#463 – Douglas Murray: Putin, Zelenskyy, Trump, Israel, Netanyahu, Hamas & Gaza

The following is a conversation with Douglas Murray, author of The War in the West, the Manus of Krauz, and his new book on democracies and death cults. We talk about Russia and Ukraine, and about Israel and Gaza. Douglas has very strong views on these topics, and he defends them brilliantly and furiously. As I always try to do for all topics, I will also talk to people who have different views from Douglas, including on the next episode of this podcast. We live in an era of online discourse where grifters, drama farmers, liars, bots, sycophants, and sociopaths roam the vast beautiful dark land of the internet. It's hard to know who to trust. I believe no one is in possession of the entire truth, but some are more correct than others. Some are insightful, and some are delusional. The problem is it's hard to tell which is which unless you use your mind with intellectual humility and with rigor. I recommend you listen to many sources who disagree with each other and try to pick up wisdom from each. Also, I recommend you visit the places in question as Douglas has, as I have, or at least talk face to face with people who have spent most of their lives living there, whether it's Israel, Palestine, Ukraine, or Russia. Let's try together to not be cogs in the machine of outrage and instead to reach towards reason and compassion. There is no Hitler, Stalin, or Mao on the world stage today, plus there are thousands of nuclear weapons ready to fire. Human civilization hangs in the balance. The 21st century is a new geopolitical puzzle all of us are tasked with solving. Let's not mess it up. And now, ladies and gentlemen, a quick few second mention of the sponsor, check them out in the description as the best way to support this podcast. We got Call of Duty for Video Game Fun, Oracle for Cloud Computing, Element for Electrolytes, and AG1 for Multi-Binemen Deliciousness. 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Anyway, they'll give you one month supply of fish oil when you sign up a drink, ajuone.com/lex. This is Alex Friedman podcast to support it. Please check out our sponsors in the description. And now, dear friends, here's Douglas Murray. What have you understood about the war in Ukraine from your visits there? Just looking at the big picture of your understanding of the invasion of February 24, 2022 in the war in the three years since? Well, I mean, several things. There's political angles which are forever changing, but on the human level, as you know, if you visit troops, front-line troops, you have that admiration for people defend. their country, defending their homes, defending their families, struck by the way in which that is at a remove from the sort of political noise and the media noise and much more. It's very easy to get caught up in the twos and froes of today's news, but that to my mind is, that's a single thing that struck me most. My visit's there. It's just the people I've met who are fighting for a cause which at that level is unavoidable, undeniable. So the thing that struck you is different from the media turmoil is just the reality of war. Yeah, of course. I mean, you know, people who have either lived under Russian occupation from invading armies and then come back out into the world, having been liberated as in late 2022. All the people now organized most recently there in recent weeks who were just getting on with their job as soldiers while the world was talking about them. When were you there in early on in this escalated war of 22? Yes, first time was in as with the Ukrainian armed forces when they retort Kurson and I was back in recent weeks and was there when the Trump Selensky blow up happened. In fact, I was with the, I was in the Ukrainian dugout at the front lines when I was watching it. How's the morale? How's the way the content of the conversations you've heard different from the two visits separated by, I guess, two years at one level, I mean, nothing has changed much. You know, it's a sort of, it's not a total standoff because intermittently each side gains territory from the others, but it's not, I mean, there've been no very significant military gains by either side in the interim period. I think my experience of the soldiers, the people of Ukraine early on in the war, there's intense optimism about the outcomes of the war. There's a sense that going to win and the definition of what win means was like all the territory is going to be one back. Yeah, I certainly on the front lines facing Crimea was, became quite familiar with people who thought that the Ukrainians in late 2022 would even be able to get Crimea back and that struck me even at the time. And I said, I thought that that was an overreach. And now, I think the people, the soldiers, at least in my experience, when I visited second time are more exhausted. The morale, the dreams, the certainty of victory has maybe faded from the forefront of their minds. Well, three years of war will tire out anyone. What did you think of the blow up between Zelensky and Trump as you're sitting there in the dugout? Well, it was a very disturbing place to watch it from, perhaps anywhere would have been. And I mean, obviously it was a meeting that shouldn't have happened far too early. What do you think so? There's not enough actual pathways to peace on the table. Well, I think the mineral deal, I mean, I love the fact that everyone's now an expert in Eastern Ukrainian mineral deposits, but I think as I've learned and we'll talk about Israel and Palestine, I'm learning that everybody's an expert on geopolitics and real war on the internet. And now mineral deposits, obviously. Yes, the, I'm really speaking of the edge of my mineral deposit knowledge here. No, I mean, I, what I can see the deal that the American administration was trying to get the Ukrainian government to sign was sort of too early to, um, too forced. The Ukrainians weren't, were ready to sign a deal, but we're obviously under intense pressure. And I think certainly Zelensky wasn't expecting to actually wasn't expecting to go until pretty much the day before. Was obviously visibly tired and exhausted again as you are after that amount of pressure for that longer time. And no, I mean, the thing that struck me, and I said this in my column that you were posted from there that the thing struck me was I said to some of the soldiers I was with, you know, what do you make of this? And, um, you know, one of them just said to me, well, you know, we're advised not to get too close to the ins and outs of the politics of this, you know, and, um, but of course, everyone has Instagram or scrolls and among dog pictures and the, you know, the hot women or whatever is, um, you know, what happened in the oval. And, uh, but what struck me was the same guy and saying, I've got a job to do. Right. And, uh, there's a clarity and a wisdom to that. But, uh, your job is, is, is, is bigger than that, right? This to understand the politics as well. And what do you think about the politics of that moment? Because that was a real opportunity to come together and, and make progress on peace, right? And it from, by all accounts, was not a successful step forward. I don't think about any account. It was a successful step forward. And less, to some extent, it was a play, but from DC to say to Putin, look, we duffed off the Lensky and, you know, now give us something. That's the only, uh, remedial idea I have about what might have been behind it. But I think it was just one of those extremely, uh, by me, just awful political moments. Zalensky was obviously deeply irritated by the, the, the interpretation of the war that he was hearing from Washington. Uh, it was only a week after the, the Trump comments about Zalensky being a dictator. And people in administration implying that Ukraine has started the war. And I think that's, that must be, for Zalensky, a pretty Alice in Wonderland situation to be in. And, uh, I had significant sympathy for him in finding it bewildering because it would be bewildering. I think the sad thing to me also on the mundane details of that meeting and just the unfortunate way that meetings happen. I think it's true that he was also exhausted. Yes. There was a dickhead of a reporter that was asked the question about outfit in a way that, listen, Zalensky, everybody has their strengths of weaknesses. He's an emotional being for better or for worse. And there's a dumb dickhead of a reporter might say Taylor Greene's boyfriend. Oh, he is. Yeah. The things you know, see, you're a real journalist. No, he's, he's from one of the, the new, I'm all for opening up the White House press pool and all that sort of thing. But it means that you get some people in who are sort of, yeah, from, a blog land is, there's nothing wrong with that. But it means that you get somebody who will do something like that. The problem with that interaction as I saw it was the, that guy asked that, well, disrespectful question. And I think it was disrespectful. I'll very quickly say why. I mean, I think that, I think that when a man comes from the realm of war, into the realm of peace, the people in the realm of peace should have some respect, or at least concession, that the other man has come from the realm of war. And that if you're sitting in a political environment where you talk about people being destroyed and decimated and defenestrated and much more to a man who's for whom none of that is metaphorical. I think that's extremely hard to, to accept. And I think that probably also at that moment, there was a sort of sense of, you know, the landscape being disrespected by being asked about what he's wearing. When, as everyone knows, you know, church or during World War II, used to wear his fatigues on foreign visitors, so just that. It's to remind people that you're coming from the realm of war. And I think that probably in that, in that moment, on the things that would have been going through his head would be, but I mean, if, if this was Putin sitting here being assaulted by a journalist, you know, you'd hope your host stepped in and defended you. I mean, if, let me try this one out, I mean, if a journalist in the Oval Office, if Putin was sitting there, or a putative journalist said to Putin, you know, everyone knows you've had a lot of facial work done. And word is, you've used the same guy that Berlusconi used to use. Can you comment on that? You'd say, well, that's a kind of disrespectful question for journalists to ask. and just a little bit off of what needs to be gone over. And it is the same thing with Zelensky with the outfit. I think it was just petty and and and three things off in a bad way. Yeah, and it was probably research because I think Zelensky was explain this like three years ago at the beginning of the war, why he wears, why he wears and he's been consistent wearing the same. It's also, by the way, it's an example of the fervility of a lot of the attempts to understand what's going on. I mean, my view is that since actually most people, in fact, everybody cannot be an expert on everything, one of the things that we always do is to seize on minor and really quite unimportant things. I mean, I mean, every site does it. Look at the way in which the American right for years talked about the Churchill bus leaving the White House over office in the Obama years. I didn't want to hear another darn thing about the Churchill bus after eight years because it just, it was in lieu of trying to understand and actually critique Obama's foreign policy. It was just an easy shorthand. I think it's the same. We're always tempted to that. But the thing is, I think when you mention Putin, I think Putin would have been able to respond himself to that journalist effectively and he would have done it in Russian. Oh, yeah, the language thing. Yeah. So I wanted to sort of lay out several just unfortunate things that happened in these situations. I think it happens in all piece negotiations and it's funny how history can turn in moments like this. I do think there's a dickhead reporter come by with the fact that the, you know, with all due respect, but Zelensky's English sometimes is not very good. Yes. And above any else, if he had agreed to have not done it in English, he would have bought himself the extra seconds in some of his replies that he needed. Yeah. And have the wit, the guy is funny, witty, intelligent. You know, he could do that in the native language of whether it's Ukrainian or Russian, to be able to respond and get the interpreter. So all of that is really unfortunate because I think on those little moments, it's a dance. And there's an opportunity there. You know, the Republicans, the right wing in the United States, have a general kind of skepticism of Zelensky. But that doesn't mean it has to be that way, can turn, it can change, you can evolve. It's very interesting why it has happened. Why do you think it's happened? Politics in the United States is so dumb that at the very beginning, it could just be reduced to, well, the left went Putin, bad, Zelensky, good, ra ra, Ukrainian flags. Therefore, the right must go the opposite. It's sometimes as literally as dumb as that. Let's each pick a side and call the other dumb. I had a line I used recently with the necessity of people who lived too long online to try to wait their way out of the memes. Because yes, I mean, I can understand that people find it very irritating that so many people who would put BLM flags or pride flags or, you know, trans flags in their bio, then put Ukrainian flags in their bio, despite almost suddenly not knowing where Ukraine was. And if that happens, inevitably, instinct of a lot of people who aren't really thinking is to say that's really annoying. These people are really annoying. I'll sock it to them. But that's where you've got to try to rise above that and say actually, funnily enough, the fate of a country doesn't depend on my tolerance for memes online today. Yeah. So I think the memes can be broken through in meetings like the one that happened between Celensky and Trump. There can't been real camaraderie. I've seen the skill of that just recently having researched deeply and interacted with Narendra Modi. Here's somebody who has the skill of, you know, for his country, for his situation, being able to somehow be friends with Putin and friends with Zelensky and friends with Trump and friends with Biden and friends with Obama. It's very skillful. And that while still being strong for his country and from like fundamentally a nationalist figure who's like, you know, very not globalist, not anything but pro-India, India first, nation first. In fact, nation first with a very specific idea what that nation represents. And that, you know, Zelensky could do all of those things, but have the skill of navigating the Trump room because every single leader has their own peculiar quirks that need to be navigated. Yes, the obvious one, I mean, I don't know to make it sound like it was all Zodensky's fault. But I mean, the obvious one was at the beginning of the meeting to say yet again, as he has done for three years, thank you to America and American people and American politicians across the aisle for your support for my country and his hour of need. We're deeply grateful. And because he, for once, forgot to say that. I think it's not that simple. I think there's not that simple. It's one reason. I think saying thank you, he didn't need to say thank you. That was why Vance, that was what Vance leapt in off. He's just picking a thing to leap on. There's a whole energy. You have to acknowledge in your way of being that you have been very Biden, buddy, buddy with the left for the last four years. There's ways to fix that. Listen, these people are complicated narcissists, all of them, Biden, Trump. You have to navigate the complexity of that. And you basically have to say a kind word to Trump, which is like showing there's many ways of doing that. But one of them is saying, feeding the ego by acknowledging that he is one of the world's greatest negotiators. Right. I'm glad we're able to come to the table and negotiate together because I believe you are the great negotiator, mediator that can actually bring a successful resolution to. As opposed to have an energy of like, it should be obvious to everybody that you're creating are the good guys and Russia is the bad guys. There's this whole energy of entitlement that he brought. He forgot that there's a new guy. You got to like convince the new guy that this global mission that this nation is on, this war that is in many ways the West versus the East that there's ideals. There's whole histories here that this is a war worth winning. You have to convince them, right? Yeah, no, sure. And the obviously failed on education. But as I say, it must be bewildering to have landed in a place where people were seriously talking about Ukraine starting the war. And Zelensky not put him being the dictator. I did the front page of the New York Post the day after the president's comments on that saying that the big picture of Putin just saying, right, this is this is a dictator. And you know, I think people can be live enough to be able to recognize that you can make criticisms of Zelensky or the Ukrainians, but it doesn't mean you have to fall full Putin. And again, unfortunately, a lot of people in our time don't have that capability. Can we go right into it? What is your strongest criticism of Putin? He's a dictator who's very bloody. There's repressive as you can be of political opposition, internal opposition. He's kleptomaniac, his country's resources, has enriched himself as much as he could as he has with the cronies around him. He's not just acted to destroy internal opposition in Russia, but has gone to other countries, including my own country of birth and killed people on their own soil. Using, as it happens, weapons of mass destruction, the use of polonium in the center of London, not good. The use of incredibly dangerous nerve agents that could kill tens of thousands of people in a charming cathedral city like Salisbury, not good. If the sort of apologists of Putin say, well, he's just a sort of tough man, he's looking after his house business. I don't think, even if you think he has the right to do that, he should be doing it in third countries, deliberately using weapons that are meant to show that you could take out tens of thousands of British citizens. That's just for starters. What do you make for, do you think he's actually popularly elected? No. Do you think the results of the elections are fraudulent? Yes. I mean, do you think it's possible that it's just that the opposition has been eliminated and he's legitimately popularly elected? It definitely helps the chap if he's killed all his opponents. Something about using the term chap in that context is just marvellous. But you know, I mean, about the main seriously, if people are worried about, this is another of the sort of sightly Alice in Wonderland things recently about Zelensky, as people are saying, well, why hasn't he's a dictator because he hasn't held elections during a total war of self-defense? And is that, well, you know, if you're really, really passionate about free and fair elections in that neck of the woods, you'd at least notice that the Russian elections are not free and fair in any meaningful sense. But this doesn't mean that you have to say that, therefore, they should have Western style elections and and and freedom that Russia is is ready to go and become a Western liberal democracy. It doesn't mean any of that at all. It's just at least note that this is what Putin is. What do you think is the motivation for his invasion of Ukraine in 22? It's what he said for years, which is the basic, the reconstitution of the Soviet Union. Do you think there is empire-building components to that motivation? I would trust most of my friends in Eastern Central Europe who certainly do think that. There's a reason why the Baltic countries are the countries that are spending highest and percentage of GDP on defense. And it's because they're very worried. I don't think they're faking it. I don't think they're faking it for me or for anyone else. I think the Lithuanians, the Latvians, the Estonians, and others are genuinely worried for the first time in some decades. Do you think there's a possibility that the war continues indefinitely, even if there's a ceasefire and the peace reached the war will resume. He will seek expansion even beyond Ukraine. Yes. And the most obvious thing is that if Trump manages to negotiate a ceasefire, it will be a temporary pause. And whoever comes in as president after Trump, Putin will use the opportunity to advance again. Yes. Again, one of the things that I have heard from parts of the American right now, there's is that all he wants is Ukraine. That's all he wants and that he has no history or of rhetoric or actions that suggest anything else. And again, it's one of the reasons why it's useful traveling to places and seeing things with your own eyes, because I very much remember being in the country of Georgia after Putin tried to invade in 2008. So again, people don't have to be the greatest supporters of the Ukrainian course just to recognize that it doesn't seem to be the case that Ukraine is the only thing in Putin's vision. Do you see value and maybe depth and power to the realist perspective of all this, somebody like John Meersheimer's formulation of all this, that in these invasions of Georgia of Ukraine, it's using military power to expand the sphere of influence in the region in a cold calculation of geopolitics. It's interesting. One of the fascinating things about the last few years is there's been an act of sort of necromancy of certain figures were totally, totally debunked. In the area of Ukraine, Meersheimer, and in the case of Israel people like Finkelstein and it's been interesting because these are people that one hadn't heard of for some years because they were not listened to, for usually for good reason. But by the way, first of all, I'm very skeptical of the term realist in foreign policy because most people to some extent will say that they are a realist in foreign policy. Very few people are surrealists in foreign policy. Very few people are unrealists. I would like to meet them. A surrealist foreign policy analyst we did mention else in one or another. Yeah, I mean, maybe we should introduce it. But I mean, if you want to say, if you want to look gimled out, id out across the world, you're a realist. I think the stillman of their argument would be, Russia has or believes it has a sphere of influence and is regrettable, but there's very little we can do about that. That would be about the best version of that argument that you can make. Well, to expand on that stillman isn't it how superpowers operate in the dark realist, less surrealist way, meaning the United States uses military power to have a sphere influence over the whole globe really. China appears to be willing to use military power to expand its sphere of influence. And political power, more importantly, in the case of China. Political power, non-kinetic warfare to take over areas, Hong Kong being the obvious one. Behind that isn't there always a kinetic threat? Oh, yeah, of course. Yeah, I mean, you disappear some booksellers and students are protesting, of course. I just, but to get about it is, yeah, of course, okay, countries believe they have or would like to have spheres of influence. I do think at some point that the so-called realists on that have to try to decide how much leeway that allows you to give to a fairly rapacious regime. And it's not the easiest calculation always to make. You have to work out whether or not, for instance, it is true that if if Russia had, if Putin had managed to go all the way to Kiev in the first weeks of the war in 22, he would have gone straight on to other places. And, you know, maybe he would have done, maybe he would have taken his time, maybe he wouldn't have died. And this is a very fine calculation that changes every week and alone every year. You know, my friends in Georgia, I thought were wildly off the mark when they were believing that after 2008, they could get, for instance, either NATO membership or EU membership. And I thought I thought that was completely unlikely. And I still think it's unlikely and almost suddenly undesirable for Europe and for NATO. Because you've got to be very careful. And obviously, this is one of the issues with Ukraine and has been since the 90s is, you know, you're going to set up a trip wire to start world war three. And that's not a small thing to consider. So what do you think the peace deal might look like? And what is the path the peace look like in Ukraine in the coming weeks and months? I just thought it would be regrettably the Ukrainian seedings of territory in the East. And then making sure they rearm during whatever peace period comes afterwards. And probably all four territories of Danya Svahans' separation are some. You couldn't lay any of that out because it has to be negotiated on. But I mean, I think that, and I think the ease with which non-Ukranians are currently speaking about the Ukrainian seeding territory is concerning because these territories include hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian citizens who do not want to live under Putin's rule. And people who have families in the rest of Ukraine and much more. And I recently interviewed children who had managed to get out of the Russian occupied areas. And it's brutal for the Ukrainian to be growing up in that territory. So when people say, well, obviously, you know, don't ask us to be given to Putin, I think that that is not as easier a thing if you're in Ukraine as it is if you're sitting in New York, say. And by the way, I think that on the issue of there is a school of thought that is that obviously President Trump, to some extent, was was floating in recent weeks, which is that if if a deal is done, a business deal, relation to minerals or anything else, you get this great, you get a kind of buffer zone of American businesses and investment and therefore American business people in the region, which would effectively warn Putin not to invade. I don't follow that idea because not least, there were Americans in the regions that were invaded in 22 and they left fast. And we know from Hong Kong and other places just because there are international financial interests in the region does not mean that a dictatorship will not either militarily or covertly take over. I don't see American miners as being an effect of buffer zone against Putin. By the way, what did you learn from talking to the children, Ukrainian children from those regions? Well, I mean, it's it's heartbreaking because the only schooling is Russian schooling, obviously teaching a Russian language, Putin's view of history and effectively indoctrination and people can quibble with that term, but it's Putin-esque indoctrination schools and any children or families that do not want that effectively have to hide and not go out. And there were, I spoke to children in Paris, who'd had school friends at the Russian set up in 22 and 23 summer camps for the children of some of the areas that have been occupied and the children went off to the camps and then they didn't come back, but they were just stolen. I mean, it's thought that around 20,000 Ukrainian children have been stolen in this fashion. That's not a small thing. It's not got very much attention, but yeah, I mean, children who had hide whenever the Russian troops came to the door, one teenage boy who described to me how, when his mother was out, a woman came around to the house, knocked on the door and gave him his papers and said that he had to attend the next week to sign up for the Russian army. I mean, this is not good and that's obviously what life is like for thousands of people behind the Russian lines in Ukraine. I just have it in mind when people say things like, well, obviously, these regions have to be handed over. It's very, very hard if you're Ukrainian to conceive to that. Yeah, and even if they are as part of the negotiation in Hanover, I think it'll probably be generations or never that that could be accepted by Ukrainian people. Absolutely. I would have thought never. What do we know about this kidnapping of children, the stories of the thousands of children that the Russian forces kidnapped? Some of them were in orphanages in Eastern Ukraine, not all by any means, but somewhere. And it's a very complicated story actually because many children were taken from their families. Many the Russians said, well, look at these Ukrainians, they don't even look after their children, therefore we will look after them. I was recently when I was there looking into this story because it's a very interesting question as to why it hasn't had more attention. One thinks of, for instance, the abduction of the Chibok schoolgirls some 12 years ago now in Northern Nigeria, and appalling abduction of 300 girls by Boko Haram completely gained the world's attention. And I was very interested in why the Ukrainian children had been taken by the Russians have not gained similar attention. There's a slight similarity with the war in Israel, I'm sure we'll come on to, but I do think that one reason is that they were effectively hostages. And the Ukrainians knew, this is my estimation of the terrain, is that the Ukrainians knew that if they made a great deal about this, or was it more than they did, that the children would effectively be the most effective bargaining chip. And I do think there's considerable truth in that, because if you look at, for instance, the way in which pressure has been put on the Israeli government by the Israeli population about the kidnapped Israelis, you'll see that it's a pretty effective tactic for any detour in regime or terrorist group to operate in a way that means that the population of the country or attacking pressure their government to do something in terms of concession. It's a very effective tool, and I think that story was partly played down, not just outside of Ukraine, but also within Ukraine, partly for that reason. As a truth seeker as a journalist, how do you operate in that world where, at least to me, it's obvious that there's just a flood of propaganda on both sides. Now of course, when you go there and directly experience it and talk to people, but those people are still also swimming in the propaganda. So unless you witness stuff directly, sometimes it's hard to know. I speak to people on the Russian side, and they're clearly, first of all, hilariously enough. They almost always say that there's no propaganda in Russia. Cool. Which makes me realize, I mean, you can be completely lied to. Maybe I am in the United States as well, and just be unaware. Maybe Earth is run by aliens. Maybe the Earth is flat, so I don't know. Maybe you've taken mushrooms before this. And I finally see the truth. And it's you that are diluted, Douglas. Okay. But back to our rounder discussion, rounder shells that we are. How do you know what is true? You can tell it when the bare facts become not true. Like you can tell it when somebody is willing to claim that everything caused the invasion of 2022 except for Vladimir Putin invading Ukraine. Yeah, there's a hilarious thing that happens. And I think you've actually speak about this, that people are generally just much more willing to criticize the democratically elected leader. Always. So the interesting thing that happens is these wise sages that do the narratives of like NATO started the war, right? Which there is some interesting geopolitical depth. Sure. And truth to that, like that NATO expansion created a complicated geopolitical context, whatever. Sure. But they forget to say like other parts of that story. Well, yes. Of course, I mean, and I mean, of course, to some extent, it's rather you know that there's a there's a very the most irritating type of question asked or at any event is the person who says, I was disappointed that in your 30 minute talk, you didn't address X. I tend to say, well, looking forward to coming to your next talk where in 30 minutes you'll cover everything that could possibly be covered. There's always stuff that's going to be left on the sides. There's always going to be stuff that's left unaddressed. There's always going to be other angles. There's always going to be somebody else who who who who has this interesting perspective and you can't cover it. Nevertheless, if you cover everything other than the central things, then it's suspicious. Many years ago I was at a debate in London, and there was a debate about the origins of World War Two and Pat Buchanan talking of Necromancy was one of the the the the speakers. And Andrew Roberts, historian, was one of the people on the other side. And at one point, you know, they got so completely stuck into issues of iron or mining in Poland in the need something like this. And the moderator, I remember it was just a melee. And the moderator turns to Andrew Roberts and says, Andrew Roberts, why did World War Two begin? And he says, World War Two began because Hitler invaded Poland. And it was a magnificent moment because everything had been a marsh. They were just so lost in all the intricate and clever and interesting things that you can talk about about the origins of a war that you forget to mention the thing that's most important and studying my experience as a journalist and writer is that one of the reasons why you need to go and see things with your own eyes is because people are certain to tell you that what you've seen with your own eyes didn't happen or hasn't happened. And it helps to steal you for that moment. It's a gradual thing that happens where the obvious thing starts being taken for granted and people stop saying it because it's like the boring thing to say at a party. And then all of a sudden, over time, you just almost start questioning whether whether, you know, like the obvious thing is even true. I don't know what that, how that happens in psychology. Yeah, I think it does. I think it does. I've observed it in a lot of different places, which is the important thing is the only thing you do forget. Everything else is what you remember. And some of us have, for some reason, wired in a way where we don't, we try not to forget the important thing. Remember the obvious thing, yeah. Yes. And as you say, no, I'm not wanting to be the boring guy at the party who reiterates what is true. Because what a douchebag you'd be if you were that guy. Nobody likes Captain Obvious at a party. Okay, is it possible that Donald Trump as a mediator, a successful negotiator that brings a stable piece to Ukraine is possible. We'll have to see. I think it's just too early and complicated to tell that he wants to bring a piece, seems to me to be obvious. He stated it a lot of times. Whether he can, we're just going to have to see. It's extremely hard to see some of the parameters of the piece still. And I would suggest that the most one, not the most difficult, but one of the most difficult is there is no piece guarantee on paper that the Ukrainians can possibly believe. I just, it doesn't matter because we've, we in the West, we some of the countries in the West have said it before that we'd secure there. They're peace and we haven't. And so what other than NATO membership, which is not possible in my view, what other than NATO membership would reassure the Ukrainians that they are going to have their borders secured and the peace of Ukraine secured. I can't see. I think there's not going to be ever a guarantee. That you can trust. I think the way you have a guarantee implicit guarantees by having military and Economic partnerships with as many partners as possible. So you have partnerships with the The Middle East have partnerships with India perhaps even with China or the United States with many nations in Europe All of which still suggests that if there's enough financial interests in Ukraine They would prevent another Russian invasion. There would be financial pressure. Yeah, there would be You know Russia needs to be friends with somebody either China or the West I think a world that's flourishing it would have Russia Trading and being friends with the West and the East thought would be ideal Who'd be ideal if if they if they were if the regime in Moscow wanted it, but that's that not I mean to that again You get into the thing of you know people accused of russophobia, but I mean the I do believe that after the fall of the wall Russia was ill treated by the West did not treated with the Some of the courtesy that it required I do think that and At the same time that doesn't justify The actions of Russia in the last 20 years right, but let's The send from the surrealists to the realists. It's very possible for Russia to Be on the verge of military invasion of these nations and that being wrong While also not doing it because they're afraid to hurt the partnerships with the West and We're China is possible, but the alliance they formed with this sort of rogue alliance with China to a considerable extent North Korea not useful And Iran is Something they seem to find bearable. It's not a very it's not a very good alliance in most people's analysis But it's an alliance. It's bearable, but I don't think Maybe disagree with this. I don't think the Russian people or even Putin Wants to be isolated from the West. I think it wants to be friends with the West and with the East and with everybody He just also wants Ukraine, right and there's well How does the Rolling Stones song go which one? Not the satisfaction one sympathy with the devil That's the one you got me on that one. No, like there there's interests Whether it's expanding the sphere in influence. That's one thing on the table But that can be put aside if you want to maintain the partnerships with these nations and If Ukraine has strong economic partnerships with those nations Then that prevents Russia from invading. I think the premise is one that I've seen before There was a famous what was his name? Norman Angle he wrote this book was a fantastic bestseller in his day Where he believed that Europe would be in a period of endless canty and peace Because the prospect of European power is going to war was so economically unviable The book was reissued after World War one And I never got the second edition, but I assume it was significantly rewritten That's a very kind of cynical take that just because the book is wrong. I'm not saying just the book So I'm saying that the idea that that Cooperation on an economic and other levels is any Significant preventative device to madness breaking out is is not something I see Could deter some people right it could deter some very very rational Economically driven actors, but it fails to take into account all of the other things that motivate people to go to war and to invade and to go mad Okay, well, I would argue that in the 21st century one of the reasons we have much fewer wars is Because of the much more well, so there's a few tools here on the on the geopolitical stage One of them is that you were just much more interconnected economically Globally interconnected and that that is always a present pressure on the world to keep peace There's a lot of money to be made from peace. There's also a lot of money to be made for more There's just there's a lot of interest attention and I'm just presenting one of the tools that a leader should be using the alternative is what military force? That is an interesting one sometimes a useful one, but unfortunately it has its downsides also and after three years of war and the hundreds of thousands dead You have to start wondering what are the options on the table? I agree. I'm obviously for economic cooperation But my only caveat is not to think for that is something which is of ultimate interest or even at the top of the list of interests of Desperts, tyrants, extremists who want something else Yeah, but Can you read the mind of Vladimir Putin now a lot of the ideas I hear about peace is Putin bad Victory must be achieved NATO membership required. Yeah, there's this kind of like But what's the what's out there? You have to come to the table to end the killing is one and To have different ideas of how to Have a non-zero chance of peace So that well, you know the options are it seems to me the only option Not the only option, but the luckliest option is a lot of strong economic partnerships. There's of course other radical options. There's There's Russia joining NATO or something like this or there's Giving you know doing flirting with world war three essentially giving nukes to Ukraine or something like this. There's like crazy stuff or Totally new military alliance with France and Britain and Germany and European nations and Ukraine or some weird network of Military power that threatens Russia in some way or maybe some big breakthrough partnership between India China and Ukraine something like this and some really out there Ideas and I think that's how the world That's how the world finds the balance and real lines itself in interesting ways and no, it could be I hope you're a I hope your idea is right. I think it's about the Where it's set in the most peaceful way for this to be resolved my only caveat as I say is and also Never forget to factor in That people want different things in this world And some people don't dream is that you dream. I think we'll talk about this in your book death cults That one is an easier one for me to understand To the story that you're describing I am more hesitant to assign psychopathy to Leaders of major nations. Sure. Yeah. Yeah. I'm I'm not by any means urging you to regard Vladimir Putin as a millenarian madman who cannot be in any way understood. I Think he could be negotiated and reasoned with From your lips to God's ears Can you steal me on the case four and then against the landscape is the right leader for Ukraine at this moment? Is he the right person to take it to the the point of peace? We'll see if If if if he can then he then of course he is you know, he deserves enormous respect for galvanizing his people for being elected in the first place For galvanizing his nation at a time of incredible peril for playing the international game of Getting support for his country well um and Sometimes the person who does that not there are many people like that can be the person who also brings about a peace still and sometimes not I think there's a degree to which He may have seen too much suffering Of the people the land he loves to be able to sit down at a table with a war leader who Did the destruction and to be able to that is very hard compromise on anything That's That's possible again. It puts the owners on him though Sort of slightly presupposes a Putin doesn't have the same Human instinct on that It is extremely hard. I've noticed this in a lot of conflicts. It's extremely hard the way in which Outside does come in and others who haven't seen what you've seen or gone through what you've gone through and say you know It's time to get around and go shading table and just, you know, you think you didn't see what I saw or you didn't go through what I went through, who you to tell me, goes back to that thing with the visitor from the land of war and the visitor from the land of peace. The visitor from the land of peace can easily talk about getting around to go shading tables, but the visitor from the land of war has seen other things and it's very hard for somebody who hasn't seen it to tell the person who has that they should act differently. And the sad thing about humanity is both the person from the land of peace and the person from the land of war are right. Yes, that's a struggle. That's definitely a struggle. It's like asking somebody to forgive. I've seen that a lot of ends of conflicts. People say the important thing is that we forgive and move on. And then the other person says, you know, your child didn't die of shrapnel wounds. Yeah, this is, you know, I got a lot of heat for an interview. It was a landscape. By the way, people privately, the people that message me is all love and support in the people that disagree in your crane soldiers. People online are ruthless. They're misrepresenting me. They're lying. I'm representing a lying. Yeah. Good God, Lex. You discovered a new phenomenon. I'm a real radical intellectual. Nothing misses your eye. I see the truth. And I'm unafraid to point it out. No, there's a degree. This, this idea that you need to compromise with the person, with the leader of a nation you're at war with. And in so doing, the some degree are forgiving their actions because the actual feeling you have is you want it to be fair. And the definition of fair when you've seen that much suffering is for him and everybody around him and maybe even all of the people on the other side to just die because you've seen towards suffering. But the other side of that is yes, there's children that have died, you go coming to the negotiation table of the children from dying. Yes, of course. And so like there is just you had this kind of way of speaking about it, embodying that perspective that it's naive to say to come to the negotiation table. And it is for a person from the land of war, but the very smart intelligent and non naive person from the land of peace that is often right and some deep sense about the long arc of history. For them, it does, it is the right thing to come to the negotiation table to end the more killing. The one thing I would add to that though is, you know, don't forget that it also depends on whether or not there's a clear shot of winning. Sure. If there's a clear shot of winning and that's of the most important, the most important thing in wars is not final negotiations or anything else. It's simply winning and losing. And if you have a clear shot of winning and you can take it and you're near it, then having somebody else come in and saying why not stop just before victory is very hard. That's one of the complexes, one of the many, many complexities of the conflict we're talking about. You know what's the other big complexity of that? Because the clear shot of winning is like a man walking through the desert seeing water. It could be during war, it really is an illusion. So here's what happens. The really complicated aspect of negotiation is in order to negotiate peace from a place of strength, you have to have victory in sight. Yes. And so the temptation from that position is to not negotiate is to keep pushing forward to achieve victory. And this, I would say hindsight is 2020. But this is the failure in 22 and two occasions to achieve to negotiate a cease fire and peace. One in the spring, because there was a Ukraine was in a real big, I would say position of strength, having fended off the Russian forces around Kiev. That's one. And then as you mentioned in the fall of 22, with her son and hardgive, had a lot of military success, they were in a place of strength. And from that place, they've decided to keep going because victory was in sight. But that was also an opportunity to make peace. It's perfectly possible. Yes. That's the hard thing. It's very hard. It's all hard. But I'm just again, it's victory can be won in wars and is often won in wars. And you're right. They can also grind on because nobody has a capability to make a breakthrough. It's a case, I mean, the wisdom about civil wars tends to be that they sort of burn out after about 10 years or so for similar reasons. When you're in the war, can you actually know that a victory can be won? It's a very good question. And you mean troops on the battlefield or military leaders or political leaders? Military and political leaders. It just feels like, like I said, man in the desert, seeing water, I think there's a sense that victory is so close. At times, there's times in a war when you feel like victory is close. No, you're right. And then it slips away. Yes, it's an interesting insight. It's like the way in which there's a force in nature, which is that if you're a mass and army, a massing it will pull you in to using it. Yeah. Extremely hard to a mass and army somewhere and then say let's go back. Yes, you're right. No, it's one of many, many interesting aspects to warfare. I think the sad thing about successful wars, at least in the modern day, is it takes a great military leader, which I would argue that Zelensky really unified Ukraine in this fight in the beginning of the war. You have to be that. And like you said, after you're massed, the army and have military success to be able to step back and make peace. Those two just don't often go hand in hand. Because again, as a wartime leader, especially one who's seen the suffering first hand, walking away is tough, especially also combined with that, just the realities of war, where there is probably corruption, that there is things, you know, once the war ends, there has to be investigations. Because the war wasn't won, you might not turn out to be when the history looks at it, the good guy. And a leader doesn't want to, a leader always wants to be the good guy. So there's just all psychological complexities that are, and you look at this whole picture. In the basic sense, if you want Ukraine to flourish, if you want humanity to flourish, you just ask the question, okay, so what is the thing I would like to see? For some historical analogy, you can give, but just surely not rewarding Putin's actions in any way would be a good way to deter him and other dictators from trying to grab land in the future. So yeah, and but it's nuanced because like you, it's very probably good to be the boring person at the party that says dictatorships are bad, democracies are good, many of the ideals of the West democracy is better. Yes, that sounds like animal farm, but yes, two legs better, but yes, democracy is better. And invading countries is bad, but World War Three is bad too. So after you say something is bad, what's the next step? Because military intervention in a lot of these conflicts, it will be about deterrence. Yeah, but what's what's effective deterrence? That we're going to have to keep going over for a long time to come. My question is how can we achieve peace in April, in May, right? Not like the adults at the table all seem to tell me, well, it's a process, it's complicated, you know, it just feels like this is a thing that might go into the next winter and there's still maybe initial ceasefire and the ceasefire is broken and there's more people dying. And it's that mess, it seems like civility and politeness ignores the fact that people are dying every single day. I mean, of course, like we were all, almost everybody, not everybody, but almost everyone would like the things to stop immediately. Of course. No, Like I think that is the boring thing at the party. Yes, but they don't say it often enough. Not often, there has to be a frustration. There has to be a frustration. I don't understand why Putin, Zelensky, and Trump can't just meet in the room together without signing anything. Leaders meeting and discussing. And like the human connection, there's so many layers of diplomats. It's the problem I have with a managerial class. I don't, they schedule meetings really well. They don't get shit done. And I would love it if people got shit done. So the soldiers get shit done. They have, they're fighting the reality of the war. And then the leaders have the capacity to get shit done on the scale of nations and geopolitics. But like this is diplomatic meetings and. No, I share your frustration about it at the same time. I think I share your frustration because I've seen it all, got a lot of it. You know, my own eyes, I mean, there was a. Dan and I was with the other week, and they were hit just after I left their base. And you wouldn't believe what the. Thermobaric bomb can do to the human body. And. I share your frustration with it at the same time. One of the things that happens. If you are rushing. Is that you do. And I've seen it elsewhere, you, you will put pressure on the people you can pressurize. And you will not put enough pressure on the people you can't pressurize. And that is one of the worrying things that could happen with this simply. You can put America can put extraordinary. Diplomatic financial intelligence, military. Pressure on Ukraine. And it can put significant pressure on Putin, but it's much easier to pressure Zelensky. And that's one of the many things that makes it harder is that the temptation to rush for peace, accepting that peace is the most desirable thing and accepting the horrors of war, which, you know, we can linger on, accepting all that. If somebody says we've got to get peace today, and the three of them around the table, the most likely thing is that it'll be, that it'll be the person who you can pressure most easily, who will be the person that you pressure. And as a result, have an outcome which, yes, might stop the killing as soon as possible, but might also set up a situation which rewards the aggressor and effectively punishes the victim. And that's an extremely ugly and common thing to have him. - Yeah. And that's the other boring thing to say. The boring truth that the easy shortcut here is, is to punish Ukraine. And you just have to not do it. - Let's keep being the boring people of the party. - Yeah, well, nobody's gonna invite us. (laughing) All right, let's go from one complicated conflict to perhaps an even more complicated one. Israel and Palestine. Can you take me through what happened on October 7th, as you understand it? And as you outline at the beginning of the book. - Well, the book on democracies and death cults is a mixture of firsthand reporting and observation, interviews, and a wider reflection, not just on the war that's been going on since the 7th of October, but the war's been going on a lot longer. And also, I suppose, for me, is one of the overwhelming questions, which I'm sure we'll get to, which is the reaction in the rest of the world. Obviously, on the 7th itself, it was a brigade size attack on Israel from Gaza. Hamaz broke through the security fence and attacked all the softest targets they could. They swiftly overwhelmed things like the observation base in Nahalaz, they ran through the communities in the south, a very peaceful, peace-naked conflict for the communities of the Kibbutz Sima, as they call it, the communities. And murdered and raped, and burned, and kidnapped, and of course, they, from their point of view, had the great good fortune of also coming across hundreds of young people dancing in the early hours of the morning at a dance party and rampaced through that with RPGs and Clashnikovs and grenades and Hamaz and more, and got within, well, 20 kilometers into Israel. And places like Offa Kim and Starrart, important towns, and carried out their massacres there as well. We now know that the plan was that Hezbollah did the same thing from the north. Hezbollah joined in the war within 24 hours by starting firing rockets again in very large numbers into northern Israel from southern Lebanon, but the plan was that they would do the same thing from the north and Kayaat, similar massacres there, and effectively be able to meet in the middle and Gharat Israel from the center. The interesting reason why I think it will be found out in the future of why they didn't coordinate better was Hamaz didn't trust any line of communication to Hezbollah to let them know exactly when they were going to do it, that wouldn't be intercepted. The Iranian Revolutionary Government in Tehran, which obviously funds Hamaz and Hezbollah and trains and arms, knew of the plan. It was a very successful attempt to annihilate the state, but they didn't get close to that, but they got worryingly closer than people might have thought. They were capable of, I think, from the Israeli side. It was obviously one of the most, if not the most catastrophic intelligence and military failure since the foundation of the state. And I think there are several reasons why one is a perception problem. What a lot of military commands and others describe to me as the conception, the conception that had prevailed in Israel for some years and security military establishment was that Hamaz were content with being corrupt and governing Gaza and lining their pockets and living in Qatar and becoming billionaires, but that like many other terrorist groups and cults that they would end up becoming just corrupt and not losing their ideology, but the ideology become secondary. That's the first thing, was there was just a massive error of the conception in Israel. And then the multiple manifold security and military failures of the day and leading up to the day. And there already have been quite a lot of people held to account for that, and their doubtless will be in the future as well. The single thing I heard which I heard most and which was most distressing in a way was the number of people who described to me who survived the massacres in the South, who said that they'd said to their children, don't worry the army will be here in minutes and they weren't. In many places it was many hours till the army got there. And there are reasons for that. There were some reasons that will be military failings, leadership failings. Other things were very, I discovered were very human failings. I don't want to overstress the failure of the army because actually certain units and things got down very fast. There was a unit of Devane who got down to the junction, by within about an hour, 90 minutes of the massacres starting and joined in the fight. And then there were self-starters who I write about in the book, extraordinary people who just like broke orders and just realized the magnitude of what was happening and said we're needed in the South, go, and fought very hard for hours, days, in some cases. But the complexities on the ground were unbelievable. I mean, as usually happens in warfare, but what they call the fog of war is a very real thing. You know what it's, you can see it in hindsight, but you can't see when you're in it. And one of the things that made it very complicated was, for instance, Hamas coming in taking uniforms off dead Israelis wearing them coming in with Israeli style apparatus on them. There's a Muslim doctor I quote in the book I interviewed who describes how he was going to his, he was in Israeli Muslim Arab and he was going to, he's a doctor, he was going to his shift at the hospital at 6.30 in the morning. The rockets start coming in because the rockets started first and then the full invasion. And he described to me how, you know, he's one of the members of this group, how the United Hadsela, which is a first responders group, and they sort of, you know, they get an alert and it tells them that, you know, a car has crashed nearby and they put on their, you know, first aid kit and so on and go. And he got one of those alerts, one of the junctions, and realized there was a car that something had happened and there were some dead bodies, and he, he stops and he sees these men dressed as soldiers and they start, and he's wearing his hats a large ear and they start firing at him and he just thinks, "What the hell? What the hell is going on?" And they turned out to be Hamaz dressed as his really soldiers. They used him as a human shield to try to protect from any air assault and in the end they shot him and left him and he survived. It is a very, very brave man. So there was a lot of confusion like that. There's a girl whose father, I interviewed, she was at the Nova Party and I met him at one of the reunions of the party and the weeks after and the reunions of the survivors and the family and so on and he described how in the last moments of his daughter's life, she phoned him on her phone like a lot of people and he reassured her to the harm you'd get there and so on and her boyfriend was shot and the head and was lying on her lap and she was obviously panicked and they'd managed to get into a car and escape the party but they went to her, her community where they thought they'd be safe in the south of Israel and they were told to stay where they were by somebody who she said was a policeman and he wasn't a policeman, he was her man's dressed as a police and she died as she was shot and killed as well and so there was a lot of confusion like that. Hopefully the world will find out exactly what went wrong, Israel will find out exactly what went wrong that led to this catastrophe but I mean it was a complete catastrophe. Do you have a sense of how such an intelligence failure could have happened? So there's a bit of a temptation to go into conspiracy land because it's such a giant intelligence failure, it seems that there was some manipulation on the inside for political reasons or for you don't need to go into conspiracy land and I think there are people who say that there were parts of the intelligence network and so on that were with holding the information, I don't know, again people will find out there's an awful lot of politics inside Israel and it's hard to know that at this stage. I think most people are sort of still Israeli and not Israeli, including people of anti-Israel who just believe that Israeli military and particularly intelligence dominance is so so strong that there must have been some kind of conspiracy otherwise how could this have happened. I don't think you need to go into that I think that I mean for instance some of the young women at the observation base are on the record they've said I spoke to myself and they who said that they had been warning in the weeks running up to the 7th of they were seeing maneuvers and training by the border which suggested that Hamaz was going to do something like this and and they say that they were ignored. You speak to some of the more senior commanders about that and they say the thing is that this stuff was happening all the time so it's very hard to do it's very hard to know at the moment. Can you talk through your understanding of who and what Hamaz is? It's history and the governing ideology of this group. Well Hamaz in a way quite easy to understand because they say what their ambitions are they say what their beliefs are they say it said it from their governing charter onwards and you also have the advantage with Hamaz that they as it were and trying to understand them is that they tend to do what they say and act on what they believe. The primary aim of Hamaz is to destroy the state of Israel and then see they're not an unusual group sadly. The bit of it that is hard for some people to understand I think is that they really do mean what they say and that they really do mean what they say they want to do and I give a number of examples in the book of this but I mean the most obvious is the case of Yashya Sinwa the Hamaz leader who is generally regarded as having orchestrated and arranged the seventh October. We know a fair amount about him because he was imprisoned in Israel in the 2000s for murdering Palestinians in Gaza and he was released in the prisoner swap for the his one the more than 1000 Palestinian prisoners inside Israel who was released in his in a swap for Gilad Shalit the abducted Israeli soldier and Yashya Sinwa in prison in Israel talked to among others a dentist who ended up saving his life because Yashya Sinwa had a brain tumor and this dentist identified this and actually sent him to the hospital in the Israelis famously removed the tumor and saved Sinwa's life but this dentist used to speak to him in prison not very regularly and has related not least to the New York Times his conversations with Sinwa and Sinwa said in one of those conversations he said you know he said at the moment you Israel are strong but one day you'll be weak and then I'll come and that's that's what he did is it a hatred of Israel or is it hatred of Jews is on the level of nations or the level of religion both it's both I mean it originates from a religious mindset but it's of course political as well I mean the Hamas charter of course some people sort of think the Hamas charter is of no significance and I often notice this state of hand that that people do again it goes back to what we're saying earlier forget everything other than the most important basic things but the Hamas charter among other things quotes the Hadith that you know the end times will not come until all of the the the the rocks and the trees shout out oh Muslim there's a Jew behind me come and kill him and that that is so Hamas is both obviously anti-Israeli obviously and anti-Jewish obviously it's it's and by the way I mean one of the many painful stories I tell in the book but is of the fact that so many of the people in the communities that they attacked is not as if there'd be a right community attract in a wrong community to attack but the many of the communities they attacked were communities which deeply deeply dreamed of the idea of living in peace with their Palestinian neighbors there's a woman whose whose name has become relatively famous since certainly is famous inside Israel within silver who is a peace activist who spent every weekend driving guards and children from the border to if they had very rare medical needs that could not be seen tension to within sight guards that would drive them to Israeli hospitals and she spent every weekend doing that worked for all of the sort of left-wing peace-neck organizations in Israel and you know for a while after the seventh her neighbors and others thought that she had been taken captive into Gaza and actually there was a hostage poster for her and there were appeals by the various peace-neck organizations for Hamas to handle her over but it turned out she'd been burned alive in her home and this wasn't discovered for quite a long time because there was so little DNA left of her that it was very hard to identify the remains as being hers so there were there were a lot of just a lot of people in the Gaza envelope as it's it's called in Israel in the area around Gaza who who would have been the people who you know wanted to live peacefully with the guards in some day and those there's a certain among many it's not an irony but it's just among the sort of pains of the days that is that so so overwhelmingly these these are the people that Hamas brought hell to the response to October 7th by Israel can you steal me on the case that Israel went too far well the case that that started from very early on that that critics Israel had was the the claim that I think I first heard it on about the 8th of October before Israel had done anything in response was the claim that uh Israel must act proportionately in response. And I have a critique of this that I've often expressed, which is that there is such a thing as proportionality in warfare. And at the same time, Israel is always accused of acting disproportionately. And the proportionality, the rest, much of the rest of the world seems to think Israel should express in warfare is to is to have an equal level of suffering or killing on both sides. I don't think there's any law of war that says that if you kill 1200 people and you kidnap another 250 that is it were, the other sides allowed to do the same back. But that's what a lot of people think. And then when they see the death toll escalating on the gars inside, they say Israel has acted disproportionately and has overreacted. That one is tricky because it's my belief that I mean, again, this is a basic thing, but it has to be stated that nine million citizens of Israel, if you extrapolate that out to what the seventh of October would have meant in American terms, you'd be talking about a day on which, if the attack it had been in America, where 44,000 Americans were killed in one day and 10,000 American citizens taken hostage. Nobody can tell me that if such an atrocity occurred, that America would not do whatever it needed to destroy the groups that had done that and to retrieve the hostages who'd been taken. So just on that point, I agree with you 100% America would do would hit hard back. I think a lot of Americans would feel justified in that, but it's also possible that the military industrial complex and the politicians would do something like the war in Iraq and Afghanistan, which means extend far beyond hitting back and actually do a thing that's destructive to everybody, including America, financially, and the flourishing of America and the flourishing of humanity broadly and the region and the stability and the war on terrorism. If that's a real thing, the war in Iraq and Afghanistan did not maybe succeed in defeating terrorism or even making progress. It probably made more terrorist than not. So there's a justified feeling of hitting back and going after somebody like bin Laden in the case of 9/11 and there's just the actual implementation. And it seems like the implementation can sometimes unintended or unintended have consequences that are bordering on war crimes if not downright war crimes. Now this is a general statement and now we'll look at Israel where things are small land. Everything is very compact. There's a lot of complexities that are well studied that we've talked about extensively. Well the two stated aims of the Israelis after the seventh were to get the hostages back and to destroy Hamas. Many people said that you could do one but not both. And I actually think they've gone a long way to doing both. By no means everything. There were still hostages as we're speaking, held in Gaza, including the young American. And Hamas is not completely destroyed. It's very, very significantly degraded but it's not completely destroyed. But those are the two aims. I believe that I mean I've seen as much of the war as any outside observer. I don't know if there's some exceptions maybe but and so I think I can say with considerable certainty what the Israelis haven't done. The operative there were various operations at the beginning various plans which didn't happen like storming straight in and getting for instance as many hostages as possible out of the sheifer complex. We just called the hospital but also at the very least the Hamas command headquarters. And there was a plan to maybe go and do that fast but it was avoided because of the number of deaths on all sides would be likely to happen. The Israelis did actually hold back at the beginning. There was a period of making sure that when they went into Gaza they didn't do so in any way blind. The Gaza is a very built-up area and population wise is densely populated. Something by the way which the people who claim frivolously that Israel has been creating genocide never take account of which is the fact that the Gaza population has boomed since the Israeli withdrawal in 2005 was almost doubled. But yes it's a densely populated area and it's an incredibly difficult place for the train of war because of one thing in particular which is that Hamas goes back a bit to our conversation early but this is a much more extreme example. I mean Hamas really don't play by the rules. In fact they use the rules of war, the laws of war completely to their own advantage. You know it has to be reiterated. You are not meant to disguise your army as civilians. You're not meant to use places of care like hospitals as bases for your military operations. You're not meant to use schools and places of worship as operating centers of war and Hamas does all of these things and has always done so. And it does so with the very obvious reason that for them the whole thing is a two for one offer. You get to operate everywhere and if the Israelis operate anywhere you claim that this is a war crime because how could they attack this group of civilians, these people who are dressed as civilians, these people merely fighting from a mosque and so on. And that's why everybody who's been to Gaza who's seen the fighting knows the same thing which is this is just incredibly difficult, difficult warfare of a kind that that American troops have seen in the last 20 years in Fluja and elsewhere, Kurdish militias, the Peshmerga saw when they were fighting as our frontline troops in the war against ISIS, similar house to house but by no means with the same entrenched bases. Again, it can't be stressed enough that Hamas has used the years since he's ready withdraw from 2005 to build his vast underground tunnel network. And again, it's obvious but it has to be remembered. And I quote one of the Hamas leaders in the book saying this in an interview, when they build their tunnels they do so in order that tunnels are used by them, Hamas to store their weaponry, to secure their fighters and to hold hostages. They do not build their underground tunnel networks for the safety of Gaza and civilians avoiding aerial bombardment. And you know, every difference in the world seems to me to exist between a country which does build bomb shelters for citizens and a government which builds bomb shelters for its bombs. Can you discuss the flow of money here? So how does Hamas, how does Hamas, the leadership use the money? So you started to talk about the tunnels but how much corruption is there? Can you just lay it all out? Because I think that's an important part of the picture here. It's certainly corrupt. Every Hamas leader who's now dead died a billionaire. With a B, with a B, to say that they used Gaza's resources or the resources that came into Gaza for their own ends is to just vastly understate matters. Hamas used everything that came in to build the infrastructure of terror that allowed them to do the seventh and everything since. They militarized the whole of the Gaza. They, by the estimations of troops I've been with there. Every second to third house had weaponry stashed their bombs, RPGs, correctional cars, rockets, tunnel entrances, the network that they just embedded all these years was total. They One of the many, many tragedies of this is that whatever you're reading of the rights and wrongs of the Israeli withdrawal in 2005, it was an opportunity for the Gaza to become something else. It could have become a thriving statelet. It could have been a thriving Palestinian state. It's just that Hamaz, like the PLO before them, decided that they wanted to destroy Israel more than they wanted to create a Palestinian state, and that is to the great, great detriment of the Palestinians of Gaza to put it at its mildest. So just through outline here, leadership of Hamas are stealing the money that gets sent by Qatar by everybody. So they're putting in their pocket and then by the American taxpayer, by the European taxpayer as well. Yeah. Well, yeah, but I mean, it's not just about the stealing the money. It's about using the money and the infrastructure to annihilate your neighbor. I mean, those two things, but the corruption is a signal from an economic perspective, but it's also a signal of deep moral corruption, because they're screwing over the Palestinian people. That's the reason. Yeah. Okay. And then the money they do spend on the Palestinian cause, they're not doing that to build up Gaza, they're doing it to strengthen the militaristic capabilities of the terrorist organization of Hamas. You have, maybe you can correct me on this, have said that the people of Gaza have some significant responsibility for the actions of Hamas, because they've elected them. They elected them. The what if surrender, but very unwise of the George W. Bush administration to push for elections in Gaza after '05, but Hamas were elected and then 2007 killed the other Palestinian faction that was their main challenger, Fata, killed them through the Moffru tops, dragged their bodies behind motorbikes through the Gaza and from that point the head total control. And you know, this is difficult because you can get into the realm of being accused of advocating or in any way just for in collective punishment. If you talk about this, but it should be born in mind that, you know, Hamas had effective the 18 years to run the Gaza and that's that's the time that it takes from the birth of a child to the end of their formal education. And in 18 years, they could have presided over and produced a generation of young Gazans who were productive, productive for their people, for their society, for their neighbours, for the rest of the world, and they didn't. They spent 18 years indoctrinating the children of Gaza into a death cult, into a genocidal hatred, which obviously was most dangerous to the Israelis. But it was obviously disastrous for the people of Gaza. And you know, there is, there's just, if you speak to soldiers who were there in 2014 when Hamas started a war again, one of a set of rounds of war since 2005. If you speak to the soldiers who were there in 2014 going house to house, and who were also involved in the war since 2003, they all say the same thing, which is the marked radicalization of the Gazan population, the marked increase in just, I mean, the most, I mean, it's so banal in a way to even cite, you know, like, the numbers of copies of Mein Kampf in Arabic in an average Gazan household, the protocols of the learned elders of Zion. There are so many what ifs and other paths that Hamas could have taken, but that was the one they took. They decided to take the path of using their time and power to build up their infrastructure, radicalize the population, and encourage them to believe that they could destroy the state of Israel. And then, on October the 7th, they gave it their best shot. And by the way, there is no organized collective punishment of the citizens of Gaza. Collective punishment would just be dropping bombs with no purpose across civilian areas, carpet bombing, this sort of thing. This is simply not what the IAF and the IDF have done since the 7th. They have been fighting a House of House war against this terrorist group. They do do aerial strikes. Gaza is very, very badly beaten up as the buildings, I mean, the infrastructure that existed. There are many buildings standing, but this is not the result of just wild and imprecise bombing by the Israelis. It's been extremely concerted. It's extremely difficult. But when people say, "Well, this must be collective punishment." I think that the people who say that simultaneously, that's not true. And also, you know, there is not a hostage who's come out, Donald Trump made his point recently. There is not a hostage who's come out who I've spoken with, who found any Gaza-Palestinian who expressed even the slightest human kindness to them. If you look at the footage from the 7th, the Hamas recorded themselves of them taking young Jewish women into Gaza and so on, you will notice that the trucks and the motorbikes and so on are not stopped by horrified Gaza and civilian, saying, "Why have you got this, this Israeli girl who's tendons you've cut and why are you bringing her here?" It's all celebration. It's all celebration. And it's the same with a couple of cases of hostages who managed to escape from the civilian houses that were being held in, who were immediately returned by the citizens they met. Yeah, the celebration, I do wonder what percent of the population they represent, but there's something really dark. There's several ways to explain the celebration. It could be that there's a deep indoctrination where you do legitimately hate Jews. And there also could be a place of just deep desperation. And it's a kind of relief that you have to convince yourself that you're on the side of fighting for freedom in order to justify it to yourself that this is the right way to fight out of desperation, out of extremely harsh conditions, because the way we're kind of speaking about this with the celebration, it's very easy to project a kind of evil on the populace that I just am very hesitant to project, especially on the general populace. You don't have to project it onto them. You can just listen to their own words. I'm sure you've heard the one of many audio recordings here from the morning, but I'm sure you've heard the audio recording of the young man who ends up in one of the communities in the south of Israel and calls back home. Have you heard that? Yes, I've heard it. I quoted it in the first chapter of the book. He calls back home and he says to his father who picks up, it's on what's, I think he's on the phone. He's saying turn on to WhatsApp because I can show you. He says, I've killed ten Jews with my own hands. Oh, father, your son has killed ten Jews. And his father is saying, where are you? Where are you going? I want to show you that. I want to show you. I've killed Jews with my own hands. Your son put mother on the phone. Mother comes on the phone. The brother comes on the phone. This is one of many, many stories from the day that suggests something which I would say is not just indoctrination but yes, evil. First of all, those phone calls are somehow uniquely horrific, but I've also heard recordings of phone calls made by Ukrainian soldiers to their parents and Russian soldiers to their parents. And they have not as intense and not as horrific, but they have a similar nature to them, which there's an aspect of war where you dehumanize the other side, right, in order to fight that war. So, we have to remember that that element is going to be there in a time of war, in a time of desperation. It would be a strange type of simple sort of, I don't know, pride in war to go into an 80-year-old woman's house and kill her on her floor, and then film her dead body, and her body in its final moments, and send it round to all of that woman's friends on her phone, on her Instagram account. You may have heard different things from me, but I would be surprised if there were, even the most vociferous of Russian soldiers, phoning back home to Moscow and saying, "Mom, you won't believe my luck. I managed to rape and kill this 80-year-old woman." That's quite unusual, even in warfare, and that's one of the things about Hamaz, and what I describe as the death cult types, which makes them different from other people. But that's the channeling of evil and hatred and anger in the human spirit, but that doesn't make that person evil. No, I disagree. You commit that once. I think there is such a force as evil in the world, and I think it can descend, and it can be used. It's very hard to find a non-theological way to talk about this, but everything I've seen, there are actions that people like Hamaz committed on the seventh that cannot be described as anything other than evil. The things that happened at the Nova Party were especially appalling. It was all appalling, but it was especially appalling because, first of all, it's a sort of party which people like you and I, at least you and I, were younger might have been at. And so everyone knows the world of a dance party in all night, raven the desert to commune with nature and the universe and take some psychedelics and to expand your consciousness and your love and all of that sort of thing. The fact that people doing that at 6.30 in the morning then encountered people coming in to the party on trucks and military vehicles and just massacring them and raping them. I mean, I give examples of the first hand accounts of people who survived, but I mean it's beyond belief of almost anything else I've covered in war. And it's because it seems so. I mean, an army facing another army is one thing. A terrorist group in civilian clothing, facing an army is another thing. A terrorist group facing a group of young people at a dance, unarmed. And doing what they did is pretty hard to comprehend unless you use the lexicon of evil somewhere. So that stated, can you empathize with the suffering of Palestinians and Gaza with a destruction that resulted as a response? Yes. What has happened in response is terrible, terrible for the citizens of Gaza. I was there on the first time a couple of days early and into the ground invasion when the citizens of Gaza were coming south. I was in the middle of the strip and the humanitarian corridor would be set up to try to stop the hostages being taken south, deeper into Gaza and to try to stop them as leadership from making it south. It actually didn't really work because they just, they'd already got a lot of the hostages south. It was an attempt to keep Hamas there and fight them in the north. So it was not to be dragged all the way in, in the end of the drag it all the way in anyway. But, yes, and I mean watching the citizens of Gaza moving through the humanitarian corridor and, you know, they have been being checked for bombs, suicide vests, checked for, you know, particularly young men of military age. And, you know, I mean, you look at this tide of human misery and you think this is terrible, but this is a terrible thing that had been brought upon them by the people who had been misguided. People had been misgoverning the place that they lived in. And, of course, on a human level, you feel terrible that these people are going through this at the same time. Human empathy for them can coexist beside an unspeakable anger that they had come to this point. Because of the fact that they elected a terror group to run their territory. And one of the things obviously is that, you know, a lot of people like to say, and it's true, of course, that, you know, this didn't all start on October the 7th. Absolutely true. This particular round, this particularly intense round of war started on October the 7th without doubt. Hamas did not have to attack on October the 7th. It wasn't like they were forced to liberate themselves or something or some of the defenders of Hamas claim. But the conflict, of course, goes back a lot earlier, but you will have to always keep on contending with this fact that there is one central issue to the paradigm of that conflict. What used to be called the Arab Israeli conflict and now has become interestingly rebranded the Israeli Palestinian conflict. But there is one absolutely essential issue to this, which cannot be forgotten, which is, do the Palestinians want a state, or do they want to destroy the Jewish state? And if they want to destroy the Jewish state, as they've tried many times, it's a disaster for them. It's a total disaster for them. If they want to create their own state, they've already had several very good shots at it, one of which is Gaza post 2005. But they've never shown in their leadership the desire to live with a Jewish state. And that's a catastrophe for the Palestinians. Can you still mount the case of the lived experience of Palestinians and propel Palestinian voices that describe the Gaza situation as a occupation? The West Bank, too, and in the case of Gaza, open air prison? To take them in order, there's nothing about Gaza that was an open air prison. They had ability to trade, they had the ability to move in and out and increasing numbers. Egypt wasn't so keen on allowing Palestinians from Gaza into Egypt, still isn't. But at the time of the 7th, there was actually an interesting thing that one of the things the international community was pushing forward was for more Palestinians to be coming into Israel every day through the Arabs crossing another to work in Israel, because they can make a better living in Israel than they can in Gaza. And this, the, as it were, normalization route was slowly being attempted as being pushed on Israel by the international community a little bit too fast for Israel's comfort, but it happened. That completely came to an end and that dream has done gone since the 7th of October. Can you clarify the dream, the normalization, the normalization dreams? In Gaza and Israel. Gone. There will be really, yeah, no normalization, no, not after that. And one of the reasons is the number of people, again, who I've spoken with, who employed Palestinians, worked with Palestinians, worked alongside Palestinians, encouraged more Palestinians to be coming from Gaza in order to work in Israel and these were their brothers and sisters and so on and so forth. One of the reasons why the massacres of the 7th was so successful in the Kibbutz Sim, the communities in the South was because of the number of the terrorists who came in with detailed house to house maps of those communities. I spoke with one man who, his community, they had a security officer, chief, and Hamaz came in, they knew to go and kill him and his family first and then which families, it was just, I've seen the maps myself, they were, they came in with incredibly accurate information about these communities. How did they have them? Because it was given to them by the brothers, by the workers. By the people of Gaza who were coming in and out. So there is nobody that will trust that ever again There's a lot of Palestinians that have lived in Flourish inside Israel What are they saying? What are they feeling and what are the Israelis feeling about them? Is there still camaraderie to some degree or is it completely destroyed my observation at the beginning was that everyone was extremely wary I mean, you know if if you've worked besides some didn't then found out they sold out your family You will never trust again and that it particularly in a small country like Israel the word of that happening goes out very fast The very beginning there was intense intense fear about that including of the you know 20% or so of the population who are Arab Israelis I Actually think one of the few sort of positive news stories of the period is that that population within Israel has has by and large held it's not there hasn't been an interferda One of the reasons why there hasn't been more activity the West Bank and Judea and some areas because the Israelis have been very careful along with the Palestinian Authority to some extent cooperating to keep that down But you know there wasn't a war on a full war on three fronts for instance, which was a risk of happening So I think that the sort of coexistence within Israel has pretty much held There are some terrible examples far too regular but not as regular as it could happen of mostly Marib is a radius carrying out acts of terror in this as it was sympathy with Hamaz I was in the middle of one such attack myself late last year and in a town called Haderah and those things have happened, but they It's it's not that that particular catastrophe is not occurred. Can we talk about Benjamin and Yahoo for a lot of people We spoke of evil. They refer to him as evil on the spectrum between good and evil as a leader. Where does then Yahoo fall? Well, you study not evil interesting if people Looking at his conflict were to be reluctant to use the word evil of Hamaz and You get to use it of the Israeli Prime Minister would be sort of telling I would say can we just actually linger on that point There's a point you've made multiple times which is We're more eager to to criticize and maybe even overexaggerate the criticism of democratically elected leaders. Yes. It's a dark, weird other quality of Discourse at parties at four mentioned parties. Isn't it also is I mean not to be flippant from moment. It's a little bit like Who do you show your worst sides to the people you love? You is I you know my intense irritability is something that tends to be felt most by people who are closest to me because I If I'd expressed it to absolutely everybody I met at the party or a social setting it would be hard I mean there's a tendency to lean heavily on the people who are closest to you the people who will put up with it and Something similar happens in international politics you you pressure the people who will listen I Mean it's one of the I mean one of the things you hear a lot in the last year You know people sort of Ignoramuses and the governments in places like Britain, you know, we'll say we need to put more pressure on the Israeli's to do X And you go well, you know That in part that's because they will listen if you go we need to put more pressure on the isolars in Iran to persuade them That Hamas are really bad and they shouldn't be doing this Right, what the hell do you think they're gonna do they're doing again? Listen to you think you're gonna damn you're talking totally different worlds Not just a different language is a different world and by the way that happens in Israel. I mentioned it earlier It happens in Israel when the hostage families forum came about It's a lot of time there a lot we've got to know a lot of the families and The remarkable but one of the things you did noticed from them as well was that a lot of them They protest outside Netanyahu's house They clacks and homes and make sure he doesn't can never sleep. They Will you know put up greatly posters by his house of him with bloodied hands and so on and I have You know, I think as much simply as you can for these families The plight of knowing that your child is sitting in a tunnel in Gaza for a year a day an hour is intolerable But there's a reason why the families protested Netanyahu and That's because Sinwa Didn't care That wouldn't work if you said You know understand my plight. I'm a Jewish mother and my daughter is think you think Sinwa the heads of Hamas care You think the leaders in Qatar who host them care The Katariomir's mother when Sinwa was killed praised Sinwa You couldn't talk that language to these people, but you can talk that language to the elected Prime Minister of Israel because that First of all, he's somebody who might listen to your pressure could be pressured and Secondly is simply the only person you can pressure. There's no one else Hamas doesn't care. Hezbollah doesn't care The Iranian Revolutionary Government doesn't care. Yeah, we should let's just sort of say once again the the obvious thing that What while it is possible to discuss Hamas Soldiers as freedom fighters. I'm not one of The folks that can take that perspective. It's a tough one to take I don't see how you can call them freedom fighters. So this goes to the man from the land of peace and the man from the land of war There is a lived experience of what it means to grow up in Gaza and if you fully load that into your brain in a In a real way not in not using the words of good and evil, but in a very deep human sense From that place from that place of desperation from your home and your family's destroyed Doesn't matter why doesn't matter if there's evil all around you to cause it doesn't matter the the facts are the facts and from that place Somebody who's fighting for you can feel like a freedom fighter I think it should be called out that yes, it can feel that way from the lived experience But Hamas is very clearly since we're talking about Nanyahu. Hamas is evil Okay, now you can still in that context discuss The degree to which Netanyahu is the right leader for this moment and whether he Goes too far whether he's too politically selfish in the decisions he makes whether he's too much a warmonger whether he's utilizing the war for his own political gains and is Not caring about the death of civilians in Gaza for example, but more caring about his own political maintaining power. That's a perspective that I could steal man That's a perspective worth discussing and that's a perspective many in Israel hold when they criticize Netanyahu. He's increasingly less and less popular Not strong printing polls last month was in Washington. He showed him an all-time high You know, but you were saying I make my own poll and according to my poll I'm the greatest I'm the nicest and the coolest person in the world 100% of people agree. So I didn't mean to laugh that much. Yeah You laughed a little too much too long more than the joke. Yeah, but you were saying I mean, yeah, okay Let's steal man the criticism of Netanyahu Can you and then steal man the case for him that he's the right leader actually well this moment the most Devastating thing that anyone come up against Netanyahu is is The seventh happened on his watch After the young poor war in 1973 Golda mayor who was Very distinguished prime minister of Israel and remarkable woman, but she effectively took the the political hit for the young poor invasion by Israel's Arab neighbors happening on her watch and and I've thought that most critics Fairminded critics of Netanyahu inside Israel and without would always hold that against him The I suppose that the one of the Christians you hear a lot as well is this thing of is being divided in the year before the 7th because of the judicial reforms. I think there's a strong case with judicial reforms in Israel but it's a sort of niche Israeli governance issue which we don't have to get into. The point is that Netanyahu and his government were pushing these reforms through judicial reforms and it was very divisive and on the streets of Tel Aviv and other cities every weekend there were protests and the police were tired because they'd spent week after week on overtime policing these protests which often turned raucous not to say violent or sometimes violent and you could say well if you see that something is dividing your country this much might not you stock. There is a claim by some people that one one of the things that prompted the 7th was that Hamaz and his backers in Qatar and Iran saw the division in Israeli society, saw the Israeli population in a significant chunk of it every week on the streets shutting down highways, shutting down services and so on and thought good now is the time. In other words what I quoted Sinwara saying earlier when he was in prison in Israel was you know this thing one day you'll be weak and then I'll strike maybe that is one of the things that Sinwara thought Israel was very weak it had been divided and therefore the time strike. There's an argument against that which is that the 7th was in preparation and being planned before the judicial reform process in Israel began so you can look at it several ways but you could use that you could say look this is you know if your nation was divided don't push through any more on that there's lots of things like that you could say that Netanyahu was one of the people responsible for the conception you could there were critics of his including critics who were in the war cabinet who thought that he was too focused on Hamaz and not focused enough on Hezbollah other people think he was too focused on Hezbollah and not enough on Hamaz so there's them and many other criticisms that people make of him I would say I've interviewed I think every particular leader in Israel from right to left pretty much and I have to say I don't think there's any of them that wouldn't have responded similarly to the 7th of October to the way he has. Can we okay so that's inside Israel outside of Israel you know uh this is what he said uh he is one of the most hated people in the world just the rock quantity and that relative he's a lot by a lot of people but there's a lot of people that you know there's a lot of psychological effects that might explain that I mean it's sort of strange if if if there is a widespread global low thing of the prime minister of the country of eight to nine million people yeah that's am I mean something more than a hatred of the military actions in the policies of the one person yeah I mean you know there's a there's an awful lot of people to hate in the world there's a lot of wars in the world it's it's always of interest to me and obviously it's on the one things I go into and on democracies and death cult is this question of like why is this so galvanizing for so many people and I think that is a very very interesting question about why by the way let me do a quick addendum to that you can notice something else at that when people talk about the republican failures in foreign policy in the last 30 years also it's very interesting there's a certain type of person who will immediate the mentioned poor wolf words yeah and they also well you know wolf words I think you mean deputy undersecretary of defense under George W. Bush think he guided everything why would that be other than the fact that his name as mark sign once said starts with a nasty animal in ends Jewish I mean I do and I do and I do so I do think that the there are very deep things at play it's a good line you know that the the there are very deep things at play Netanyahu irrespective of anything he does for a lot of people is a kind of devil and you have to say well why is that now of course some people will say that's because he his terrible hawkishness and his actions and so on and so forth the case for Netanyahu is that he sees it as his historic purpose to defend the only homeland of the Jewish people and that's his life submission and on that basis I think he's I mean by any measure historically leader he has warned the world about the threat from the mullahs in Tehran he warned about Iranian revolutionary expansionism across the region across Iraq Lebanon Syria Yemen and after the seventh he has held together a very very difficult set of challenges to keep international pressure at a tolerable level to do all sorts of things but most importantly to oversee the two war aims that he set out at the beginning I thought let me just express this I thought like a lot of people when I heard about the hostages my immediate instinct was they're all dead they're all going to be dead we'll never see them again and that was the attitude of a lot of Israelis but although there are still hostages being held and as I've always said the war could end tomorrow if they were handed back or at least the beginning of the end of the war could begin tomorrow if they were handed back nevertheless because of the actions of not just Netanyahu but the Israeli government most of the hostages have been returned did not expect this to happen and Hamaz has not been completely destroyed but it has been very very significantly degraded and he went up in the definition of what a total destruction of Hamaz would look like but they are not anywhere near the capability they were in November of 2023 their leadership has almost all been killed the second tier of leadership almost all gone and this is a just response to what Hamaz did the moment Netanyahu's reputation in Israel was a low early on because of what had happened but and there's no doubt and as I say in the final chapter of the book I mean there's general slim had this phrase you know from defeat into victory Israel isn't a victory yet in this conflict but when in September last year there were a set of operational successes so extraordinary that I mean it was just like every day's news was there was one day I remember when after the after the sad regime file when the Israeli Air Force took out the entirety of the Syrian Air Force in a day because they didn't want it falling into the hands the new G had a administration in Syria it was story number four on the BBC News website um the leadership of Hezbollah gone gone the the the second and third tiers of Hezbollah gone or wounded Iran's roles destroyed um these are very very significant military achievements and are in my mind a just response to the attempts by Hezbollah Hamaz and other Iranian proxies to destroy the Jewish state um would another Israeli leader have been able to hold firm as Netanyahu has I don't know but I do know that any of them would have done something similar or would have tried to do something similar because there's no country on earth no democracy on earth which could possibly not respond to such an atrocity to the point the underlying point you made of why do so many people want to call him evil and so the implication is it's not just a hatred of Israel there's an ocean of hatred for the Jews yes why is there so much hatred for Jews in the world I would say there's one reason in particular it's a stupid and gullible person's easy answer Why is, why do certain things happen in the world? What is, what is our explanation of chance or unfairness or any number of things? Easiest, easiest, stupidest person's explanation is there's a small group of people doing it. Let's not say stupidest because there's something in the human mind that craves a nice, clean theory of everything, right, that explains all the, it's not just stupidest, let me rewrite lowest grade. Right. Because I, I have that, I have that desire to simplify everything like, Be a bit anti-Semitic. What? We've all, we've all been in a systematic here and there and just get a few vodka. I mean, no, to find, I mean, maybe it's a mathematician, I mean, there's like to find a simple explanation for everything. Right. That's nice. Perfect. Yeah. Historians do this. Absolutely. Like, analyzing why the Roman Empire collapsed. It's so nice to have one, especially if it's a counterintuitive explanation, it's one of the favorite go-tos, right, it's an explanation for all the problems in the world. It's the lowest resolution analysis imaginable. Why is there traffic, why did my wife leave me, why did my wife cheating on me, why did I lose my job, why did I not get the job? So even on the personal level, oh, especially on the personal level, why did I not get everything, somebody must have held me back. Yeah. And it's just that hatred of Jews has been such a popular go-to throughout history, you just always return back to the hits, I guess. And I, what is it special about the Jews as a group that people love to hate? Is it just because it's a small number of people? I think it's everything. People, one is small and without, by any means, saying this is a general rule, but disproportionately highly accomplished in certain fields at certain times, prominent is what I would use, prominent slightly beyond their numbers in certain places. It's not a full explanation. I mean, you know, also the historical reasons why Jews were involved in banking, but then there were also historical reasons why the Scottish people, my own, were involved in banking. And to this day, you don't find many people who play more international finance problems on the Scots. So there were just like easy grooves for people to fall into. It seems to me. We should also mention, you know, banking for some reason, money is a thing that people go to, but Jews have been disproportionately successful in the sciences and engineering mathematics. Yes. In the arts and so on. And a sensible person would try to work out why that is and see what is replicable. A, I don't want to use the word stupid again now, a different type of person. I'm triggered already. A different type of person would look at that and say that must mean they took something for me, and that's, you know, the most zero sum game there is, I, it's an endlessly fascinating subject because it seems to me that antisemitism is almost certainly a sort of ineradicable temptation of the human spirit at its ugliest and cheapest. But it because it's back in our day, it bears some analysis again, and I would say two things about it. One is, as I and others have said many times in the past, the one of the fascinating things about antisemitism is that it can cover everything at once. So the Jews get hated for being rich and for being poor. For being the Rothschilds and for being Eastern European Jews escaping the pogroms. They can be hated for being religious and for being anti-religious and producing Marxism, for instance, hated for religiosity and secularism. They can be hated for most recently, not having a state and therefore being ruthless as cosmopolitan and also hated for having a state. And that makes it something very unusual actually in the history of human bigotry and, you know, bias and ugliness. But the real thing is one of our great heroes, Vastley Grossman, says at the center of life and faith, almost everything that is worth saying about antisemitism and his Grossman's genius that he could say in three to four pages what most people couldn't say in an entire life, even after a life of study. But there's this passage in life and faith that I quote in my book, which is, I just bolded me over when I read it some years ago when he says, you know, the interesting thing about antisemitism, he says, you can meet it everywhere in the academy of sciences and in the games that children play in the yard. But Grossman's great insight is he says, everywhere it tells you not about the Jews, but about the person making the claim. And the most important gift he gives in his analysis is when he says, describes it as a mirror to the person who is making the claims. culminating in this phrase, I've been trying to make popular, which is he says, he says, tell me what you accuse the Jews of, I'll tell you what you're guilty of. It's a searingly brilliant insight, the the Iranian revolutionary government accuses Israel of being a colonial power. The Iranian revolutionary government has been colonizing them at least throughout our lifetimes. The Turkish government accuses the Jewish state of being guilty of occupation. Do you know northern Cyprus? The Turks have been occupying half of Cyprus since the 1970s. Cyprus is an EU member state and Turkey is in NATO. So you can do this on and on. The people who accuse the Jewish state, like the people who accused Jews of something, almost without fail, is the thing they're guilty of. Look at the supporters of Hamaz and Hamaz. One of the things they say is that Israel is guilty of indiscriminate killing. Hamaz, hello. What were you doing on the seventh? You see, there are these crazy guys online who repeatedly claim that for some reason Israeli soldiers will rape Palestinians when they meet them, whether in a prison or on the battlefield. Or in a hospital. It just erupts occasionally. These people go around and say, "Oh my God, the IDF, a rapist." Excuse me? You're the ones who spent the years after 2016 saying, "Believe all women." Then from the seventh of October said, "Believe all women except for Jewish women who say they've been raped or seen their friends raped." And then you say, "Oh, how the Jews are rapists." You've been carrying water for rapists and then go and accuse the Jews of rape. It just works. Every way you do it, it works. I do think the thing of psychological projection, in the case of Israel, is wild. I mean, it is wild. By the way, there's an interesting thing on this that I try to get into in the book, which is this thing of why did so much of the world respond the way it did? I mean, we're sitting in New York. There was not one protest against Hamas in New York after the seventh of October. The believable women crowd didn't come out against Hamas' rapes. The Black Lives Matter movement did not turn their attention to the killing of Israeli children or anything. Nobody did it. So one thing that did happen very prominently was that people came out to attack. The people had been attacked. And as I say in the opening of the book, I saw that myself down the road from here in Times Square on October the 8th, October the frigging 8th, the protests are in Times Square against Israel justifying the attacks that were still going on. And this is something that deserves deep self-examination on behalf of people in the West who've seen this movement overwhelm parts of our society, I mean, degraded parts but parts bits of the universities and so on. And I think there's an explanation for it, by the way, which again goes back to that issue of projection. When you and I last talked on camera, we were talking about my last book of the War on the West. And I remember saying to you there that one of the things I was talking about in that book was the deeply deeply why it was. buildly biased, unfair and inaccurate estimation of the Western past whereby, you know, America's original sin had to be identified, the original sin is slavery. So America has an original sin. Does Ghana have an original sin? No one knows. No one really would think it polite to point one out. And, you know, you go on and on with these things that I identified in the war on the West. These, these, these sins of the West. And they have in recent years been reduced to the claim that countries like the one we're sitting in, our guilty of what? Colonialism, settler colonialism, white supremacy, slavery, genocide, and a couple of others you can throw in probably. One of the things I remember saying to you when we spoke about that was that one of the deep problems of setting up that system of thought, pseudo thought, non thought would be thought is there's nothing you can do about it. Even if it was true, there's nothing you can do about it. If it turned out the Uranus sisters in the 18th century, I'm sorry to slave. What are you going to do? There's no mechanism to forgive or be forgiven because you didn't do it. And there's no one in life who could accept the apology. And I remember setting it up there in the war on the West. I set up like this, this very, very risky, dangerous, unforgivable, unforgiving thing that had been set up about our societies. But I would say that since October the 7th, there is been an answer for a certain type of person, which is I am from a society where I have been told I am guilty of settler colonialism, white supremacy, genocide, ethnic cleansing, and more. I've been told all of these things. I have been put in an unget-outable of situation of moral burden that can never be relieved because I can't ask anyone's forgiveness and nobody can forgive me. But ah, here's a country which I can accuse of all of these things in the here and now. Load my energies, my guilt, my burdens, onto, and what's more I might be able to end it and by doing so would relieve myself. And in other words, I quote a tweak, Grossman, with the people in America and elsewhere who have fallen into this trap, a tweak, in my saying, on this occasion tell me what you accuse the Jews of and I'll tell you what you've been told your guilty of. Yeah, it's an interesting kind of projection. Just to observe some of the sociological phenomena here on top of all this, it does seem that hatred of Jews gets a lot of engagement online. Is this, so I watch it like a curiosity, like I'm an alien observing Earth. Is this dangerous to you or is it just a bunch of trolls and grifters, you know, let's say, cosplaying as Nazis? It could be both fun to trigger the lips. It could be all of those things I think it is and a lot more. I mean, taboos, you know, taboos can be fun to break, I suppose, and I suppose there are some people online who have grown up knowing that, you know, since the Holocaust anti-Semitism was taboo and they've run out of, because we were saying earlier a bit, you know, they sort of run out of, they've got bored of that, you know, Holocaust, Shmolacost, they'd say, you know, I've heard enough about that. And maybe those people have gone off in a funny direction as a result, but I don't think that's the main, I think that's like a detail compared to the real thing. The real thing is that anti-Semitism is back and there's a certain no person who's loving it. Is it really back? So I watch it a lot. It never goes away. It's just that it's since the seventh, I think, that it's had a great researches. And this isn't to say, I'm just assuming that doesn't mean that any criticism of Israel is anti-Semitic. No, it doesn't. But as I have often said, if you don't ever express any interest in the murder of Muslims in Syria, not any interest in genocide in Sudan, killing of hundreds of thousands of people in Yemen, but on the 8th of October, you're on the street with a placard attacking you as well. I'm sorry, you're an anti-Semite. For sure. You may not know you are, but that's what's motivating you. It gets a lot of engagement. It does. It does. I watch it. I mean, it's one of several things you can always see get huge engagement. I mean, if you say that there's a massive pedophile ring run by prominent politicians, it might be total horse shit. There's likely to be total horse shit, but it'll also get a hell of a lot of engagement. Yeah, but that's still the sort of pedophile ring, like Epstein Island, that kind of stuff, which is very interesting. Yeah. And it's like, great. All right. Cool. Let's get behind that conspiracy. But the Jews thing, the hatred of Jews is still the greatest hits still. It is. And I mean, you see it with, I mean, some of the people who've made minus celebrities themselves with a sort of made up version of history, with a smattering of this and a little bit of that. And then the just asking questions and, you know, I'm not saying. And all there's certain, you know, rhetorical sites of hand that have helped this along. But as I said earlier, it's just the lowest grade explanation of a certain type of mind looking for a pattern and looking for meaning. And I mean, I can give you just one quick example of why that in the case of Israel is so extraordinary. It's the number of otherwise semi intelligent people who will tell you that the problem is simply that the Israelis need to give the Palestinians another state. And that if they do, it will solve the problems of the region and the wider world. And irrespective of the fact that the Palestinians have been given several states, the explain that the claim that this particular land dispute would unlock every other injustice in the world should be seen on its face to be preposterous. There is no reason why if the Palestinians got another state, either in Gaza or in parts of your area and some area of the West Bank, there is no reason why we should expect the economy of Yemen to boom. It would not inevitably lead to the Mullahs in Tehran giving equal rights to women or anything else. It would solve the most likely thing is you simply have another failed Arab state run by a sort of proxy of Tehran. That's the best case scenario. And by the way, even lifelong defenders of the Palestinian quarters of exile, man, Rushdie, he said recently, he said there was, he said, I've always been a supporter of the Palestinian people in their course, but it is an unavoidable fact that if another state was given to the Palestinians, it would simply be at best another front for the Iranian regime in Iran, the best. So why the passion about the, why the unbelievable wild passion about this, why the, and I say some of it can be, should be argued out and so on. Some of it can be explained, but, but there's definitely a realm of it, a layer of it, which is simply at that level of this excite something within me, this excite something within me. There's something, there's something compelling to people about hating Jews. Look at the, look at the prominence of, or, you know, semi-prominent people who are willing to play around with the idea that 9/11 was an inside job and somehow it's done by the Israelis, or the Jews. I mean, look at the, like this, this shit is going around. I have to admit, you know, I'm, I just a part of my brain that's pull towards conspiracies. There's something compelling and fun about a simple explanation for things, what's really going on behind the scenes, because the real world, when you don't look at the conspiracies, first of all, it's complicated. Second of all, it's kind of boring. It's a bunch of incompetent people. Usually opening up Pandora's boxes, they don't understand. Yeah. It's pushing up And I've been, uh, wait, I've, I've. Walked around and hung around a lot of powerful rich people and like the thing I learned is they're just human beings There's not I've me yet to be in a room were exceptionally brilliant psychopaths are plotting You never got that invite no It's back like a lot of people in the positions of power. Hey, there's just not good. Yeah, I mean just I'm just continuously disappointed That they're not ultra- I love competence. Yeah, the places where I've seen competence in clings of it is in low-level like soldiers like low-level What do you call that people that do stuff with their hands? So Builders of different kinds like engineering like craftsmen like I've seen yes because you got because you've got a very Specific task that could be highly complicated. Yes, but you get to apply yourself to end to solve. Yeah, over years You master it as pass across generations and so on, but like states craft and like that that kind of stuff Because it's so many variables. I mean, this is this is one of the when you were trying to learn me on to Pregnostications on Ukraine. I say I just I've seen enough to know that I just don't know because I know of the amount of things that can change all the time I was some years ago. I was talking to a former public servant in the UK when Boris Johnson was prime minister and covid started and I mentioned to this friend. I said well, you know, it's It's pretty bad luck for Boris that you know he came in to do one thing which was Brexit and then there's a global pandemic from Wuhan, you know And he's got to like mug up on that and then gets it really wrong, but anyway and I was really struck by the fact that this man a man of great insight happened to disagree Politically that said to me, but Douglas is always like this And he said, you know, look at Tony Blair came into power in 997 wanting to reform education in the UK ends up trying to remake the Middle East and I do I mean, as I say, one of the reasons why I am scornful of conspiracy theorists And most conspiracy theories not to say that there aren't some that do actually turn out to be, you know To have something in them and that had happens a lot of things are called conspiracy theories that turn out to be true lab leak but But in general The suspicion and the scorn I have for people who fall into this is as I say it's a very low grade low resolution Look at the world where people who clearly have never seen the Wildness of Actions in the world and the way that they reverberate and the number of events I mean I want to spoke some years ago to a politician who Literally said to me. I won't name the country but said to me Can you help us out with with just how to cope on that about with the day to and understand the day to day Struggle we're having with the cycle and I said well, right what are you talking about and they said I experience in government is that every day something comes up which we have to firefight And that's what we do that day and then the next day something else comes up which we have to fight for and we we're not getting Our policies down and I and I just thought for me that rings an awful lot truer Then that that country gets the odd phone call From a member of a Jewish family Telling them yeah, I just you know, it's like come on So that you know, that's I do before I forget when I ask about Iran. What role do they play in this coffee such a It's fascinating how it seems like Iran is Fingerprints are everywhere in the Middle East And it's also fascinating that you know, I have a lot of friends my best friends around you It's fascinating that the Islamic Revolution in Iran took the country from the leadership perspective backwards in such a drastic way and That they're still in power That confuses me because I know that now it's possible. I don't know the people over on Society to make the obvious statement, but I just have a lot of friends in Iran and a lot of them Everybody I know they're opposes the regime and they're brilliant Yes educated thoughtful worldly people And I can't use me that there's this this is one of the I would say Uh one of the greatest nations on earth One of the great cultures of the cultures that the peoples were on. Yeah, you look at that and you look at the leadership When they're behind most of the terror Groups in the region so yeah, can you just speak to that and how's it still the same regime? So 1979 I know as you know, I start on democracy's death cults with the the flight taking the Ayatollah Khameini Khomeini from Paris to Tehran the flight that you say you wish never happened I think it's one of the two worst journeys of the 20th century What's the other one was Lenin's train getting to Petrograd? Yeah Oh, it's about the transportation. Yes, I know. I'm really a transport guy. No, I Um wait till my book of ten best Yeah, um across the world. No, um just as the train to the Finland station brought the Basilis of Bolshevism into Russia So the flight Coming from Paris bringing the Ayatollah Khomeini to Tehran brought the Basilis of Khomeiniism the most radical form of Shiite Islam To Tehran and to Iran and It's one of the great tragedies of the modern era What happened there Like you actually I have a lot of Persian friends and I had the great good fortune early in my life to have a very close That late friend who had grown up in pre-revolutionary Iran was very fond of the Shah and And so on her father had been an Ayatollah before the overthrow of the Shah but And you know, everyone had criticisms of him, but When you saw what came after him it just uh It was among other things are what I learned from her And other friends from that region was that I suppose two things one is of course is that It's a sort of central conservative insight. You know things can always be worse They can always be worse never say this is rock bottom because Yeah, you know like you might have a Shah with hundreds or even thousands of political prisoners in cells But you could always have Ayatollah Khameini butchering them all and Including the people who helped him get to power like the communists and the trade unionists who Who simply were fighting against the Shah and then were very useful for the Ayatollah until he didn't need them anymore Um, but the other thing I learned from that particular friend and and others was that was this this thing that And again, it's very hard for the Western mindset very hard for American mindset in particular That there is such a thing as fanaticism real fanaticism and real ideological and real religious fanaticism And the thing that I describe leads to the death cult mindset That fanaticism is something which is very easy for the West to forget because we haven't seen it in a while You know, we get very distant echoes of it in our own societies really And we're highly attuned to hear them which is good in some ways um but Homanism not only vastly set back The Persian people the Iranian nation But as many as to keep it in subjugation since 1979 and your question of why he gets to one of the really The biggest question is really that That has to be under the answer to which has to be understood which is It's also a jenit since says at one point in gula garchipelago And that passage where he describes when we heard the footsteps on the staircase And the knock was on our neighbor's door And we knew our neighbor was being taken away Why did we not stop them? And In the case of the revolutionary government in Iran You know, it's the same answer as whether it's Hamaz governing Gaza with the people whoever the people in Gaza are who would have liked to have seen them over thrown You know People don't realize That despite the rhetoric and everything else everything changes If the other guy might kill you And that you know when the green revolution in 2009 started in Iran. Why was it put down? Why didn't it work? Why, like you, the sort of Iranians who I really hope one day get their country back? Why did all these smart young students and others? Why after they came out? Why was it put down? It was put down because the Bastion militia will shoot you in the head and they'll take you to a prison as they did with the Iranian students and they'll rape you with bottles and kill you. And even a little bit of that goes an awfully long way to tell the rest of society not to do it again. You know, we know it happens like that from films, but too few people understand that regimes like that in Tehran, operate like that on a grand scale, on the biggest of scales and with the ultimate of brutality. And that's how they say empower. And one other thing on that, by the way, which is, I was reminded of this the other day, but, you know, thinking about this sort of, you know, what I've just described as a sort of a problem in democracies is that we just, you know, we like to think everyone thinks like us and, you know, we'd like everyone to sort of be like us. And we believe fictions that we're taught in films like, you know, everyone basically wants the same things as us. And you go, you haven't stepped outside the walls of the city if you think that. But the second thing is this thing of the death cults of why, why we sort of sing, singly failed to understand that this is possible. And, and, and communism is both very specific and also very strongly linked to to authoritarian and radical and extremist death cult movements that are not that far in our past. I mean, you know, there's a moment in, um, when, when Oriana Falacci interviewed a lot of Hameini in 1979, one of the very few Western journalists to do so, she says to him, these people in the street, this movement, this revolution, you've begun, it's guided by hate, it's hate, it's all hate. And Hameini says, no, no, it's love, it's love. And, and it's actually a scene that, that, that appears in the satanic verses of Rushdie, where that exact same thing happens. But I was thinking about this recently because I was thinking, but how can you explain to a Western mindset that that's, that's something that's going on, that there are people directed by this hate that calls itself love, this, this. And I was reminded of a book, I haven't read since I was a brilliant teenager or something, made a great impression on me then. Did you ever read the, the tragic sense of life, uh, Miguel the Unimuno, a great Spanish existentialist philosopher, died in the thirties. Unimuno had an encounter with students at the university in the thirties when he realized, I mean, this is the, the early period of the Francoists, the river and all those people. Unimuno is at this meeting and the chant goes up from the eager students who have fallen into this sort of phalanxist, Francoist ideology already. They end up chanting in front of us, he's trying to defend the principles by which he has lived his life. They end up chanting in front of him, Viva la muerte. Long live death. Long live death. And he tries to explain to him, this is, this is a necrophilic chant. Yeah. But those young men in free Francoist Spain shouting long live death, they have their counterparts today. They are the people who, who taunt Americans Westerners, Israelis and others with lines like we love death more than you love life. Yeah, that's the line you return to. That's a really difficult line to load in because if you base your whole existence on that notion, then, uh, while you're a danger to the world, that's a good foundation for committing evil. I have to ask because you mentioned that interview, you had a good interview with Benjamin Netanyahu after October 7th. And I've been very fortunate to get the opportunity to interview a few world leaders. It looks like I'll interview Vladimir Putin and others want to have a general question about how do you interview people like this? Maybe to put your historian hat on of like, how do you approach the interview of world leaders such that you can gain a deep understanding in the hope that that adds to the compassion in the world. So I have a deep sense that understanding people you might hate helps in the long arc of history add compassion to the world. But even just to add understanding is difficult in those kinds of contexts. And, you know, maybe it's more useful to think about from a historian perspective of how you need to interview somebody like Hitler or Stalin or Churchill, FDR during World War II. It's not, you know, I think about this a lot, especially if it's, you know, two, three, four, five hour conversation. Well, there's a lot of weight on you when you do those conversations. It's not from where. So like, where? Who's watching? Is it historians 20 years from then? Who knows? I mean, the whole data might be wiped. I suspect there's a weight on you because every major world leader you interview and you've done some amazing ones. But I mean, you presumably, you have a set of people saying you've got to ask him about this. You can't not address this. And that's a very challenging one because of course, although in an interview with the politician, it should not be supine, nor can it be endlessly interrogative because that you're not the prosecutor and they don't have to be the guilty party answering to you. And I've noticed the number of people who interview people, world leaders and others who go in with a set of sort of those things and they, and at some point, the other party can just, I don't need this. And people criticizing you. We don't realize that. You just can't do that. Yeah. I suppose what journalists behave the way they do. Although I have increasingly less and less respect for the journalists, the average journalists have more and more respect for the great journalists as my respect for the average journalist decreases. Because a lot of the journalists seem to be signaling to their own in group. But there is a lot of pressure on people in that situation to ask that what I would say is the dumb question. Why is it the dumb question? The adversarial question that the, the world leader, the person is ready for, they've answered that question. And what you're trying to do, I guess, is one to signal the vast question to push them. Yes. Two, you're trying to like just create drama because really what people that ask you to ask that question, they want you to embarrass that person. They hate them and they want you to like make them piss their pants or something or just start crying and run out. Yeah. Yeah. Walk out in a way that it's embarrassing for them. They could be like, look at that pathetic person. And that reveals to me nothing except maybe the weakness of the interview we that they can't stand up to a tough question. Yes. But mostly like, I'm sorry, I have to do a lot of thinking because you get attacked a lot. If you ask questions from a place of curiosity that actually have a chance to reveal who the person is, there's a very interesting mind that Robin Day, who was quite distinguished interviewer back to a very distinguished interviewer back in the day, is said about Jeremy Paxman, who was a very interrogative interviewer in the UK. Robin Day, who was quite good at being rude to politics, but carefully said, the problem with the new approach as he sought from the 90s of political interviewing was, he said, if you think the person you're speaking to as a liar, you should get them to reveal that they're a liar. Don't just call them a liar. Yeah. And I think that is, again, it's something that a lot of people sitting on the other side of the screen don't realize is that it may satisfy them that you call a person a liar to their face, but it doesn't do anything and it actually reveals nothing if somebody is a liar and they reveal themselves to be a liar then that's that's something else. But yes, I mean, I can I hear you. You're obviously you have a lot of different voices telling you what to do. It's also difficult because one of the things that I don't think anyone really understands is that in the end it's just you. Yeah. I'm sure that you have this about Putin. I feel like I know exactly how you can, you know, they could give endless advice. The end is you sitting down talking to him. It's like everybody knows how to behave on the presidential debate stage, but only a few people have done it. In person is actually pretty difficult as I mean, it's very difficult because you've got all this weird behind the scene stuff as well. You've got all of the games that people play. I mean, yeah, with, you know, I interviewed Zolansky, you know, I'm a pretty fearless in general and he was a very human and, you know, and fascinating human, but there is soldiers with guns standing all around. You don't have anyone? You know, one was passing on your side. I had one friend security person who was obviously crazy. You never know. You could turn up. You've been infiltrated. Yeah, exactly. Yeah. No, I mean, that doesn't have any effect. And by the way, I should mention that because it's hilarious to me, but process wise, no, with Narendra Modi and with anyone, they don't, they said it was scripted and all this kind of stuff. I would never do anything scripted. They don't get to have a say in anything I ask of complete freedom. Sometimes you'll have people on the team very politely nudge like, "Hey, can you?" And I'll very politely say, "Thank you." You know, like, smile, but that doesn't mean I have to fucking do it. I can do whatever the hell I want. The comment, the section, by the way, with world leaders, it doesn't happen. It happens more with CEOs because they have like usually PR and comms people. They'll just be like very politely. "Hey, you know the thing about, you know, when the sexual assault or harassment charges they've had." Yeah, isn't it? There's no reason to really linger on that stuff. You didn't have to do that. Yeah. One of my favorite things anyone has ever said, you know, but it's only ever happening. I know a couple of cases of this happening in private. A friend of mine, once years ago, was debating against the, this is before the Civil War in Syria. Was debating something to do with the Middle East and one of the people on the other side was the then Syrian ambassador in London. The then Syrian ambassador in London says something about the Israeli treatment of the Palestinians. And my friend stands, I'm going to start talking about Assad's senior massacre of the Palestinians in Hamar, where they killed like 10,000 Palestinians in a day. And my friend starts talking about the Hamar massacre by Assad's senior. And the big fat Syrian ambassador like stands up to his bond and he says, "That is, that is none of your business." And my friend was like, "Oh, I thought we were going to get it in denial." Let me just ask you one more thing about Netanyahu, because I also have the opportunity to do a three hour interview with him at this stage. And I've been, if I'm just being honest, very hesitant to do it. And I just don't know how a conversation there could help add compassion to the world. And that particular topic, no matter how well you do it, you do take on a very large number of people that will just make it their daily activity to hate you, and to write about it, and to post the about it, and to accuse you of things. In some sense, I don't want to lose the part of me that's vulnerable to the world. People have very little understanding of things, if they're willing to say that because you're sitting down and talking with somebody, you are ego platforming them, advancing their cause, being used, being a sure or whatever like that. You might be actually just finding some things out, which is something you do expertly. And another thing your critics wouldn't realize is that life is long, and hopefully God willing, both around for a long time, and therefore you don't blow everything up at the request of some twat online. But I do think that a super power of a kind is to identify the people who's opinion you care for, and worry about their opinion, no one else is really. And you just keep your unguiding light. That was always done for me, is that I've always said I don't really, I wouldn't care if I was the only person with my opinion, and billions of people disagreed. I might be curious if the whole planet disagreed with me, but it doesn't fundamentally, that's not right. I'll send you Churchill's great speech on the death of Chamberlain. I mean it. He says, he says one of the most wise and brilliant things. I was thinking about it slightly earlier when you were talking about Zelensky, but he, because because one of Churchill's greatness was his magnanimity. And when his great political opponent, Chamberlain died in 1940, and Churchill had just taken over as Prime Minister, he could have used the opportunity, and we might even say that some politicians in our day wouldn't be able to resist the opportunity. He could have used the opportunity to say, you see, I was right. And Chamberlain didn't know what the hell he was doing, and he'd let us into this mess, and you should have all listened to me, because that would have been a good time. Yeah, it would have been a good time to say that that would have been one for the win, as they say. But Churchill doesn't do that in his great eudogy for Chamberlain. He talks about how hard it is for mankind to operate in the world, and how you can do it successfully. He very movingly says, he doesn't even mention the name of Hitler. He says, what were the level of Chamberlain's flaws? He says, desiring a human piece to be seeking peace, and he says, and he was led astray by a very wicked man. But then he has this great passage where he, Churchill says, beautiful, resonant passage about how he says it's not given to men happily for them, for otherwise life would prove intolerable to foresee or to predict to any great extent the unfolding course of events. And he says, in one phase, men seem to have been right, and another they've proved wrong, and then there's a different scale of values emerges. And he says, what is the worth of all this? He says, the only guide to a man is his conscience. If you only shield his memory is the rectitude and the sincerity of his actions. And in fact, he says, he doesn't matter what happens. If you have this finishes, he says, however the fates may play, that if you have this shield to guard you, he says, you march always in the ranks of armour. All that can guide a man is that if you lose sight of it, and some people do, and maybe everyone does at some point, then it's a challenge. And then you get buffeted by the twos and throws of the waves of popular opinion. And that's dangerous. But if you keep sight and hold on to what you believe, a million, billion foes don't matter. Yeah, that is the path. We were talking offline about a great biography of Churchill. Churchill made mistakes that had made of the mistakes, and it was, who can even say, was proud of the mistakes? I mean, learned from them, learned from them, that it's all the best you could do. The worst you could probably do is being afraid of making mistakes. That's what T.R. Femme said about them, and the man in the arena speech. T.R. Yeah, the old T.R. Those two have made quite a few mistakes, but in the end, some of the greatest humans ever created. Norman Donald Churchill. And did we do know? I think we did before coming on. All before coming on area. Well, he's always and everywhere in the air around us, one of the great comedians. All right. We'll give you hope about this whole thing we have going on, human civilization. You've been covering some of the darker aspects, the madness of crowds, the madness of geopolitics, the madness of wars. Sometimes when the sun shines through the clouds, and there's a smile and Douglas Murray's face, what's the source of the smile, the warmth? Endless numbers of things. I get enormous encouragement from smart young people, actually. That's just the best thing ever. I was in key of the other week and I was asked to speak to the students at the university. and irrespective of the rather tricky situation that they are in, it's just great to, as you know, to speak to a room full of students about things and then hang around after us and just answer all the questions you can and hear from them about their lives and what they want to do and remembering what you were like at their age and how goofy you were and how much you were going to get wrong and how much you had to learn and how much you were going to enjoy it and seeing the opportunities they have in front of them if things go right and just smart young people giving you enormous encouragement all the time. That's the best thing, I mean it's just yeah, you can see endless possibility in their eyes and they're not like burdened by let's say the cynicism that builds up. Even the cynicism though, I mean you can resist that, I mean I go quite to deep, well, spring of it, but I mean you can't only fall into that because there's so much else it doesn't cover, it'd be like spending your life being ironic, you know. So that said you have seen a lot of war, especially recently and directly, Ukraine, Israel, has that changed you? Has that dimmed some of that warmth and light? That's a very difficult question to answer. I don't know, different day to day. So sometimes there's a heaviness there because of the scene? Yeah, at times, at times. You regret some going as much as you have to the front lines? No, no, one reason why war is for writer kind of the ultimate subject is because you see life weirdly at its ultimate. Very, very strange, strange thing, but you know, it just, it is the truth death when it's in front of you is something which gives a terrible clarity to everything. And you see how people will love and even sometimes laugh more. How they'll as they been maintained, that's always on my mind, why we weep and laugh at the same time. Everything's just more and people, the real thing is that people you see the very, very best of people, I'm the very worst and beside each other. There's some, so I've gotten a bunch of chance to interact with soldiers on the front line in Ukraine. And there is some level of all the bullshit nice cities or whatever it is of civilian life is all stripped away. Yes, it seems more honest somehow. Yes, absolutely. Absolutely. Well, I mean, I couldn't agree more. And there's the wild clarity about things, not because of enemies or anything like that, but because of the, I think I mentioned that I joke about this as a Ukrainian soldier in 22 because they want a cigarette and we step outside, I company them outside because they weren't allowed to smoke indoors in this hotel, which there were rockets for me. Yeah, yeah. And I said to my, it's strange that fear of secondhand smoke has superseded this. But I don't know. It's seeing the humor in that. When you're on the front line, when you're fighting in a war, the humor of that is somehow just perfectly delicious. You can just laugh all day about that. And the absurdity of life is just yes, right there. That's right. It's so honest and it's so beautiful. And that's why a lot of soldiers are traumatized or destroyed by war, but they also miss it. That's right. That's right. Absolutely. Oh my god. Yes, yes, yes, yes. There's an intimacy of the whole thing. Absolutely. Well, that's right. I mean, everyone says they've never felt more alive. Yeah, and I wouldn't do anything different. Well, I hope just like Churchill, he keep fighting the good fight and not listening to anybody. And I'll try to learn to do the same. Douglas, I'm a huge fan. Thank you for doing this. Being a great pleasure. Right back at you. Thank you. Thanks for listening to this conversation with Douglas Murray to support this podcast. And now let me leave you some words from Bertrand Russell. The problem with the world is that fools and fanatics are always so certain of themselves and why is there people so full of doubts. Thank you for listening and hope to see you next time.