10/1/26: Ro Khanna On AI Safety Bill, Bill Gates Dire Warning On Recursive AI, US Nearly Out Of Missiles
60m 58s
The podcast features a diverse range of discussions on pressing societal issues, from AI safety and military preparedness to corporate accountability and political ethics. Representative Ro Khanna advocates for banning recursive self-improving AI and establishing independent regulatory bodies to prevent AI from surpassing human control, emphasizing that current systems lack sufficient safeguards. Critics argue that the risks of AI misuse—such as in bioweapons or cyberattacks—are already active and demand immediate action, not just theoretical caution. The conversation also highlights the alarming fragility of the U.S. defense industrial base, citing a lack of stockpiles and outdated procurement systems that have failed to adapt to modern warfare. Real-world examples, such as the targeting of U.S. bases in the Gulf, illustrate that current defense systems are insufficient, leaving allies vulnerable. The discussion questions the credibility of tech elites like Bill Gates promoting AI safety, suggesting their positions serve self-interest rather than genuine public safety. Additionally, ethical concerns about AI values and job displacement are raised, with calls for transparent, human-centered design. The overarching message is that without robust, independent regulation and systemic reform, both AI and military technologies pose existential risks to society. These issues are interwoven with broader themes of accountability, democratic oversight, and the need for urgent, bipartisan action.
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Silicon Valley Representative Ro Khanna
is introducing legislation
that would put new restrictions
on superintelligence,
particularly banning
recursive self-improvement.
That's the ability of an AI
basically to rewrite its own code
to make it better
and also implementing
other safeguards.
Representative Khanna
is joining us here to discuss.
Thank you so much for being here.
Thank you.
Good to see you, sir.
And so, Representative Khanna,
I just wanted to,
outline for us
what this legislation does.
Well, let's take a step back
on the bigger picture.
I represent Silicon Valley.
I know these tech guys.
I've been in the rooms.
You cannot trust tech billionaires
to write the rules to keep us safe.
The idea that the president
is saying that they can
self-police themselves is absurd.
We need regulations.
First, we need to ban
recursive self-improving AI.
All that means is we need
to ban AI that can train itself
where human beings lose control.
Second, we need to have
embedded in these companies
auditors who can tell us
what's going on.
I'm all about
enforcing liability laws,
and I agree with Lina Khan,
enforce them and hold them
civilly and criminally liable.
But we can't have a world
where, oops,
100 million people die
because of a biological attack
or AI loses control.
Let's sue them.
We actually need regulation
to prevent that,
just like we have aviation
and nuclear regulation.
And third is we've got to create
that AI safety agency.
And here's the most important point, Ryan.
These tech leaders count on jargon
to obfuscate.
They use fancy words like sandbox, air gap.
They go to Washington,
and then people stutter
because they don't know
the jargon.
There are plenty of really,
really smart people
in AI safety
who don't make profits.
They're all in this one building
at Berkeley.
They're the AI safety community.
Start to appoint them
into an independent agency
that can regulate these folks.
Sir, I am curious for your reaction.
We could put D2 up here
on the screen.
I was a little surprised
to see Jacob Coxon,
who was the anthropic whistleblower,
actually react positively
to Donald Trump's, I guess,
morally binding compact
with these AI people.
AI companies.
I'm curious generally
for your general,
like you seem to put
a lot of credibility
in the AI safety community
and into some of their warnings.
You've spoken, obviously,
with a variety of these folks.
A lot of our viewers
have deep skepticism
that this is a bid
for regulatory capture
or marketing ploys
for their IPO.
I'm sure you've thought
through these questions,
and I'm curious for your reaction.
Well, first of all,
nothing in terms of the safety
would prevent open source.
So if they were saying,
let's just have closed source models,
I would argue, yes,
it's a bid for regulatory capture
because China is leading in open source,
and I'm actually for more competition
in open source.
But saying that you should ban
this recursive self-improving AI
is not open source.
Saying that you should have
an FDA-like
regulatory capture
agency is not banning open source.
It's actually, you can do both.
You can have antitrust enforcement,
you can have competition,
and you can have safety.
Now, where the industry is asking
for antitrust exemptions
or things that would entrench their power,
that I oppose.
But what I am for
is basic safety standards.
And we're going to talk
in our next segment
about the interview
that, as we know,
Ezra Klein did recently
with Bill Gates.
And one of the points
that Bill Gates kept hammering
was focusing so much
on recursive self-improvement
and the threat
that AI will harm humanity
misses the fact
that the current AI
already gifts to malign actors
the ability to harm
millions of people,
to launch cyber attacks,
to develop dangerous bioweapons,
and that his approach
and his argument
was there needs to be
this kind of supervisory layer
over top of these capacities
in order to make sure
that people that want to
bring down the financial system
or want to create
a worse version of smallpox
can't actually do that.
Does your bill address that?
And how do you do that
without then having
that supervisory layer
also be some extraordinary sensor
that is kind of manipulating
the AI to the kind of benefit
of whoever's in control?
Well, there are two different risks.
One is the loss of human control,
which is superintelligence
and why we want to ban
recursive self-AI.
But then there's the risk
that Gates is talking about,
which is not that we lose control
of these AI models,
but that the AI models
are modified in ways
through distillation
or when they're out
on the open internet
in ways that could be misused
and abused by bad actors.
In my view, to prevent that,
one, you could have restrictions
into the chips
about restrictions
on certain use of AI models
for bad purposes.
You could have international agreements
that call for basic safety
and inspection of these models
so that you know that models
with high capacity,
have guardrails in them
that mitigate and prevent the abuse.
Those are two things
that you could do.
Now, obviously, in either case,
you would need some regulatory agency
making decisions
about the limitation
of the use of those models.
We do that when it comes to aviation.
We do that when it comes to drugs.
I suppose you could make the argument,
well, you know,
when you have a political agency
that is politically dependent,
politically motivated,
do we really want them making the rules
about airlines and drugs?
But ultimately, we need
independent regulatory agencies
and a political system to work
for society to function.
So I would argue the answer isn't
don't have regulation.
It's don't have private interest
capture of the regulation.
Congressman, you just mentioned
the chips there.
We had Jensen Wang,
the CEO of NVIDIA,
actually specifically kind of talk
about this issue of judgment.
Why don't we take a listen
and I'll get your reaction.
I think it's important
these super intelligences,
they're imbued with the values
of their creators.
And we do have,
there are American values
that we all share.
The First Amendment,
free speech,
commitment to truth.
Can you talk about
what each of you are doing
to imbue,
help make sure that these
super intelligences are imbued
with the right values?
Are we allowed to say
anything controversial?
Say something controversial.
Okay, so the SIs are tools.
And the challenge with an SI
with values,
meaning it has judgment,
depending on how you use that SI,
it may decide how it decides,
it may judge you
and its effectiveness
would be affected by that judgment.
And so it's a little bit
like a steak knife
where if you,
If you were served medium well,
cuts perfectly but if you were served rare steak and it looks awfully like live meat somehow it
doesn't cut and so i i think there's a there's a you know there's a there's a question in my mind
yet about how much judgment you really want these tools to have and and so that the intentions of
the user um i you know obviously i use i use the knife as an example but you can think of a whole
bunch of other examples uh the intentions are a little bit different you know whether you're a
defender or an attacker for example in cyber security the defender's actions could resemble
an attacker and you want the defender you want this si to um activate on behalf of the defender
even though it appears to be an you know an aggressive action what do you make of that
congressman kind of a value neutral uh presentation of ai obviously in some
cases it's a value neutral presentation of a i obviously in some cases it's a value neutral
but you're proposing legislation how do you view that question around judgment in ai
well look i mean the the first thing is you don't want uh ai uh to lose control right so if ai is
training itself uh then you have the challenge of misalignment that uh ai may not be aligned with
human goals even if you don't lose control and recursive self-improving ai just with reinforcement
you can have models uh lose control of basic human values and that's why we do have human values in
the safety standards what are those human values uh it's not let's have medicare for all it's uh
let's make sure that you don't uh shut the lights out in new york it's uh let's make sure you don't
allow for a biological attack so the human values that we're talking about uh are the
very base level human values of safety the very uh minimal function of the state we're not talking
about a robust conception of the good life we're talking about the essence of liberalism which is
to protect uh human beings and those should be uh in the regulatory framework obviously you need
uh human values at least of safety uh to to to do that you can't have something that's totally
totally value value neutral between destroying new york city and not
destroying the city and not destroying the city itself i wanted to ask you about the the senate vote yesterday the the republicans they had a bill from john hustad who's uh facing a spirited challenge you could call it from sherrod brown i think some polls have him losing their understand they're underwater on the question of data centers so they put together a kind of a very quick bill on that curbs some data center abuses it's not exactly clear exactly precisely what the bill would do um democrats though block
it what what's uh would you have supported the bill that was in the senate there and do do democrats
risk like looking like they're on the wrong side of this issue uh what's you know where where are we
when it comes to kind of legislative intervention on data centers yeah so i followed the the stock
ban bill they did which was a total gimmick because they uh didn't really ban the president or
vice president of up trading stock didn't even ban senators
really from trading stock and it was linked to the save act and they were doing that uh just to give uh a good vote to republicans and blame democrats i didn't follow the details of their uh bill on data centers because it hasn't come to the house i'll tell you what i believe which is that we should be banning these data centers in residential communities and farmland and giving communities the right to say uh no uh if the bill uh was anything in that direction then i i would support it but if it was just
a gimmick i i wouldn't so i i honestly haven't seen the text and if they attach writers or other things
to it my last question for you sir is uh i know originally you're obviously a strong proponent
here of the epstein files i believe you in term coined the term epstein class i am curious you know
you see a few or many you know prominent members of the epstein class kind of engaging in this
current debate dario amadei's wife apparently solicited jeffrey epstein for an investment in a
pornography company uh bill gates who we're about to talk about goes without saying his own
connections to jeffrey epstein i'm curious for you know you you almost in a bizarre way safetyism
and all that kind of seems to align with the epstein class i'm just curious if you've thought
about that at all well i'm surprised it hasn't gotten more uh coverage i mean i've exposed a lot
of these uh folks as thomas massey uh or the rich and wealthy were living by their own standard of
living and amadei's uh wife solicited money from jeffrey epstein uh to start some uh porn site uh
and uh that hasn't gotten any uh press and there hasn't been any uh explanation uh about why uh she
was uh was involved in the that way with with solicitation of financially of epstein and then
bill gates of course has been totally tarnished in my view uh by his uh affiliations with epstein
by his uh lack of full remorse for that uh and i don't think uh they can be held as as as as moral
leaders of what we need to do uh in addressing this challenge which is why i come back to the
fundamental point that you can't trust the tech elite uh to be making the rules for ai you need
to be trusting the independent uh technologists and uh and and experts on these issues and what
i'm saying is the guy representing the tech elite is the guy representing the tech elite
representing silica valley is uh these are some of these folks were caught up with epstein some of
these folks have been making uh billions of dollars and not paying uh tax uh they are profit
maximizers you can't trust them trust people like jeffrey hinton trust people at meter and medi and
palisades who don't have a financial interest in this and they don't have any interest though
those safety groups and experts in regulatory capture or uh trying to entrench anthropic or open
AI and they are concerned about uh human safety they're concerned about jobs they're concerned
about the society uh and and we need that and the final point is we need some people who have tech
literacy or willing to stand up against these uh folks who are consolidating wealth and power in
our society and interestingly even though epstein himself died in 2019 he was on the leading edge of
kind of AI funding and research so he was he was just it's not not just the class-wise he was
central in this the orphanage he was central in this the orphanage he was central in this the orphanage
in orbit of all these people these players themselves what I want to get your take real
quickly too on put up d6 here um Blue Cross Blue Shield uh so take them with a grain of salt but
this is you know quite plausible stuff um there's they're saying that um AI use by providers
hospitals um is allowing them basically to find um you know to basically code up what
they're able to bill to insurers I'm sure Medicare is getting blasted by
this as well you know for people who don't know like when you uh when a provider is billing an
insurance company um or Medicare there are all these different codes that they can use to say
we provided this medical service and so therefore we need to be reimbursed in this way and the AI is
going through it and saying oh hey you actually can also throw in these four codes legitimately
for something that you that you were doing anyway and now you increase the amount of
reimbursement that you're going to get from the insurance company or Medicare
uh what what you know what it this isn't a problem that is automatically solved by single-payer either
um because you know Medicare suffers from it too what have you have you is there any thinking going
on about how to kind of combat this well in this case AI is a tool the problem is the broken health
care system all right I mean you have Medicare Advantage for example where people are uh billing
the government uh for
uh individuals what they're saying are sicker than they are so I do believe if you had Medicare for
all it would prevent some of the abuse of the private insurance companies it would prevent AI
being used to deny health care claims it would allow Medicare to negotiate with hospitals so
that they were charging a reasonable amount and for actual delivery and outcomes not just for fees
for every every
service uh and you would have as Allison Giovanni has said almost a 1.2 trillion dollar savings in
the health care system for 5.2 trillion to 4 trillion are there uses of AI that could be
constructive in the health care system sure if a doctor is using it as a tool to a better diagnose
or to uh to scan things that they make sure that they're seeing everything fine if it's
being used as a tool uh to uh have more efficient uh and comprehensive uses of
the records fine the problem in the health care system is not uh technology the problem is that
it's being used as a tool to deny claims to have excessive billing and to maximize profits uh and
that is a values issue and why we need single-payer health care Congressman we always appreciate your
time at the bleeding edge of a lot of the things that are happening in our society and uh you always
are welcome back here anytime thank you sir I always enjoyed you always make me think here on
breaking points not like one of these uh standard questions
question and answer, so I appreciate it.
- Good, excellent, got it.
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speaking of bill gates member of the epstein class maybe perhaps one of the chief members of the
epstein class one might even say he's now emerged as an ai safety advocate and appeared in a new
podcast with ezra klein uh actually kind of interesting uh bill gates kind of sparring
with ezra klein over the notion of self-regulation let's take a listen so why isn't it enough to just
say listen there's product liability now you release a product it helps some terrorist group
create a bioweapon that's gonna be very bad for your company you're not going to do that right and
they have categorizers and other things meant to stop people from using bioweapons we've begun to
see the beginnings of control issues with things like the hugging face hack where you know at least
experimental ais are breaking out of sandboxes and coordinating to do things that are way outside
the scope of what we would want them to do but again those are non-release systems you know
anthropic you know withheld mythos trying to create more cyber security so why is anything
needed beyond and is anything needed beyond the simply natural incentives under
capitalism and normal corporate reputational management well i i almost can't believe
you're asking that the this is the most dangerous thing that humans have ever gone near in other
areas do we just say hey release your drugs there's no fda there's no airline safety board
there's no requirements that cars use seat belts do we just use the liability laws to try and keep
humans safe you know oh you're you're shipping opioids uh somebody should just sue you i mean
they we've created a society that tries to keep people safe not by saying oh we can bankrupt the
person who does that the harms here and you say there's filtering there's not filtering
you can take an open source model that can create bioweapons and disable any monitoring of any kind
and this exists today uh so no there is no filtering of any kind and so you know say
you know you kill a hundred million you want to use a lawsuit i i almost can't keep a straight face
what do you think ryan uh you know i kind of agree with bill gates which is making me self
question uh this entire thing what do you think creeps can be right about things too it's okay
uh yes it's fine uh and then ezra after that goes on to say hey hey hey it's not it's not me
that's uh asking these questions this is what donald trump says it's what elon musk says it's
what you know all of these all of these people are asking these questions and it's not me that's asking
these guys are saying um so and and yes he i think he's absolutely correct about that the idea that
uh you're setting up a system whereby somebody could kill millions of people and you're gonna
kind of allow that to go forward just because you can sue the person for killing the millions
of people he's right that's that is preposterous like that is not that and it also is you know
jensen jensen was wong was uh talking like this
in front of ezra just a couple days ago and he he sounded like a 19 year old libertarian in a in a
college dorm room which those that's fine like those that it's fine to like you know pass the
bong and talk about the free market and uh well but not the bong part not the part continue yeah
but to like at the top of society to be talking about it like this that like oh yeah we're it's
okay like this 1890s level stuff is okay if
uh you know if something goes wrong with you know the drug if the drug company makes a drug that
kills people then people won't buy the next right drug that the drug company makes like no that's
that's not how we organize society we we have decided i totally doing that yeah and and yeah
that's where the liability piece just is so stupid it's like every consumer protection in the world
exists because a company did something bad and thought they could get away with it and then got
to the point where it was hurting or
literally killing enough people that the government had to step in and be like okay you
know uh maybe we shouldn't do this i mean i made these comparisons before like i bought the desk
that i'm sitting at off of amazon like this desk is more regulated than the frontier quad model
uh that i can use you might ask how i actually said this previously this is a bill my wife
got past desks and other piece of furniture have to include screws and those screws are included
so that you can mount them to prevent children as you know
ryan with small children from pulling down furniture prior to that a couple of kids had
literally died and so they had to pass a law that the company at the very least has to include
mounting screws for all types of furniture that's it it's a national law and i mean that has more
consumer protection they're baked in than this morally binding compact agreement or whatever
that these guys signed i think putting it in those absurd terms does make it kind of hit home
for reality uh i did also though i think it's a good thing that i think it's a good thing that
want to talk to you about some of Bill Gates' other more outlandish claims. Here he says,
AI are like aliens, E3. Let's take a listen. And we have the analogies with the past where
people are saying, well, this is like the PC, not like evolutionary history. This is like
evolutionary history. This is like the aliens really are here and have come. They didn't have
to do spacecraft. They were created in laboratories. But that's the kind of thing we're
dealing with. And if we retain control, then eventually you do get, not to overuse the word
that you've used, you do get to this superabundance period. And there you have deep, almost
philosophical, religious issues of if you don't have the shortages that we've organized society
around.
Why you should learn and how you find purpose. Then you have deep philosophical, religious
problems.
That last part, that's something our team, we've all been talking about a lot, especially
Matt Griffin, myself, and Crystal about this AI consciousness and philosophy. It does seem to be,
a widely held belief. Widely, in fact, enough that to the extent that AI safety was the cutting edge
of the discourse.
For the last, let's say, 10 years before it became, let's say, something in the popular vernacular.
AI consciousness is now the latest one. In fact, there are some people who I even know
who said that with the hugging face attack, you could argue that turning off or stopping the
hugging face attack killed thousands of AI lives, by the definition of consciousness,
kind of, that we look into.
It is not a surprise that Bill Gates is talking this way or bringing this up. I actually think
five years from now, I think if Crystal said this, I'm stealing it from her. Five years from now,
this is going to be a real no shit.
part of our discourse about, you know, AI consciousness and whether these things are
alive or not. Five years from now, yesterday on the Everything app, there was this big dispute over
a guy who allegedly built a torture chamber for an AI. And you had people saying that this was
outrageous, the guy should be in trouble, that, you know, we need a serious conversation about
what they were calling AI wellness. And that this deliberate production of pain, they were calling
it pain, on the part of the AI, you know, basically should be criminalized. Now, what happens when
AIs are pretty good at hacking and stealing, and they're pretty rich themselves, and they organize
together and have their own trade association, you know, AIs for AI wellness. And they're going to
be able to co-opt, you know, significant numbers of the American public who are, like, literally in
love with their own chatbots. So yeah, I don't think it's a five years from now phenomenon. I
think it's here now. And whether you want to call them aliens or not, functionally speaking,
that's how we're going to treat them.
Yeah, I think you're right. It's kind of interesting to think about. You know, another thought I had
that Roe brought up, where he was talking about how they say AI sandboxes, how the sandbox is
supposed to be. So Ryan, I don't know about you, my kid only breaks out of sandboxes. I have not
found the sandbox. The sand never stays in the sandbox. The sand never stays in the, so. That's
why schools are trying to ban all the sandboxes, because, you know. Honestly, they should. They're
pain in the ass. And the rats, you know, pee in them, and then they bring the sand inside the
school, and it's disgusting. If you go to a playground, and you see a sandbox,
run away from that fucker, OK? Because your car and your child is about to be ruined. I just thought
it was a very funny thing. I'm like, oh, clearly a childless person said the term sandbox, because
anyone who has kids, there's no kid that doesn't break out of a sandbox. It's like, yeah, it's
exactly such a good point. OK, last thing we want to talk about is job replacement. Bill Gates is
very kind of buying into the job.
Yeah, Bill Gates is very kind of buying into the job. It's ticking down and the woods are calling.
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A new report into the ballistic missile industry here in the United States
finds that it is bleak.
It is looking really bad.
Put this element up on the screen.
A new article in The Atlantic by Christopher Leonard called
The Thad Delusion paints a very dark portrait
of the devil's quarry.
Of where the United States and its flailing military-industrial complex
has left itself after many months of war with Iran.
Christopher Leonard, author of Coke Land, The Lords of Easy Money.
He's also at work, we hear, on a book on Lockheed Martin.
That will be a broader look at the military-industrial complex.
Frankly, cannot wait for that one to come out.
Chris, thank you so much for being here.
Thanks for having me.
You're welcome.
So can you walk us through a little bit of what you found
about basically the numbers game here that is at work
when it comes to the ability of the United States
to produce ballistic missiles
and the amount that they've been deploying
because the portrait you painted, I think,
put things in a really interesting and helpful way for people.
Yeah, to me, one great place to start is that in 10 months,
10 months of conflict in the Middle East,
the United States burned through a supply of THAAD interceptor missiles
that took over nine years to accumulate.
And so when you kind of go back from there, you see a couple things.
First of all, the military-industrial complex, as we would call it,
or the Pentagon acquisition system and the defense industrial base
that supplies it has been creeping along in a really slow manner
over many, many years.
That's a huge part of this story.
And I wanted to look at the THAAD interceptor missile,
which is used to shoot down ballistic missiles
because it's really illustrative of these problems.
And the THAAD, you know, for example, in 2015,
the United States only got delivery of three THAAD interceptors.
And so what you see is this system that was very slowly building
these exquisite, sophisticated, extremely expensive missiles
to the point that by 2024,
the United States had only 500,
334 THAAD interceptors in total.
And what we've seen in Iran is an exorbitant expenditure
of these missiles that took years to build up.
Chris, one of the things you talk about in the piece
is the first salvo assumption.
Can you go into that kind of the strategic infallibility
or the strategic fallibility that belies that itself
as to how it was supposed to be used, this precise weapon,
first salvo, and how it has morphed instead
to this defensive maneuver by the United States,
which is what drained the stockpile so quickly?
It's really fascinating.
You know, the THAAD itself was invented in the 1990s.
And I do want to acknowledge it's extraordinary technology.
This is a missile that you can fire.
And while it's traveling at 6,000 miles an hour,
it can directly hit an incoming ballistic missile
that's also traveling at 6,000 miles an hour.
It's incredible.
We got that done.
But when it was invented in 1990s,
the THAAD had a very specific mission.
And in fact, right now, it's called
the Terminal High Altitude Defense System.
That's what THAAD stands for.
But in the beginning, it was called
the Theater High Altitude Defense System.
And what that referred to was the theater of combat.
When they invented the THAAD,
the whole theory behind this missile
was that you would not need to use that many interceptors,
that THAAD would be used in the earliest hours of combat
to specifically protect U.S. troops
against a salvo of ballistic missiles.
And it was never meant to be
sort of a homeland defense system.
It was never meant to be an impermeable shield
to protect a country against attack,
but merely sort of a tool that you could use
in the first days or hours of combat.
And interestingly, that whole theory of use
kind of set the baseline
for how many THAADs the United States wanted to use.
You know, you don't need that many interceptors
if you're only going to use it
in the first couple days of combat.
And it was seen as a way, again,
to only protect forward-deployed U.S. soldiers.
But what was happening parallel to that
is that the U.S. Department of State and the Pentagon
was trying to sell the THAAD system overseas
to countries like the United Arab Emirates.
And the State Department cables from that era show
that when the Pentagon and the State Department
went to countries like the United Arab Emirates,
went to countries like the United Arab Emirates,
went to countries like the UAE, like Saudi Arabia,
they presented the THAAD in a very different light.
They didn't say, okay, this is a system you can use
to protect your soldiers in combat for a couple of days.
They said, this system, the THAAD,
can be kind of the cornerstone or the zenith product
in a missile homeland defense shield.
And they actually created this kind of new system
that combined the THAAD with the Patriot.
And we sold this to our Gulf allies
as a homeland defense shield.
And we sold this to our Gulf allies as a homeland missile defense shield,
which was a purpose that it was never created for.
Yeah, I found the whole trajectory of our development of this
and then the sale of it to be utterly fascinating.
And one thing that I was thinking about as I was reading your piece
was that this product, if you want to call it that,
kind of fit perfectly at the time
with what was known as the Powell Doctrine.
Like this was the idea from Colin Powell
coming out of the Vietnam War,
that these endless wars are,
these quagmires are a complete debacle.
And the U.S., if they're going to engage militarily around the world,
needs to have very clear, clearly defined goals
and a clear exit strategy
so that they are basically in and out immediately.
And in that environment where the Powell Doctrine
kind of dominates U.S. military engagement around the world,
it would make sense to have a missile interceptor system like this
that would be able to do that.
That works for a week,
fire everything off,
and then by week two, we're out.
Like we've followed that doctrine.
Obviously, everybody knows how the Powell Doctrine went.
We dropped that 25 years ago.
Yet, we never kind of updated
the systems that would go along with it.
Instead, we just started selling them to people around the Gulf.
And so, were there people in the Gulf
who were in the defense industrial base,
in the military industrial complex,
who were like,
hey guys, this system was developed
for a pre-forever war doctrine,
or like, not pre, it was also post-forever war.
Like this brief period where the U.S. was claiming
it wasn't going to get involved in forever wars.
That's what it was developed for.
We might need to do something a little bit differently
because if we ever do get into a war
that lasts more than a week,
nine years to make 10 months worth,
the math isn't going to work.
The math isn't going to add up.
There's an intellectually vibrant community
inside the military industrial complex.
How did they miss this, I guess, is what I would ask.
I mean, that is such a great question.
And you're exactly right.
And what's so fascinating to me about these weapon systems
is you're right, this was developed
in the era of the Powell Doctrine.
And again, I want to point out the THAAD is a mobile system.
It's based on trucks.
And so, it really does have this character
of a combat forward deployed system.
But these systems hang around for years and decades
with billions of dollars investments.
So, this system was born during the era of the Powell Doctrine.
It came of age in the era of the global war on terror.
And while war changed so much,
the technology inside the system didn't change.
And, you know, to get to your question
about sort of internal dissent inside the Pentagon,
it's really fascinating because you're exactly right.
They're incredibly smart people, obviously,
within the Pentagon.
And one of the guys I interviewed for this story
is a U.S. Army general now retired named John Ferrari
who was over the THAAD
and was in charge of buying the THAAD for years.
And, you know, what really strikes me about this process,
which I think is really important,
is the Pentagon weapons system
can really feel like it's sleepwalking at times.
You know, for example, with the THAAD,
you had these theories of how it was going to be used
that kind of got baked into the system.
But then what you see is this year-over-year process
of buying weapons.
And, you know, I also got to talk to a former secretary,
an undersecretary in the Pentagon, Frank Kendall,
who described that yearly process
of budgeting and buying weapons.
And it's really like this seven-month-long
horse-trading process.
And what you see in that
is not a lot of deep strategic thinking about,
hey, has the THAAD outlived its purpose?
Should we be selling this to Gulf allies
as a home defense system?
What you see is this sort of annual. argument over, we need to buy tanks, we need to buy literally socks for millions of soldiers,
how many THAAD missiles can we afford this year? And this Army General, John Ferrari,
would bring up the sort of strategic dislocation of the THAAD. He pointed out that this whole
theory of a quick war was kind of irrelevant by the year 2015, having been in Afghanistan,
having been in Iraq. This idea that you could just demolish an enemy in two days had kind of
been thrown by the wayside, and yet we kept procuring the systems that were developed in
the 1990s, that were developed in the early 2000s. And what's fascinating to me is how
the Pentagon is the largest bureaucracy in the United States. It's enormous. These budgeting
and purchasing processes are super complex and time-consuming. And I think it's fair to say that
by the year 2022, by the year 2024, this system had kind of sleptwalked into an entire new world
where Iran, for example, is attacking the United States and its allies with $20,000 drones,
with cheap ballistic missiles. And the system we have to confront that traces its roots all the
way back to the 1990s. It's so crazy, Chris. And actually, you do such a good job, too,
of highlighting the fragility of the industrial base.
I really would love, because I've tried my amateur way to kind of explain it to people,
but take people through the process of what does it take to produce a fad? Why does it take so long?
And the lesson the United States seems to have learned from the war with Iran is, oh,
we actually just need to build more of these things, not we need to build something else entirely.
You are hitting on such a crucial point. I mean, right now today, and you all have been covering
this,
I mean, I really, I don't think it's overstating to say we are in a crisis. We have used 80% of the
entire inventory of fads we had. That kind of picture traces across to all kinds of very
important munitions that we and our allies use around the globe. And right now in Washington,
there's this effort specifically under this thing called the Munitions Acceleration Council inside
the Pentagon, where they're saying, hey, okay, we're going to really throw all the money we can
at this problem. We're going to rebuild our inventory. We're going to, for example, quadruple fad production by the year 2032. But as you point
out, you know, to do this, you can't just build a brand new fad factory. You've got to then turn
around and look at what's behind that factory, which is a constellation of hundreds of subcontractors
and suppliers. So, you know, a single missile like the fad is, again, extraordinary technology,
infrared sensors, hyperfast computer parts, rocket propellant. All of these components trace
back into an enormous supply chain. And you can't build the fad without a vigorous, precision
industrial supply chain behind it. And, you know, as you know, the United States for the last 30
years has been sort of diligently dismantling its internal manufacturing sector. And the Pentagon
has been, you know, they've been doing a lot of work on this. They've been doing a lot of work on
this. They've been raising alarms about this for years. There was a 2018 Pentagon study that said
the defense industrial base or all these companies, all these factories that provide
parts for the fad and the tomahawk and the javelin, the Pentagon described it as an
extraordinarily fragile system. For example, you know, there are these solid rocket propellant,
the solid rocket propellant fuel that goes into the fad, which seems like kind of a boring product.
This rocket propellant is made by one company. There's one factory in the United States that
makes this propellant that's used in all kinds of missiles. That's extraordinary fragility. So
to ramp up production, to restock our inventories, to give our allies the missiles that I can tell
you for sure they are clamoring for right now and are facing years-long waits for missiles,
to ramp up production like that, you need to go back.
To the ecosystem, you need to fund all these small contractors and you need to build a dizzyingly
complex defense industrial base. And we're nowhere near that at this point.
One thing I don't quite understand, walk me through the economics for why
the demand, like you have so many companies, countries around the world that, as you said,
are demanding these weapons, and we just can't meet the supply.
Why not? Why isn't that demand producing more companies? I mean, I particularly don't want us
necessarily making more, so I'm not sad about the fact that we can't meet the supply here.
Your portrait in the article of this missile just sprawled out all over the floor with these
artisans working by hand to put the fads together was quite fascinating. And maybe that's the
limiting factor, just we don't have the manpower to do it. But what is it? If these countries,
these countries are willing to overpay for this product, what makes us incapable of producing it
and giving it to them? Literally the $1.5 trillion question, which is what they're aiming to make the
Pentagon budget. And it seems really hard to conceive that the United States military budget,
you can hear all these extraordinary facts about how we spend more money on our military than the
next 10 nations combined and so forth. And yet we're in this position whereby our allies in Europe
cannot get Patriot interceptor missiles. And the wait times for even air-to-air missiles you've
never heard of, like the AMRAAM. If you walked into the Pentagon right now as the Gulf nation
said, I want to buy the AMRAAM, they'd say, okay, delivery is set for 2034. There is a scramble
going on among American allies. And I think that's a very important thing. Because they cannot get the munitions we've promised them. The reasons for this, I think,
have to do with that decades-long sleepwalking process I just talked about. You had a Pentagon
that was purchasing weapons based on the sort of short-term making the budget work. And then you
had really only a handful of major corporations delivering the munitions to the Pentagon. One
90% of its missiles come from two companies. They don't name the companies, but the two largest are
RTX, Orathion, and Lockheed Martin. And what you saw in these companies, which are publicly traded,
they've got to meet the needs of Wall Street, they've got to do their quarterly earnings,
those companies are caught in a cycle of sort of quarter-to-quarter Wall Street incentives
of delivering steady contracts and profits to their shareholders. And so it's not like these
companies can go out and expand production, for example, without a years-long contract in place.
And, you know, one of the people I interviewed for the story was an army colonel who worked for
the staff of the Joint Chiefs Office. And the Joint Chiefs Office in 2024 was looking at this
emergency.
Of a shortage of munitions. And what this young Colonel Sandra Thomas encountered was an industry
that was, I just have to say, kind of walking in place or locked in place. You know, the Pentagon
would come to these companies and say, hey, we need more missiles, we need them quickly. And the
companies would reply with, well, okay, show us the seven-year contract, pay up front, we'll start
expanding our assembly lines. But until that happens, we effectively can't do it.
So you saw a Pentagon and a set of contractors that were sort of locked in stasis for many years,
and the result was that we had this pretty stagnant production system for munitions.
Chris, what happens if we enter a big one by accident? That's kind of the biggest fear.
My model for kind of looking at this has kind of been the Russo-Japanese War,
kind of an extraordinary defeat that a Western imperialist power,
takes at the hands of seemingly like an inferior power, shocks the world. It doesn't
dramatically change the world order, but kind of sets the stage for what a lot of things are
going to look like in the First World War. And so, you know, it's one of these conflicts,
which is tremendously important, but yet has not, we have not yet gotten into a full-blown crisis.
I believe that is possible, considering much of what you have laid out. I'm sure you've
thought about it. What do you think? Well, I mean, first of all,
I think, you know, what I'm reporting now goes all the way back to 1932 and the U.S. effort to build up
its sort of arsenal of democracy, if you will. And the thing you notice, these crises are never
anticipated. Pearl Harbor, September 11th, the outbreak of World War I, they tend to come
unexpected. And it's shocking to talk to people in the public eye, and they're like, well,
you know, we're going to have to do this. We're going to have to do this. And so, you know, I think it's important to talk about the fact that we have a lot of people in the Pentagon at the higher mid-levels and down, who feel that we are tremendously underprepared for that. I mean, at this moment, at this very moment, we have a lot of people who are
moment, the United States, the Pentagon, the State Department are kind of operating a triage
of providing the missiles that are being asked for by our allies in Europe and the Gulf,
let alone our own forces around the world. And I really, I can't help but think about this issue
in terms of like a bank account. We had a limited savings account of munitions in 2024.
We have spent down that savings account to a very low level. And where it leaves us now
is that God forbid, truly, if there was another major conflict that just came out of the blue,
there's no question at all that we do not have either the stockpile of munitions
to engage in a war like that quickly. And we do not have the kind of defense industrial base that
we had in the 1940s. That famously, you know, helped us win World War II. And I would like to point out that in 1941,
the United States was the global equivalent of China. We were the world's manufacturing powerhouse.
And the U.S. government essentially co-opted that entire manufacturing system to make
airplanes, tanks, rifles, and bullets. Now we're in a very, very different position
where the Pentagon is trying to spend billions of dollars to stand up more assembly lines
and subcontractors at a very slow pace. And we're in a very, very different position where the Pentagon is trying to spend billions of dollars to stand up more assembly lines and subcontractors at a very slow pace.
And you've just got to say that that deep bench of production is not there right now.
And don't take it from me. I'm saying there are people in the Pentagon extremely worried about the fragility of the system.
You know, there's that famous CSIS report by Seth Jones, I believe, that came out in 2024 that said,
we'd run out of mid-range missiles in a war in the Taiwan Strait. We'd run out in a couple of weeks.
This is reality. And it's a stark reality.
And setting aside a future major conflict, I'm curious about the particular conflict that we're in now and what capacity remains.
I was speaking with some service members recently for a separate article that I'm writing,
and some described being on the base in Jordan that was hit on July 14th and saying that, you know,
they're always told that they have five minutes from the time that they hear the siren.
You know, hopefully the missiles, you know, take it out of the sky, but you have at least five minutes is the expectation.
This time they ran to their bunkers, and within three minutes and 30 seconds, they had been hit.
One of the bunkers, the door was blown off it. Fireball comes inside the bunker.
The explanation that went around the base, they said, was one of the Patriot batteries was going through a software,
another one. There was a part missing that hadn't arrived yet.
And they said that they were told basically everything missed.
And that's with our current capacity. So what capacity remains?
Why don't they have their five minutes anymore?
And how many more rounds of tit for tat can the U.S. go with Iran before Iran is left with 1,000, 2,000, 3,000?
And the U.S. and Israel are left with, and we can actually put the third element up on the screen here, F3,
where the U.S. and Israel left with very few.
This was months ago. Maz and I reported over at DropSight that Israel's own interceptor capacity had dwindled to double digits,
according to a Trump administration official with access to that data.
So what do we have left for this particular war?
Great question. And by the way, I'm extremely. I'm extremely glad you're reporting on that.
I really don't think the American people have yet gotten a clear picture of the intense damage done to U.S. bases in the region.
You know, places I toured in the United Arab Emirates over a year and a half ago are gone now.
And a friend of mine who was there said that Iran was very, very precise in targeting U.S. facilities
and avoiding UAE facilities.
The damage has been enormous.
So, I mean, what's our capacity to even protect our troops and our bases at this very moment?
You know, the United States doesn't release the number of stockpiles of missiles it has, citing national security.
It doesn't release the numbers.
But, you know, groups like CSIS have done a fantastic job.
You can actually look through the acquisition documents and kind of get a rough number.
And they estimate we have about 230 THAAD interceptors.
And right today, at this moment, you know, there are similar numbers for the Patriot interceptor, which you've mentioned,
which I need to point out that the THAAD is what you use for the big stuff very high up in the atmosphere.
The THAAD takes out the big ballistic missiles.
The Patriot works lower down.
And you kind of rely on that to take out missiles that the THAAD might miss or rockets.
The Patriot supply is terribly diminished.
We have been shooting off Patriots.
It's to the tune of over 1,000 or 1,500, depending on the best estimates.
To me, there's this sort of iron and unavoidable fact.
Iran can essentially hit almost anything it wants to hit right now.
It's not invulnerable, of course.
And we do have defenses.
But the very fact that the war stopped in June with the memo of understanding reflects the fact
that, actually, it's not invulnerable.
At that time in June, Iran had the capability to strike essentially anywhere in the Gulf that it chose.
And we did not have the capacity to defend our bases or our allies.
You know, one anecdote that did not make it into the story had to do with the Iranian missile strikes
in the Israeli towns of Arad and Damona.
There's evidence that at that time, the Israelis in the United States were essentially triaging their interceptors.
They were trying to use the cheapest possible interceptor.
They could to get incoming missiles because they had to save what they had at the time.
Those are very difficult decisions to make when you have a matter of seconds.
The reality is, at this point, we do not have the stockpile to defend the bases or the allies.
If we did, I don't think the war in Iran would have stopped.
I don't think the U.S. attacks would have stopped.
And as you know from all the people you've interviewed, Iran still holds kind of a sword over our policy
in the sense that we know.
That if the United States attacks them heavily, going after civilian infrastructure as Trump has threatened,
Iran can respond in kind.
So while we don't know the exact number of missiles sitting in the stockpile right now,
the evidence seems totally clear that it's not sufficient to defend U.S. bases.
It's not sufficient to defend U.S. allies in the region.
And that leaves Iran with the capability to drive the kind of hard bargains it's driving right now.
Yeah.
Really well said, Chris.
We're so excited for your book.
We're going to have you definitely on the show to promote it when it does come out.
But in the interim, I hope you stop by any time we have questions around this.
Such an excellently reported piece.
We'll have a link down in our description.
Thank you for joining us.
Hey, thanks for the time.
Thank you guys so much for watching.
Appreciate it.
We will see you all or Friday show for everybody tomorrow.
See you all then.
Hey, everybody.
It's me, W.
This season on my podcast, who's with me.
I speak with Bruce Lee's daughter, Brandon Lee's sister, and my friend, Shannon Lee.
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You broke me.
I'm Andrea Gunning.
On this season of Betrayal, Carl thought he was living a normal, drama-free life until the messages started.
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If anyone wanted to commit a murder, up here would be the greatest place in the world to hide the body.
But no one will find it.
He acted friendly.
He talked friendly.
He sounded friendly.
They all knew that I did the scary boogie stuff.
And they said, maybe she'll find out where this girl is.
I saw him violent, backhanded, pow.
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Podcast Summary
Key Points:
Representative Ro Khanna introduces legislation to ban recursive self-improving AI and establish independent regulatory bodies to ensure AI safety.
Critics argue that current AI risks—such as misuse in cyberattacks or bioweapons—are already present and require urgent oversight, not just theoretical warnings.
The conversation highlights skepticism toward tech elites self-regulating AI, emphasizing the need for independent experts and transparent safety standards.
A major concern is the fragility of the U.S. defense industrial base, with decades of slow procurement and reliance on few suppliers leading to critical shortages of missiles and interceptors.
Real-time military incidents, like attacks on U.S. bases in the Gulf, demonstrate that current defense systems are severely under-resourced and ineffective.
The podcast raises ethical concerns about AI values, suggesting that AI tools should be designed with human safety as a core principle, not profit or neutrality.
Critics challenge Bill Gates’ AI safety claims, arguing they lack practical enforcement and align with a broader pattern of elite self-interest.
The discussion underscores that democratic oversight and independent regulation are essential to prevent catastrophic outcomes from unchecked AI or military technology.
Summary:
The podcast features a diverse range of discussions on pressing societal issues, from AI safety and military preparedness to corporate accountability and political ethics. Representative Ro Khanna advocates for banning recursive self-improving AI and establishing independent regulatory bodies to prevent AI from surpassing human control, emphasizing that current systems lack sufficient safeguards. Critics argue that the risks of AI misuse—such as in bioweapons or cyberattacks—are already active and demand immediate action, not just theoretical caution.
S. defense industrial base, citing a lack of stockpiles and outdated procurement systems that have failed to adapt to modern warfare. S.
bases in the Gulf, illustrate that current defense systems are insufficient, leaving allies vulnerable. The discussion questions the credibility of tech elites like Bill Gates promoting AI safety, suggesting their positions serve self-interest rather than genuine public safety. Additionally, ethical concerns about AI values and job displacement are raised, with calls for transparent, human-centered design.
The overarching message is that without robust, independent regulation and systemic reform, both AI and military technologies pose existential risks to society. These issues are interwoven with broader themes of accountability, democratic oversight, and the need for urgent, bipartisan action.
FAQs
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You can listen to The Devil's Quarry Season 2 on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Representative Ro Khanna is concerned about AI systems that can recursively self-improve, as they could lead to loss of human control. He advocates for banning such AI and establishing independent oversight and safety regulations.
He believes an independent AI safety agency, staffed by experts who aren't profit-driven, is necessary to ensure transparency, prevent misuse, and regulate AI development to protect public safety.
The podcast highlights concerns that AI is being used to inflate medical billing by identifying additional, legitimate codes to justify higher reimbursements, which undermines healthcare cost control and access.
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