it so much, that fear. I'm curious what you, well, two questions.
And I'll try and be crisp. One, I see you as a centrist. I think one of the reasons I enjoy
coming on your show and speaking to you is I see you squarely. And I don't know this,
but my impression is that you're pretty squarely in the middle, that you're a centrist.
I get the sense, and part of this is being defensive because I'm getting attacked so much.
There's no room for centrists anymore, that everybody hates you.
You either piss off the people on the progressive side. It's like this apostate mentality. We
thought we could trust you and they feel betrayed. And the right just sees you as just a libtard.
There is literally no room in the middle anymore. Thoughts?
No room in the middle. And yes, I don't even know that I would describe myself as a centrist because
I've only been a journalist my whole adult life. So I've never, I mean, I'm a registered
independent, but I don't have the ability to sort of, in my mind, make decisions about my
point of view. Truthfully, I know you're going to say,
that's ridiculous. There are some things that I have an opinion on, but I'm so trained to look at
all the sides and all of the arguments that, so that is the answer. Yeah, I think being objective,
but also objective about truth and facts, not just objective about different parties' ideology
is right. Of course, there's no room for the middle. But the weird thing is,
there's such a huge hunger for the middle, for people who, yeah. So I think that the answer is,
there's no room for the middle in where we see that reaction that you just described
online, because that's not the kind of action and reaction that is amplified and that is applauded
online. But I do think it exists. And the question is, who is going to be the person that has enough
zhuzh, that has enough of a personality who can break through that and be that figure who's going
to end up in the next book?
Because they just broke the cycle. I think that that person could be out there.
This is more anecdotal, and then I'll let Jess wrap this up. But when I was just out of grad
school, I thought I need to take my sister to D.C. to be a good big brother and took her around all
this, you know, took her to see Representative Pelosi. And we just had a great few days in D.C.
And I felt like such a good big brother. She called me and said, I've taken an internship
with a representative from Florida. And of course, it ended up being the most crazy fucking right
weirdo. And I'm like, that is not why I took you to Washington. Anyways, but I used to go visit her
a lot in D.C. And this is probably 25 years ago. And I remember thinking this is the funnest town.
Yeah.
And we used to go out with people we didn't know who they were working for or why they were working
for them. And it might have been just the age we were at. But when I go down now, it just feels
ugly. It feels like occupied Vichy France, where it's like, OK, are we French? Are we German? Are
we?
It feels and I don't know if it's a function of as I get older and I'm more depressed and I just
I'm just not as fun as I used to be or if things have changed that radically the vibe on the ground.
Your thoughts?
I think you're not going to the right bars.
There you go. There you go. That's what I need. I need a pro. I need a Sherpa.
We'll take you.
There you go.
But it does feel different. I wouldn't go to Vichy France. I wouldn't go that far.
But I do think it's also because I've gotten old. I think the youngs
do still have a lot of fun.
They still hang out with each other.
They still have a good time. They still figure it out.
Yeah.
They still drink enough to have a good time.
Last question. Of the 15 elections that you cover, what do you think is the most interesting for our listeners?
For your listeners, I think that's a good question. I will choose the election of Sun Yat-sen in China because I didn't
know much about it. Shame on me. But it was. Shame on all of us on this call, Dan.
There was a small window between having the emperors. You wrote The Art of War, didn't you?
Sorry. Go ahead.
Yeah. No, no. He was elected in the small window when that happened between all of the centuries of having emperors and the Communist Party.
And he got himself elected, but the democracy didn't last long. And then that led to the Communist Party.
So China's kind of a big deal. And I learned a lot about him.
Awesome.
Let's leave it there. Dana, thanks for joining us.
Thank you for having me.
You are so welcome. As all of you know, Dana is CNN's chief political correspondent and the anchor of Inside Politics and State of the Union.
Dana's also the author of the new book, The Elections That Changed the World, 15 Pivotal Moments That Shaped How We Live, which comes out September 22nd.
Dana, it's always wonderful to see you.
Thank you.
Thank you, too. And Jessica, I am hoping that the preorder of your book works and that it arrives at my doorstep tomorrow.
I can't wait.
Well, and there's another one coming your way, too. It was great to see you. And we'll be cheering you on next week.
I adore you both.
Jess, thoughts?
I think that it is bold for people who work in our current politics to be writing about history because everybody is on the. This is what I know, Train, about what's going on right now. And you're all going to get mad at me because maybe I held it for a few months.
And I should have told you. And Dana and David Fisher's book, they're actually trying to tell you something about why we are where we are today.
And the underlying message of how important your vote is could not be more important.
So I was told to read it, and I'm sure a lot of people are going to be buying it.
Yeah, I have a lot of. I have a huge respect for Dana because I think she's a dying breed of journalists that just give oxygen to the other side,
trying to do reporting, do her best not to insert her own views or create a series of gotcha moments.
And it's sort of. We're losing that on cable news. I think it got lost a while ago on Fox, and I think we're slowly losing it on CNN with shows like I Feel Stupid or with Abby Phillips,
where they're just looking for a series of incendiary moments where one side says something ridiculous and false,
and the other side goes apeshit crazy and there's a food fight.
Like real journalism, where you ask a person a thoughtful but not a pointed gotcha question,
and then give them space, acknowledge the point, always dignified.
It just kind of harkens back to an era of better journalism.
And I think while there's still a market for it, it feels like. It feels like it's being crowded out by kind of crossfire-like incendiary cable.
Anyways, I hope that. And Dana does well. She gets really strong ratings.
But it definitely feels like the other stuff is beginning to overwhelm it, if you will.
Does that make any sense?
No, it totally makes sense. I think a lot of people are bemoaning the same transition in media, for sure.
Even how she answered when you said, you know, I think of you as a centrist.
It's like you're not even supposed to be a centrist, as she said.
You're supposed to be impartial to. Totally agnostic.
Yeah. But it was fun to have her.
I never got to hang with her since we're on other, you know, differing sides of the cable news fence.
So it was good to have her.
There you go.
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See you at the Y.
See you at the Y.
See you at the Y.
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Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Mint Mobile offers all plans at $15 per month with an upfront payment option, promoting affordable and accessible mobile service.
Chronic migraine sufferers may benefit from Botox, the top prescribed preventive treatment, but must be aware of serious side effects and medical contraindications.
The 2024 midterms show Democratic strength in enthusiasm, but redistricting and Republican efforts to suppress mail-in voting create significant obstacles to gains.
Key swing states like Michigan and New Hampshire pose challenges due to competitive candidates and voter concerns, despite strong primary outcomes.
AI development and data center expansion have sparked bipartisan concern, fueled by fears of loss of control, with political candidates responding to public anxiety.
Historical elections in the book reflect how pivotal moments shape long-term outcomes, emphasizing the enduring importance of voter participation.
The political landscape is increasingly driven by fear, misinformation, and social media echo chambers, rather than pure ideological alignment.
A growing public demand for transparency and accountability in governance, especially in technology and healthcare, signals a shift toward populist and fact-based politics.
Summary:
Mint Mobile introduces a $15-per-month unlimited plan with flexible upfront payment options, aiming to make mobile service affordable and accessible. Meanwhile, chronic migraine patients are advised to consider Botox as a preventive treatment, though with strong warnings about serious side effects and medical preconditions. In the political sphere, the 2024 midterms show Democratic momentum in voter enthusiasm, but structural challenges—such as redistricting and efforts to restrict mail-in voting—make decisive wins uncertain.
States like Michigan and New Hampshire are emerging as high-stakes battlegrounds, where candidate quality and voter sentiment will be decisive. Public anxiety over artificial intelligence and data centers has fueled bipartisan concern, with political figures responding to fears about technological overreach. The discussion highlights how historical elections, like those in the book, reveal how pivotal moments reshape future trajectories, reinforcing the importance of civic engagement.
Underlying all issues is a broader cultural shift toward fear, misinformation, and distrust, especially in media and technology. The conversation underscores a growing demand for transparency, accountability, and real-world impact in politics and public policy.
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People with 14 or fewer headache days per month should not receive Botox, as it is only approved for adults with chronic migraine (15 or more headache days per month).
Key factors include redistricting, opposition to mail-in voting, the competitiveness of swing states like Michigan and New Hampshire, and the strength of Republican candidates in key races.
The book highlights elections that had major long-term impacts on history, politics, and society, showing how pivotal moments can shape the future beyond immediate outcomes.
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